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Journal articles on the topic 'Bengal Provincial Muslim League'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Laskar, Dr Fakrul Islam. "Impact of Line System on Assam Politics during the Late Colonial Period." Think India 22, no. 3 (2019): 102–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.26643/think-india.v22i3.8082.

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The execution of the Line System in Assam in order to restrict the settlements of immigrant from Bengal was one of the important issues that influenced the Assam politics, most particularly the Muslim politics, during the late colonial period. It was first implemented in 1920 in Nowgong district and also in the Barpeta sub-division of Kamrup district. The Bengali speaking immigrants, mostly peasants, resisted against the Line System designed by the district administration and in that they got the support of the Assam Provincial Muslim League. The provincial league under the leadership of Maula

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2

AIYAR, SANA. "Fazlul Huq, Region and Religion in Bengal: The Forgotten Alternative of 1940–43." Modern Asian Studies 42, no. 6 (2008): 1213–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x07003022.

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AbstractIn the wake of the Government of India Act of 1935, provincial politics emerged as a challenge to the authority and legitimacy of all-India, centralised political parties. While the Congress and the Muslim League set up a binary opposition between secular and religious nationalism, provincial politicians refused to succumb to the singularity of either alternative. Partition historiography has been concerned with the interplay of national and communal ideologies in the 1940s, overshadowing this third trajectory of regional politics that was informed by provincial particularities. This a

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3

Baxter, Craig, and Harun-or-Rashid. "The Foreshadowing of Bangladesh: Bengal Muslim League and Muslim Politics, 1936-1947." Pacific Affairs 63, no. 3 (1990): 408. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2759548.

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4

Malik, Muhammad Shoaib, Shahzad Qaisar, and Riffat Haque. "Role of the Central Committee of Action in Organization of the Provincial Muslim Leagues." Global Political Review VI, no. II (2021): 17–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(vi-ii).03.

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All India Muslim League lost 1936 elections which propelled Jinnah to re-organize the party on modern grounds. But the re-organization was not that much efficacious due to the absence of effective checks and balances overworking of provincial branches. Initial endeavors to keep check overworking and organization of the provincial Leagues were short successes on the part of the Central League. The working of the Central Civil Defence Committee accentuated the need for a separate body for such tasks. Jinnah brought his idea to life in 1944 by establishing the Central Committee of Action. This wa

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5

Talbot, Ian. "Planning for Pakistan: The Planning Committee of the All-India Muslism League 1943–46." Modern Asian Studies 28, no. 4 (1994): 875–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00012567.

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Most studies have concentrated on the Muslim League's political activities and objectives. It is generally believed that it lacked a distinctive economic programme and unequivocally favoured private enterprise. The radical economic ideas produced by its Punjab and Bengal branches are attributed to a handful of activists who received short shrift from the High Command. The League's stance is thus contrasted with the Congress which addressed economic issues from a largely Socialist perpective.

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6

Copland, Ian. "The Master and the Maharajas: The Sikh Princes and the East Punjab Massacres of 1947." Modern Asian Studies 36, no. 3 (2002): 657–704. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x02003050.

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EventDuring the spring, summer and autumn of 1947 India's richest province, the Punjab, played host to a massive human catastrophe. The trigger for the catastrophe was Britain's parting gift to its Indian subjects of partition. Confronted by a seemingly intractable demand by the All-India Muslim League for a separate Muslim homeland—Pakistan—a campaign which since 1946 had turned increasingly violent, the British government early in 1947 accepted viceroy Lord Mountbatten's advice that partition was necessary to arrest the country's descent into civil war. ‘Mahatma’ Gandhi notably excepted, the

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7

DUBEY, ISHA. "Between ‘Everyday’ and ‘Extraordinary’: Partition, violence and the communal riots of 1946 in Bihar." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 30, no. 2 (2019): 283–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186319000488.

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AbstractThe year 1937 saw the establishment of Congress Ministries in eight of the eleven provinces in which the provincial elections had been held, Bihar being one of them. The resounding victory of the Congress which secured a clear majority in the province of Bihar and the dismal performance of the Muslim League seemed at the time to depict the mood of the people in general. It was taken as a clear rejection of the politics of communalism and separatism and as an expression of faith in the secular credentials of the Indian National Congress. However, less than a decade later, the province w

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8

Rey-Schirr, Catherine. "The ICRC's activities on the Indian subcontinent following partition (1947–1949)." International Review of the Red Cross 38, no. 323 (1998): 267–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400091026.

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In 1945, at the end of the Second World War, the British government clearly stated its intention of granting independence to India.The conflict between the British and the Indian nationalists receded into the background, while the increasing antagonism between Hindus and Muslims came to the fore. The Hindus, centred round the Congress Party led by Jawaharlal Nehru, wanted to maintain the unity of India by establishing a government made up of representatives of the two communities. The Muslims, under the banner of the Muslim League and its President, Mohammed Ali Jinnah, demanded the creation o

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9

SARKAR, ABHIJIT. "Fed by Famine: The Hindu Mahasabha's politics of religion, caste, and relief in response to the Great Bengal Famine, 1943–1944." Modern Asian Studies 54, no. 6 (2020): 2022–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x19000192.

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AbstractThis article demonstrates how the Great Bengal Famine of 1943–1944 and relief activism during it fed the politics of the Hindu right, a development that has not previously received much scholarly attention. Using hitherto unused primary sources, the article introduces a novel site to the study of communal politics, namely, the propagation of Hindu communalism through food distribution during a humanitarian crisis. It examines the caste and class bias in private relief and provides the first in-depth study of the multifaceted process whereby the Hindu Mahasabha used the famine for polit

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10

Chander, Sunil. "Congress—Raj Conflict and the Rise of the Muslim League in the Ministry Period, 1937–39." Modern Asian Studies 21, no. 2 (1987): 303–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00013822.

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The Government of India Act of 1935 was a constitutional device meant to extend the Raj's political alliances in Indian society. The Congress Party, on the other hand, construed the Act as a new challenge to the demand for independence. The authorities discovered that the Congress ministers’ primary loyalties lay with the imperatives of the party and not with the constitutional arrangement. Concern on this account was heightened by the resurgence of ground-level Congress activism. The Congress strengthened and expanded its volunteer organization while it governed the provinces. If the formal p

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11

Ahmed, Rafiuddin. "The Foreshadowing of Bangladesh: Bengal Muslim League and Muslim Politics, 1936–1947. By Harun-Or-Rashid. Dhaka: Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, 1987. viii, 366 pp. $15.00." Journal of Asian Studies 48, no. 3 (1989): 664–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2058709.

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12

KHUHRO, HAMIDA. "Masjid Manzilgah, 1939-40. Test Case for Hindu-Muslim Relations in Sind." Modern Asian Studies 32, no. 1 (1998): 49–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x98002613.

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Masjid Manzilgah forms a chapter in a biography of Mohammed Ayub Khuhro on which the author is currently working. Khuhro (1901-80) was an important politician of Sind whose political career spanned over fifty years from 1921 to the end of the ‘seventies. He was a member of the Bombay Legislative Council from 1923 till the severance of the connection between Bombay and Sind in 1935 when the latter province attained autonomy under the Government of India Act of 1935. He was in the forefront of the political struggle for the ‘separation’ of Sind and after 1936 became a front-ranking Muslim League

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13

Malik, Urba. "Book Review: Sho Kuwajima, Muslims, Nation and the World: Life and Thought of Abul Hashim, Leader of the Bengal Muslim League." Social Change 45, no. 4 (2015): 623–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0049085715602793.

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14

Ali, Wajid, Adil khan, and Manzoor Hussain Shah. "HYBRID REGIME AS BARRIER FOR DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION IN PAKISTAN (2008-2015)." Gomal University Journal of Research 37, no. 02 (2021): 223–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.51380/gujr-37-02-09.

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This study argues that hybrid regime in Pakistan (2008-2015) with changing exercise has decreased norms of democratic consolidation. Some extensive gains are made in Pakistan during this era 2008-2015 in terms of democratic norms like constitutional amendments and provincial autonomy. Important unique gain is completion of one term as civilian government of Pakistan People’s Party 2008-2013 and the second civilian government of Pakistan Muslim League (N) 2013-2018. Both the civilian regimes have worked as democratic government, but somehow autocratic trend in decision making approach was obser

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15

Malik, Rizwan. "The ‘Ulama and the Religio-Political Developments in Modern India." American Journal of Islam and Society 5, no. 2 (1988): 247–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v5i2.2715.

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This paper is not an exercise in or a contribution to the ongoing debatein the Muslim world about the nature of the relationship between Islamicprinciples and Western statecraft, or the inseparability of spiritual and profanein a Muslim state. While all these issues are in one way or another relevantto the subject under discussion here, they do not form its core. This paperhas two major objectives. The first is to attempt to analyze how the ’ulamaviewed political developments in the late 19th and early 20th century in India.The second, equally important but only indirectly touched on in this p

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16

Baxter, Craig. "Provincial Politics and the Pakistan Movement: The Growth of the Muslim League in North-West and North-East India, 1937–47. By Ian Talbot. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1988. xviii, 155 pp. $17.95. - Punjab and the Raj, 1849–1947. By Ian Talbot. Riverdale, Maryland: Riverdale, 1988. viii, 258 pp. $34.00." Journal of Asian Studies 49, no. 4 (1990): 982–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2058320.

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17

Ansari, Sarah. "Provincial Politics and the Pakistan Movement: The Growth of the Muslim League in North-West and North-East India 1937–47. By Ian Talbot. Oxford University Press: Karachi, 1988. Pp. xviii, 155. - Punjab and the Raj 1849–1947. By Ian Talbot. Manohar Publications: New Delhi, 1988. Pp. viii, 258. - Empire and Islam: Punjab and the Making of Pakistan. By David Gilmartin. University of California Press: Berkeley, 1988. PP. xii, 258." Modern Asian Studies 24, no. 4 (1990): 819–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00010593.

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18

Chowdhury, Fouzia Sultana. "Muslim League Leader Khwaja Nazim Uddin and 1937 Election Tragedy in the Bengal Province of British India." Asian Journal of Humanities and Social Studies 8, no. 4 (2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.24203/ajhss.v8i4.6272.

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The paper focuses on the muslim political leaders’ activities, nature, ideology and legitimacy in the period of 1935 to 1937 and 1937 election in the Bengal province of British India. Khwaza Nazim Uddin and other Political Leader played significant roles in the socio-economic and political development of Bengal. However, Muslim Political leaders were competing with one another to obtain more power in Bengal politics. In particular, Khwaja Nazim Uddin was a popular leader in Bengal but defeated in the election in 1937. Thus, this paper explores Khwaja Nazim Uddin’s political career, ideology an

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19

KOUL, ASHISH. "Whom can a Muslim Woman Represent? Begum Jahanara Shah Nawaz and the politics of party building in late colonial India." Modern Asian Studies, March 29, 2021, 1–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x20000578.

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Abstract This article argues that gendered ideas about political representation were pivotal to the All-India Muslim League's new self-imagination as the exclusive representative of Indian Muslims after the Pakistan Resolution of March 1940. I offer a gendered reading of League politics during the crucial decade of the 1940s by examining the historical implications of Begum Jahanara Shah Nawaz's expulsion from the party in 1941 for accepting a post on the National Defense Council. When she claimed that she was appointed to the Council as a representative of all Indian women and Punjab, the Lea

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20

"Provincial politics and the Pakistan movement: the growth of the Muslim League in North-West and North-East India, 1937-47." Choice Reviews Online 27, no. 06 (1990): 27–3428. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.27-3428.

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21

Ghatak, Seema. "WOMEN AND SOCIAL MOVEMENT IN INDIA: HISTORICAL AND CONTEMPORARY DIMENSION." Volume-1: Issue-1 (November, 2018) 1, no. 1 (2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.36099/ajahss.1.1.6.

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Indian society represented a conflicting position of women vacillating between extremes of patriarchy and matriarchy. In this Indian society, the coming of British rule again led to usage of the women question which figured prominently in their colonial discourses. The colonized society was considered to be “effeminate” in character, as opposed to “colonial masculinity” which was held to be a justification for its loss of independence. The journey of confluence and conflict of gender and colonialism in India was multidimensional and multilayered. Indian women congested for their legitimate spa

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