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1

Rosen, Norma. "Benin: An African Kingdom." African Arts 30, no. 4 (1997): 82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3337559.

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2

Nevadomsky, Joseph, John Peffer-Engels, and Chukwuma Azuonye. "Benin Kingdom of West Africa." African Arts 30, no. 4 (1997): 88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3337564.

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3

Ben-Amos, Paula. "Artistic Creativity in Benin Kingdom." African Arts 19, no. 3 (May 1986): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3336414.

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4

Osadolor, Osarhieme Benson, and Leo Enahoro Otoide. "The Benin Kingdom in British Imperial Historiography." History in Africa 35 (January 2008): 401–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.0.0014.

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The body of knowledge that constituted British imperial writing, and the expression that interacted with it were attempts to engage European readership on the imperial adventure in Africa in the age of the new imperialism. This study is an attempt to address the complex issues involved in the production of historical knowledge about precolonial Benin to justify British colonial rule. The argument advanced in this paper is that, since imperial discourse set out to deal with history in terms of civilization, British imperial writing was a struggle to articulate certain ideas about Benin into a position of dominance before the British public. As Mary Louise Pratt explains, “depicting the civilizing mission as an aesthetic project is a strategy the west has often used for defining others as available for and in need of its benign and beautifying intervention.” British imperial discourse will form the basis of the discussion in this paper.Imperial discourse and its subjectivity raises questions about issues of power and privilege of those writers who were determined to sustain their voices in the debate on European imperialism in Africa. Their approach to the constitution of knowledge about Benin was one of many ways that opened the frontiers of knowledge about African states and societies to redefine civilization, albeit for the purposes of understanding various meanings and implications in this intellectual assault. This provides a vital entry point for examining the European colonial approach to the construction of the image of Africa. The aim is to demonstrate how this process suggests a connection from imperial expansionism to forms of knowledge and expression that reaffirmed metropolitan authority in the context of colonial subjugation.
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5

Manning, Patrick. "Hegelian Dialectics in Benin Kingdom Historiography." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 20, no. 3 (1986): 431. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/484450.

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6

Ekeh, Peter P. "Contesting the History of Benin Kingdom." Research in African Literatures 31, no. 3 (September 2000): 147–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/ral.2000.31.3.147.

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7

Ekeh, Peter Palmer. "Contesting the History of Benin Kingdom." Research in African Literatures 31, no. 3 (2000): 147–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ral.2000.0081.

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8

Manning, Patrick. "Hegelian Dialectics in Benin Kingdom Historiography." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 20, no. 3 (January 1986): 431–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.1986.10804166.

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9

Eisenhofer, Stefan. "The Origins of the Benin Kingship in the Works of Jacob Egharevba." History in Africa 22 (January 1995): 141–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171912.

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The kingdom of Benin has the reputation of being one of the most important examples for a king-oriented state-formation in sub-Saharian Africa. In the past few decades much research has appeared on the early history of this kingdom, the origin of its kingship, and the time of the early Ogiso kings, who are considered by many historians as the autochthonous founders of Benin kingship around 900. These Ogiso rulers are assumed to have been replaced between the eleventh and thirteenth centuries by kings of the later Oba dynasty, which supposedly descends from the Yoruba town of Ife and which continues in office at the present.The abundance of literature on the early history of the Benin kingdom often hides the fact that, apart from sporadic—and for the most part isolated—reports from travelers, a few archeological accounts, and some vaguely dated objects from Benin, the reconstruction of the early history of Benin is based almost exclusively on the data of the Bini local historian Jacob Egharevba, who published prolifically on Benin history and culture from 1930 to 1970. The most famous of his works is the Short History of Benin—a small publication, where the author deals with the history of the kingdom from its origins until the twentieth century.
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10

Ben-Amos, Dan, and Heather Millar. "The Kingdom of Benin in West Africa." African Arts 30, no. 4 (1997): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3337548.

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11

Soppelsa, Robert T. "Two Relief Sculptures from the Kingdom of Benin." Bulletin of the Detroit Institute of Arts 70, no. 1-2 (March 1996): 44–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/dia41504920.

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12

BEN-AMOS GIRSHICK, PAULA, and JOHN THORNTON. "CIVIL WAR IN THE KINGDOM OF BENIN, 1689–1721: CONTINUITY OR POLITICAL CHANGE?" Journal of African History 42, no. 3 (December 2001): 353–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853701007915.

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Using a combination of oral tradition and written documents, the authors show that Benin’s civil war was a fundamental transformation of political structure, and not simply an isolated struggle. Before 1640, Benin was centrally governed by its king with the assistance of a royally appointed administration. Difficulties in succession, coupled with changing trading patterns, allowed the administration to gain some independence and then to challenge the kings, taking away some power. The civil war matched different levels of the administration and the kings against each other, and transformed Benin from a centrally governed to a more collectively governed kingdom.
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13

Ben-Amos, Paula Girshick. "A Note on a Lost Woodcarving Tradition from the Benin Kingdom." African Arts 24, no. 2 (April 1991): 76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3336855.

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14

Nevadomsky, Joseph. "The Identification of the “Bird of Prophecy” in Benin Kingdom Art." African Arts 53, no. 1 (January 2020): 76–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/afar_a_00516.

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15

Nevadomsky, Joseph, Natalie Lawson, and Ken Hazlett. "An Ethnographic and Space Syntax Analysis of Benin Kingdom Nobility Architecture." African Archaeological Review 31, no. 1 (March 2014): 59–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10437-014-9151-x.

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16

Bondarenko, Dmitri M., and Peter M. Roese. "Between the Ogiso and Oba Dynasties: An Interpretation of Interregnum in the Benin Kingdom." History in Africa 31 (2004): 103–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361541300003417.

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The evidence for the period separating the times of the two Benin dynasties, that of the ogiso and that of the oba, is extremely scanty and does not look very trustworthy. There are not even any direct indications as to the time when the events under consideration took place. However, an analysis of the Second dynasty's history allows to arrive at the conclusion that the events preceding its advent to power could date from the late twelth and early thirteenth centuries (Bondarenko 2001:160n64; 2003). There are no possibilities for giving a more concrete date, nor for the exact calculation of the respective periods' length. However, the scant information about it still permits an interpretation of the very events of that time (though it looks like none of the professional Benin students has ever attempted it). In fact, we have either to operate with the sources which are in our disposal, or abandon trying to reconstruct an important episode of the Benin kingdom's history and concede that we must categorically deny the very possibility of giving any credit to information provided mainly by oral tradition and ethnography.
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17

Nevadomsky, Joseph, and Ekhaguosa Aisien. "The Clothing of Political Identity: Costume and Scarification in the Benin Kingdom." African Arts 28, no. 1 (1995): 62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3337251.

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18

Boro, Alidou R. Ibourahima. "The United Kingdom Parents and Teachers Associations: A Lesson for Benin Parents Associations." Open Journal of Social Sciences 03, no. 10 (2015): 40–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/jss.2015.310006.

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19

Nevadomsky, Joseph. "Photographic Representations of the Oba in the Contemporary Art of the Benin Kingdom." Critical Interventions 9, no. 3 (September 2, 2015): 219–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19301944.2016.1159474.

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20

Freyer, Bryna M. "Royal Art of Benin from the Peris Collection: Treasures from an African Kingdom." African Arts 25, no. 3 (July 1992): 90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3337006.

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21

Eisenhofer, Stefan. "The Benin Kinglist/s: Some Questions of Chronology." History in Africa 24 (January 1997): 139–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172022.

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The chronology of the history of the Benin kingdom is seen by many historians as clarified in the main back to the thirteenth century and even earlier. Apart from the reports of European travelers and missionaries and some information given by merchants, this chronology is based mainly on the Benin kinglist for the periods before 1897. This list names 38 kings (obas) of Benin and covers past centuries with seemingly great accuracy (see table 1).In spite of the many names of former obas and the pretended accuracy of the list's time-frame, it would be problematic to take it as historically factual since it cannot be corroborated by any documentation before the mid-nineteenth century. The data concerning the period before this time are almost exclusively based on the writings of the Benin amateur historian Jacob Egharevba. In his work Egharevba reported on important events in the oral traditions of Benin and connected the reign of former kings with specific years. In doing so he forced his African oral material into a linear European time scheme and into the framework specified by European written sources.Unfortunately, very few historians have as yet critically analyzed the chronological data for Benin. This is surprising, since the great Benin researcher Bradbury noted some time ago that Egharevba's “chronological conclusions have been accepted too uncritically, especially for the period up to the first European contact” (Bradbury 1959:285f) and have been seen as historical facts without any further consideration ever since. Neither the question of so-called “genealogical parasitism,” nor any of the other fundamental problems which arise when studying kinglists have been addressed.
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22

Law, Robin. "Early European Sources Relating to the Kingdom of Ijebu (1500-1700): A Critical Survey." History in Africa 13 (1986): 245–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171544.

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The history of the Yoruba, as is well known, is very poorly documented from contemporary European sources prior to the nineteenth century, in comparison with their neighbors Benin to the east and the states of the ‘Slave Coast’ (Allada, Whydah, and Dahomey) to the west. There is, however, one Yoruba kingdom which features in contemporary European sources from quite early times, and for which at least intermittent documentation extends through the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. This is the kingdom of Ijebu in southern Yorubaland. The availability of contemporary European documentation for the early history of Ijebu is especially valuable since the historical traditions of Ijebu itself do not appear to be very rich.Such, at least, is the impression given by published accounts of Ijebu history: although a large number of kings of Ijebu are recalled, thereby suggesting for the kingdom a considerable antiquity, and though there is some recollection locally of early contacts with the Portuguese, it does not seem that Ijebu traditions record much in the way of a detailed narrative of the kingdom's early history. At the same time, the European sources referring to Ijebu present considerable problems of interpretation, particularly with regard to establishing how far successive references to the kingdom constitute new original information rather than merely copying a limited range of early sources, and consideration of them helps to illuminate the character of early European sources for west African history in general. For these reasons, it seems a useful exercise to pull together all the available early European source material relating to Ijebu down to the late seventeenth century.
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23

Webster, James B., and Onaiwu W. Ogbomo. "Chronological Problems in C.G. Okojie's Esan Narrative Traditions." History in Africa 24 (January 1997): 345–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172035.

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The Esan who presently inhabit four local government areas of Edo State, Nigeria, share an exclusive feeling of being one people. In language and custom they are akin to the Edo people of Benin. The name “Esan” is an Edo word meaning “jump” or “flee,” which explains the manner in which they departed the Benin kingdom. The Esan region is divided roughly into the plateau—about one-third the total area but containing three-fifths of the people—and the lowlands. The plateau chiefdoms, originally seven of them, have been classed as Esan ‘A’ and include Irrua, Ekpoma, Uromi, Ewu, Ubiaja, Udo, and Ugboha. The lowland chief doms, originally eight, are known as Esan ‘B’ and consist of Ewohimi (Orikhimi), Ohordua, Emu, Ebelle, Okalo, Amahor, Ezen, and Okaigun.According to Esan traditions all the ancestors of the people, royal and commoner alike, came from Benin, the first groups being escapees and pioneers, the royal groups coming into the region later, during the reign of Ewuare, ca. 1455-82. Closer interviewing of clans, neither royal nor holding titles, demonstrates that many do not hold to this popular tradition, claiming either to be indigenous or to have migrated from elsewhere. Even in the intelligence report on the Esan, a significant number of clans reported origins other than in Benin. It seems that Esan ‘A’ chiefdoms on the plateau were the earliest established, and paid tribute to Benin through the Onojie (chief) of Irrua, who was therefore roughly the paramount of the Esan province of Benin. As the chiefdoms grew in numbers and spread on to the lowlands, he remained their overlord or governor. However, by the early nineteenth century the Oba of Benin installed the chief of Ewohimi as paramount over the lowland or Esan ‘B’ chiefdoms. By the advent of the British in the 1890s the earliest fifteen chiefdoms had grown to thirty.
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24

Chebanenko, Sergey B. "Regarding the problem of restitution of African art pieces removed from Benin during the British military expedition of 1897: practice and legal aspects." Issues of Museology 11, no. 2 (2020): 319–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu27.2020.214.

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The question of the fate of the “Benin bronze” is part of a more general problem of the restitution of African art pieces exported from the continent, during the period of European colonial rule. The difference between the history of the looting of the monuments of the Benin Kingdom (the territory of modern Nigeria) by British troops from many other examples of the removal of original African heritage, is in the fact, that in this case there was a robbery committed as a result of a military conflict, both sides of which were politically independent. The political independence of each party, strictly speaking, does not allow for the situation to be considered in the system of relations “metropolis — colony”. Modern owners of Benin monuments, spread across a number of museums and other collections in the world, recognize the injustice of their acquisitions, but they do not always recognize the possibility and necessity of restitution of these artifacts. This is facilitated by the complexity of the history of objects after their exportation from Africa and the absence of, in most cases, legal grounds for their direct return. Recently, the situation has changed significantly, making it possible to transfer a vast portion of art pieces, originating from Benin, on the basis of not so much the letter of the law, but on the desire to restore justice.
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25

Usuanlele, Uyilawa, and Toyin Falola. "The Scholarship of Jacob Egharevba of Benin." History in Africa 21 (1994): 303–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171890.

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Uwadiae Jacob Egharevba was born in 1893 to a descendant of Ohenmwen, the Iyase of Benin Kingdom during the reign of Osemwende, ca. 1816 to ca. 1848, and Okunzuwa, a granddaughter of an Ibadan chief. Jacob's parents were long-distance traders, and he claimed to have traveled with them in the Benin and Yoruba regions until his father's death in 1902. The brief sojourn in the Yoruba country afforded him the opportunity of attending school for a year in 1899, at a time when there was no such facility in Benin because of the reluctance of the traditional elite to send their children to school. Jacob was impressed by the written word and became interested in education, although it was not until 1911 that he returned to school at Akure. He demonstrated brilliance, although his education here was terminated by relocation. On his return to Benin in 1914, he became a domestic help to Black Shaw, a senior European staff of the Public Works Department, while at the same time enrolling at St. Matthews C.M.S. school. In 1915 he converted to Christianity and, with the encouragement of Shaw and others, he was able to complete his primary education in 1916.Between 1916 and 1921, he worked in lowly paid jobs in Warri, Port Harcourt, and Okigwe. His failure to secure any lucrative government position pushed him to trading. His writing career began in 1921 when he drafted his now famous classic, Ekhere Vb'Itan Edo. Ironically, it was this successful book that exposed his writing inadequacies. To improve his skills, he enrolled in 1926 in a five-year correspondence course with the Institute of Rationalistic Press in London. In 1933 the C.M.S. published the Ekhere Vb'Itan, which attained an instant success. It was reprinted the following year and translated as A Short History of Benin.
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26

LOVEJOY, HENRY B., and OLATUNJI OJO. "‘LUCUMÍ’, ‘TERRANOVA’, AND THE ORIGINS OF THE YORUBA NATION." Journal of African History 56, no. 3 (October 1, 2015): 353–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853715000328.

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AbstractThe etymology of ‘Lucumí’ and ‘Terranova’, ethnonyms used to describe Yoruba-speaking people during the Atlantic slave trade, helps to reconceptualize the origins of a Yoruba nation. While there is general agreement that ‘Lucumí’ refers to the Yoruba in diaspora, the origin of the term remains unclear. We argue ‘Lucumí’ was first used in the Benin kingdom as early as the fifteenth century, as revealed through the presence of Olukumi communities involved in chalk production. The Benin and Portuguese slave trade extended the use of ‘Lucumí’ to the Americas. As this trade deteriorated by 1550, ‘Terranova’ referred to slaves captured west of Benin's area of influence, hence ‘new land’. By the eighteenth century, ‘Nagô’ had replaced ‘Lucumí’, while the ‘Slave Coast’ had substituted ‘Terranova’ as terms of reference. This etymology confirms the collective identification of ‘Yoruba’ and helps trace the evolution of a transnational identity.
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27

Lovejoy, Henry B. "Mapping Uncertainty." Journal of Global Slavery 4, no. 2 (June 6, 2019): 127–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405836x-00402002.

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Abstract This historical GIS experiment attempts to map the collapse of the kingdom of Oyo alongside the departure of slave ships from the Bight of Benin. The achievements and drawbacks of mapping Africa’s pre-colonial past require an overview of the sources and methods used to illustrate the dissolution and formation of inland places during an intense period of intra-African conflict. By collating geopolitical data, it is possible to represent on annual maps the likely origins and migrations of diverse groups of enslaved people who were involved in the warfare in the Bight of Benin hinterland between 1816 and 1836. During this period, an unknown number of captives were enslaved and forced into an internal slave trade, most especially into the Sokoto Caliphate, while over 75,000 individuals involuntarily boarded European slave ships leaving for Brazil, Cuba and, due to British abolition efforts, Sierra Leone.
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28

Odiahi, Ese Vivian. "The Origin and Development of the Guild of Bronze Casters of Benin Kingdom up to 1914." AFRREV IJAH: An International Journal of Arts and Humanities 6, no. 1 (February 28, 2017): 176. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ijah.v6i1.15.

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29

Bondarenko, Dmitri M. "Advent of the Second (Oba) Dynasty: Another Assessment of a Benin History Key Point." History in Africa 30 (2003): 63–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361541300003144.

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There is no other theme in precolonial Benin Kingdom studies around which so many lances have been broken as that of consolidation of the present-day Second (Oba) dynasty and the person of its founder Oranmiyan (Oranyan in Yoruba). The main reason for this is the existence of considerable disagreements between numerous Bini and Yoruba versions of the oral historical tradition. Besides this, the story of Oranmiyan is one of the Bini and Yoruba oral history pages most tightly connected with mythology. This fact becomes especially important if one takes into account that the oral tradition is no doubt the main (though not the only) source on the consolidation of the Oba Dynasty in Benin. The key point on which different Bini and Yoruba traditions openly contradict each other, and which scholars debate, is the origin of the Dynasty. Who initiated its founding: Bini or Yoruba? Was it a request or a conquest? Are the characters of the oral tradition relations historical figures? Finally, what were historical, sociocultural, and political circumstances of the Oba accession?If one disengages from details, three groups of traditional versions that describe the origin and life of Oranmiyan (including its period connected with Benin) can be distinguished. These groups may be designated as the Yoruba one, the Benin “official” (i.e., traditionally recognized by Oba themselves and most widely spread among common Bini) and Benin “apocryphal” traditions. In the meantime it should be borne in mind that Bini and Yoruba native gatherers and publishers of the oral historical tradition could influence each other. For example, the Yoruba Johnson could influence the Bini Egharevba, while the latter in his turn could influence another Yoruba, Fabunmi, and so on.
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30

Musa, Rasheed Abiodun. "The theatre of Ovonramwen." Babel. Revue internationale de la traduction / International Journal of Translation 52, no. 2 (November 17, 2006): 153–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/babel.52.2.04mus.

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Abstract The Ovonramwen theatre is a paradigm that necessarily celebrates various theatrical performances and play-texts that reflect on the life and time of Oba Ovonramwen, the former King of the Benin Kingdom, Nigeria. Using the deductive methodology, this paper reflects on the politics of historical reconstruction in the Nigerian theatre and importantly evaluates various play-texts written about Ovonramwen by Nigerian playwrights. We conclude that the international theatre market will benefit from the Ovonramwen theatre and sincerely call on the British Government to tell us their own account about the subjugation of the people of Benin and the deposition of the god-king (Ovonramwen) through the famous revenge mission in 1897. Theatricalising these events through a play-text by a British writer or commissioned by the British Government will further help us to do more comparative study about Ovonramwen all in the Ovonramwen theatre. The ‘incisors’ must be separated from the ‘grinders’ if the truth must be known. Résumé Le théâtre d’Ovonramwen est un paradigme de performances théâtrales et des textes qui reflètent la vie du Roi Ovonramwen, l’un des anciens rois de Benin au Nigéria. A travers une méthodologie déductive, cet article traite de la politique de reconstruction historique du théâtre nigérian et évalue surtout les divers textes des pièces théâtrales écrits sur les dramaturges nigérians. Nous concluons que le marché international du théâtre va bénéficier de l’oeuvre théâtrale d’Ovonramwen et va en profiter pour demander au Gouvernement Britannique de donner sa version de la subjugation du Royaume du Benin et de la déposition du Roi-Dieu (Ovonramwen) à travers la fameuse mission de vengeance de 1897. En théâtralisant ces événements au moyen d’une pièce théâtrale d’un dramaturge britannique, approuvée par le Gouvernement Britannique, on arriverait mieux à procéder à une étude comparative sur Ovonramwen dans diverses oeuvres théâtrales. Les “incisives” doivent se séparer des “molaires” si la vérité doit se mettre à nue.
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31

Dottridge, Mike. "Between Theory and Reality: The challenge of distinguishing between trafficked children and independent child migrants." Anti-Trafficking Review, no. 16 (April 29, 2021): 11–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.14197/atr.201221162.

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The offence of child trafficking appears to have a clear definition in the UN Trafficking Protocol and in laws based on it. In practice, this is an illusion. This article reviews the experiences of three countries (Benin, the United Kingdom, and Vietnam), in two of which anti-trafficking laws and policies regard a broad swath of children who migrate to earn a living, without being subjected to coercion, as victims of trafficking. It questions whether the definitions in international law and in the laws of many countries of what constitutes the crime of trafficking committed against a child are appropriate to distinguish between adolescent migrants in general and those who are victims of crime (at the hands of a trafficker) in particular. It suggests that this is in part because there is no international understanding about the ages at which children habitually leave home to find work and what should be done to protect them when they do. It concludes that a possible result of considering a very broad range of children to be ‘trafficked’ is that measures to protect and assist those who suffer acute harm are inadequate.
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32

Fairweather-Tait, Susan, Cornelia Speich, Comlan Evariste S. Mitchikpè, and Jack R. Dainty. "Dietary Iron Bioavailability: A Simple Model That Can Be Used to Derive Country-Specific Values for Adult Men and Women." Food and Nutrition Bulletin 41, no. 1 (November 20, 2019): 121–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0379572119885482.

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Background: Reference intakes for iron are derived from physiological requirements, with an assumed value for dietary iron absorption. A new approach to estimate iron bioavailability, calculated from iron intake, status, and requirements was used to set European dietary reference values, but the values obtained cannot be used for low- and middle-income countries where diets are very different. Objective: We aimed to test the feasibility of using the model developed from United Kingdom and Irish data to derive a value for dietary iron bioavailability in an African country, using data collected from women of child-bearing age in Benin. We also compared the effect of using estimates of iron losses made in the 1960s with more recent data for whole body iron losses. Methods: Dietary iron intake and serum ferritin (SF), together with physiological requirements of iron, were entered into the predictive model to estimate percentage iron absorption from the diet at different levels of iron status. Results: The results obtained from the 2 different methods for calculating physiological iron requirements were similar, except at low SF concentrations. At a SF value of 30 µg/L predicted iron absorption from the African maize-based diet was 6%, compared with 18% from a Western diet, and it remained low until the SF fell below 25 µg/L. Conclusions: We used the model to estimate percentage dietary iron absorption in 30 Beninese women. The predicted values agreed with results from earlier single meal isotope studies; therefore, we conclude that the model has potential for estimating dietary iron bioavailability in men and nonpregnant women consuming different diets in other countries.
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33

Brown, Kris. "How Acts Means." Horizons in Biblical Theology 38, no. 1 (April 19, 2016): 74–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712207-12341316.

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In his gospel, Luke is caught up in the power of metaphor, in Jesus’ assertions that the kingdom of heaven is here. In Acts, on the other side of Jesus’ ascension, Luke is left with here where the kingdom of heaven just was. If the miracles of Acts suggests that the kingdom of heaven keeps popping out again, what Luke narrates in Acts is his discovery/rediscovery of this kingdom, outside of metaphor, fact by fact. Acts makes meaning for us as we begin to see how we might connect what is right in front of us to the kingdom of God.
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34

Dewantara, Agustinus Wisnu. "MEMPROMOSIKAN PERUMPAMAAN DALAM MENGAJAR AGAMA KATOLIK." JPAK: Jurnal Pendidikan Agama Katolik 4, no. 2 (November 12, 2018): 352–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.34150/jpak.v4i2.110.

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Jesús preached the kingdom of God. Many of his parables begin: The kingdom of God is like….” But what exactly is the kingdom of God? Parables are enigmatic stories. Metaphorically they are set beside the idea of a kingdom of God, but idea the idea of kingdom is itself mysterious. Everyone who hangs around churches has heard of the parables of Jesus. They are familiar. They have been allegorized, psychologized, and sometimes reduced to pointed “lessons” on moral behavior. But mysteriously, after twenty centuries they still generate retelling and still are puzzling. Maybe the today teacher who preach must be converted. The today teacher cannot preach about the kingdom of God as if it were something somewhere out in the world beyond us. Remember, the kingdom of God is a happening, and people live within its happening. Instead we (and many teacher today) must speak the kingdom of God (and also religion preaching) happening all around us.
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35

Balmer, Randall. "Apocalypticism in America: The Argot of Premillennialism in Popular Culture." Prospects 13 (October 1988): 417–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300005354.

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On the evening of good friday, 1878, Charles Taze Russell and a handful of followers, all clad in white robes, gathered at the Sixth Street Bridge in Pittsburgh to await the Millennial Dawn, which would provide their translation into heaven. His study of the Scriptures had convinced Russell, a haberdasher from Allegheny, Pennsylvania, that Christ had returned invisibly in 1874 and that now, three-and-a-half years later, the kingdom of God would begin, and the faithful would be summoned to heaven. Russell later denied the incident—Pittsburgh newspapers insisted otherwise-and revised his theology to accommodate this disappointment. The Kingdom of Jehovah, he said, would begin in 1914, whereupon God and Satan would rule the world jointly until the Battle of Armageddon vanquished the forces of evil and inaugurated a theocratic millennium.
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36

Balmer, Randall. "Apocalypticism in America: The Argot of Premillennialism in Popular Culture." Prospects 13 (October 1988): 417–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300006803.

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On the evening of good friday, 1878, Charles Taze Russell and a handful of followers, all clad in white robes, gathered at the Sixth Street Bridge in Pittsburgh to await the Millennial Dawn, which would provide their translation into heaven. His study of the Scriptures had convinced Russell, a haberdasher from Allegheny, Pennsylvania, that Christ had returned invisibly in 1874 and that now, three-and-a-half years later, the kingdom of God would begin, and the faithful would be summoned to heaven. Russell later denied the incident—Pittsburgh newspapers insisted otherwise-and revised his theology to accommodate this disappointment. The Kingdom of Jehovah, he said, would begin in 1914, whereupon God and Satan would rule the world jointly until the Battle of Armageddon vanquished the forces of evil and inaugurated a theocratic millennium.
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37

DRUMMOND, M. F., A. J. McGUIRE, N. A. BLACK, M. PETTICREW, and C. K. McPHERSON. "Economic Burden of Treated Benign Prostatic Hyperplasia in the United Kingdom." British Journal of Urology 71, no. 3 (March 1993): 290–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1464-410x.1993.tb15945.x.

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38

Norman, Paul. "Gateways, Portails and Zugänge: a Survey of some European National Legal Resources on the Internet." Legal Information Management 6, no. 1 (March 2006): 34–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1472669606000089.

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Although the United Kingdom has been a member of the European Union for three decades, there has so far been little reference to Continental law and legal systems in British law library literature. I hope that this article will help to begin filling that gap.
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39

Brinkman, Martien. "The Church as Sacrament of the Kingdom: A Reformed Commentary." Exchange 37, no. 4 (2008): 497–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157254308x340422.

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AbstractOne of the most promising aspects of the text of the third phase of the International Roman-Catholic-Reformed Dialogue might be the suggestion to reflect upon the idea of the church as 'sacrament of the kingdom' (no.231). In this contribution, I shall take up that suggestion and develop a fourfold approach of the sacraments in which the interconnectedness of church and kingdom plays a crucial role. I shall deal with the soteriological, the ecclesiological, the eschatological and the symbolic aspect respectively. Deliberately, I begin with the soteriological aspect because the first and main thing sacraments do is to point to our salvation. Salvation implies, however, a mediation of salvation and hence the ecclesiological aspect follows the soteriological aspect. The mediation of the church always points beyond itself to the kingdom of God. That is the eschatological aspect. And every reference to the eschaton always has the form of the symbol as the focal point of the 'already' and 'not yet' character of the kingdom of God. We label that as the symbolic aspect. My conclusion will be that the fruitfulness of the suggestion to speak about the church as 'sacrament of the kingdom' depends on the preparedness to reap the results of the ecumenical discussions since Vatican II.
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40

Brinkman, M. E. "The church as sacrament of the kingdom - A reformed commentary." Verbum et Ecclesia 29, no. 2 (November 17, 2008): 308–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v29i2.17.

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One of the most promising aspects of the text of the third phase of the International Roman-Catholic-Reformed Dialogue might be the suggestion to reflect upon the idea of the church as “sacrament of the kingdom”.In this contribution, written in honour of the ecclesiological work of Conrad Wethmar, I shall take up that suggestion and develop a fourfold approach of the sacraments in which the interconnectedness of church and kingdom plays a crucial role. I shall deal with the soteriological, the ecclesiological, the eschatological and the symbolic aspect respectively. Deliberately, I begin with the soteriological aspect because the first and main thing sacraments are doing, is pointing to our salvation. Salvation implies, however, a mediation of salvation and hence the ecclesiological aspect follows the soteriological aspect. The mediation of the church always points beyond itself to the kingdom of God. That is the eschatological aspect. And every reference to the eschaton always has the form of the symbol as the focal point of the “already” and “not yet” character of the kingdom of God. We label that as the symbolic aspect.My conclusion will be that the fruitfulness of the suggestion to speak about the church as “sacrament of the kingdom” depends on the preparedness to reap the results of the ecumenical discussions since Vatican II.
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41

Weale, Martin. "Commentary: the Banking Crisis and the Economy." National Institute Economic Review 204 (April 2008): 4–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00279501082040010401.

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The past few weeks have seen an intensification of the banking crisis in the United States, with the near failure of Bear Sterns, although some commentators hopefully say that the worst has now passed. In the United Kingdom the gap between the Bank Rate and money market rates has re-opened and is described as indicative of a reluctance of banks to lend to each other. In this commentary we seek to explain the fundamental factors behind recent developments in UK lending markets. We begin by describing the recent experience of the financial services industry in the United Kingdom and putting the crisis, which has been described as the worst since the Second World War, into some sort of perspective.
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42

Marino, Bruno, and Stefano Rombi. "Party Leadership Selection in the United Kingdom." Quaderni dell'Osservatorio elettorale. QOE - IJES 78, no. 2 (December 30, 2017): 69–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-8538.

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n the past few decades, British parties have undergone deep transformations, also concerning their leader selection rules. It could be interesting to directly tackle this area of intra-party changes, also given the increasing attention devoted to party leaders and to their mode of selection. This article will explore both the precise features of the changes in the rules governing the selection of party leaders (particularly focusing on the selectorate), and also the characteristics of most recent leadership races occurred in the most important parties in the United Kingdom. To begin with, the article will explore the expansions of the selectorate occurred between the mid-1960s and today, particularly analysing the implementation of OMOV (one-member one-vote) systems. Second, attention will be devoted to the precise features of the selection mechanisms, by applying the quadripartite scheme devised by Hazan and Rahat (the selectorate, the candidacy, the decentralization, and the voting system). Third, we will focus on the most recent leadership races that elected Jeremy Corbyn and Theresa May as leader of, respectively, the Labour and the Conservative Party. All in all, the article shows that British parties have surely undergone deep transformations concerning the rules for the selection of their leaders and the precise features of recent leadership races, but also that a full empowerment of party members has not been reached yet.
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43

Poole, Nick. "British librarianship in the time of Covid-19." Alexandria: The Journal of National and International Library and Information Issues 30, no. 2-3 (August 2020): 264–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0955749021989580.

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Covid-19 has impacted on every aspect of daily life across the United Kingdom. At once both a public health crisis and an ‘infodemic’ of misinformation, it has presented unique challenges for library and information services. Yet despite these challenges, the pandemic has also given our services a new-found relevance. Readership has increased dramatically. Librarians in health have turned their skills to the search for an effective vaccine. Our colleagues in schools, colleges and Universities have stepped up to help their institutions achieve a rapid ‘digital pivot’. In the private sector, librarians and information professionals have used their skills to help their companies go online and to ensure the continuity of their activities. It is not yet clear how the pandemic will change our habits, attitudes and behaviours in the long term. As we begin to look ahead to a future in which ‘digital’ has taken its place on equal terms with face-to-face services, the library and information sector is uniquely positioned to help our communities thrive in a post-pandemic era. In this article, Nick Poole, the Chief Executive of CILIP, the United Kingdom’s Library and Information Association, looks back at the last year for UK libraries and explores the challenges and opportunities ahead.
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44

Al-Qattan, Ahmed. "A Conservative Surgical Approach Towards Central Giant Cell Granuloma: A Case Report." Journal of the Bahrain Medical Society 30, no. 3 (December 31, 2018): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.26715/jbms.3_18112018.

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Central giant cell granuloma (CGCG) is an infrequent benign bony lesion of unpredictably aggressive behavior. The precise lesion character is debatable and remains inconclusive. However, three main theories were proposed: a sensitive lesion, a kind of neoplasm, or a developmental anomaly. This is a case presentation of a 16-year-old boy with a dental history of extraction of the lower right first molar, presented to hospital with two months history of swelling in the aforementioned area after the procedure. First biopsy of the swelling was performed outside the Kingdom of Bahrain. As per histopathological findings, the swelling was described as pyogenic granuloma. Second biopsy with necessary workup was conducted in the Kingdom of Bahrain and was confirmed as central giant cell granuloma through histopathological analysis; it was removed surgically.
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45

RAHMAT, SYAHRUL. "BUGIS DI KERAJAAN MELAYU: EKSISTENSI ORANG BUGIS DALAM PEMERINTAHAN KERAJAAN JOHOR-RIAU-LINGGA-PAHANG." PERADA 2, no. 1 (July 30, 2019): 35–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.35961/perada.v2i1.25.

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Kondisi geografis Semenanjung Melayu sebagai lalu lintas perdagangan kawasan Asia bagian Tenggara membuat daerah ini menjadi tujuan pelayaran dari berbagai etnis di Nusantara maupun dari belahan dunia lain, termasuk Orang Bugis yang berasal dari daratan Sulawesi bagian selatan. Dalam perkembangannya, selain untuk mencari penghidupan, lambat laun mereka mulai masuk ke dalam struktur pemerintahan Kerajaan Johor-Riau-Lingga-pahang. Kehadiran orang Bugis dalam struktur pemerintahan tersebut mengalami dinamika tersendiri terhadap kerajaan yang kelak berubah nama menjadi Kerajaan Riau Lingga. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian sejarah dengan fokus pada dinamika politik dan eksistensi orang Bugis dalam Kerajaan Melayu pada rentang abad ke-17 hingga 18. Selain merubah struktuur pemerintahan, posisi sebagai Yang Dipertuan Muda yang dijabat keturunan juga membawa perubahan terhadap perkembangan kerajaan tersebut. Sekalipun demikian, Yang Dipertuan Muda juga harus menghadapi konflik internal dalam kerajaan akibat dominasi mereka dalam usrusan pemerintahan. The geographical conditions of the Malay Peninsula as the trade traffic in the Southeast Asian region make this area a destination for shipping from various ethnic groups in the archipelago as well as from other parts of the world, including the Bugis people from the southern Sulawesi mainland. In its development, in addition to make a living, they gradually begin to join the government structure of the Johor-Riau-Lingga-Pahang Kingdom. Bugis existence in the government structure experiences its own dynamics towards the kingdom which later changes its name to the Kingdom of Riau Lingga. This research is a historical study with a focus on the political dynamics and the existence of Bugis in the Malay Kingdom in the 17th to 18th century. Besides changing the structure of government, the position as the Crown Prince, which was held by descendants also gives changes to the development of the kingdom. Even so, the Crown Prince must face internal conflicts in the kingdom due to their dominance in the government administration.
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46

Volhonskiy, M. A. "Conquest or voluntary annexation? The political process of incorporation of Kartli-Kakheti on Kingdom into the Russian Empire, 1796 – 1801." Journal of International Analytics, no. 4 (December 28, 2017): 72–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2017-0-4-72-84.

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The article highlights the political process of accession in 1801, KartliKakheti to the Russian Empire, which was the result of the development of RussianGeorgian relations in the second half of the XVIII century, the article shows that the military-political weakness of the Georgian Kingdom became the main reason for the failure of the prisoner in 1783 the Treaty of Georgievsk, according to which Russia took under its protectorate of Eastern Georgia. Awareness of this fact has forced both Georgian and Russian ruling upper classes to begin to seek new forms of allied relations. Ensuing after the death of king Irakli II between representatives of the Royal family fight for throne significantly weakened the Georgian Kingdom. In the face of external threats from Iran, the only way to keep Eastern Georgia from ruin was its accession to Russia.
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47

Johnston, M., T. Shah, A. Emara, T. Gehring, T. Farmer, T. G. Nedas, G. Rajkumar, et al. "Rezūm steam ablation therapy for benign prostatic hyperplasia: Initial results from the United Kingdom." European Urology Supplements 18, no. 1 (March 2019): e1489-e1490. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1569-9056(19)31071-1.

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48

Shaw, Ian, and Robert Jameson. "Amethyst Mining in the Eastern Desert: a Preliminary Survey at Wadi El-Hudi." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 79, no. 1 (October 1993): 81–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751339307900107.

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The most important of the archaeological remains at Wadi el-Hudi are a series of amethyst mines of the pharaonic period. Inscriptions associated with the site were published by Ahmed Fakhry in 1952, but the Middle Kingdom settlement and fortress adjacent to the mines were only briefly described. A preliminary survey of the site, undertaken in November 1992, has provided sufficient new data to allow the archaeological significance of the Wadi el-Hudi mining settlements to begin to be assessed.
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49

Somani, Bhaskar K., Amelia Pietropaolo, Primrose Coulter, and Julian Smith. "Delivery of urological services (telemedicine and urgent surgery) during COVID-19 lockdown: experience and lessons learnt from a university hospital in United Kingdom." Scottish Medical Journal 65, no. 4 (August 20, 2020): 109–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0036933020951932.

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Background and aims Our departmental planning for COVID-19 was actioned a week before the lockdown (13th March 2020). We look at a 7- week lockdown activity for all scheduled outpatient clinics and urgent procedures. Methods and results A total of 2361 outpatient clinic slots (52.6% oncology slots and 47.4% benign urology slots) were scheduled during this period. The oncology slots included 330 (26.5%) flexible cystoscopy, 555 (44.7%) prostate cancer and 357(28.8%) non-prostate cancer slots. The benign urology slots included 323 (28.8%) andrology, 193 (17.2%) stones and 603 (54%) lower urinary tract symptoms (LUTS) slots. Of the total oncology outpatient slots (n = 1242), 66.3% were virtual consultations, 20% were face-to-face and 13.6% were cancelled. Of the total benign outpatient slots (n = 1119), 81% were virtual consultations, 9.7% were face-to-face and 9.3% were cancelled. A total of 116 anaesthetic surgical procedures were carried out, of which 54 (46.5%) were oncological procedures, 18 (15.5%) were benign urological procedures, and 44 (38%) were diagnostic procedures. Conclusions Hospitals and urologists can benefit from the model used by our hospital to mitigate the impact and prioritise patients most in need of urgent care. Reorganisation and flexibility of healthcare delivery is paramount in these troubled times and will allow clinical activity without compromising patient safety.
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Black, Nick, Mark E. Glickman, Jiao Ding, and Ann Barry Flood. "International Variation in Intervention Rates: What Are the Implications for Patient Selection?" International Journal of Technology Assessment in Health Care 11, no. 4 (1995): 718–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266462300009156.

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AbstractWhile international variations in intervention rates are well recognized, little is known about their implications for patient selection. This paper describes an exploratory study in which the probability of undergoing an elective intervention (surgery for benign prostatic hyperplasia) in an area in the United Kingdom was compared with an area in the United States. It found that the area with high intervention rates was associated with higher levels of surgery in men with low levels of need who are unlikely to gain much benefit.
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