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1
Rauch, A. M. "Die geistig-kulturelle Lage im wieder-vereinigten Deutschland." Literator 18, no. 3 (April 30, 1997): 119–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v18i3.560.
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The mental-cultural situation of the re-united GermanyIn 1993 an exhibition presenting phenomena about the past, present and future of both East and West Germany took place in Berlin. It became clear that West and East Germans differ in inter alia the way in which life and existence have been experienced. East and West Germans also have different perspectives and perceptions of policy and society. Among the former GDR-citizens, nostalgia dominates the reflection on the past. It should, however, not be underestimated how deeply East and West Germans have been alienated from each other and that many East Germans think that facing a common future - together with West Germans - is more than they could handle. The difference in which life and existence have been experienced in East and West Germany is also reflected in German literature as is pointed out in the work of Ulrich Woelk. It also becomes, however, clear that the idea of a common German culture and history supplies a strong link to overcome these alienations.
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Layne, Priscilla. "Halbstarke and Rowdys: Consumerism, Youth Rebellion, and Gender in the Postwar Cinema of the Two Germanys." Central European History 53, no. 2 (June 2020): 432–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938920000187.
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ABSTRACTIn the second half of the 1950s, American films about “delinquent youth” took West Germany by storm. Although these films were not screened in East Germany, the still open border between the FRG and GDR allowed young people in both states to see these films. Many adopted American clothing styles and music in both Germanys. Two films, the West German production Die Halbstarken (1956) and the East German production Berlin–Ecke Schönhauser (1957) addressed “delinquent youth” in the German context and became quite popular. The article compares the competing images of femininity in both films, which linked the problem of “delinquent youth” to consumerism, pop culture, and “weak parents,” but portrayed young women very differently. While consumerism in the West German film was in a gender-specific way linked to femininity, the East German film linked consumerism to a class society and displaced it to the West. Contemporary film reviews and press treatment of main actresses reflected these differing attitudes toward gender and consumption.
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Harrison, Hope M. "The Berlin Wall after Fifty Years: Introduction." German Politics and Society 29, no. 2 (June 1, 2011): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2011.290201.
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Fifty years ago on 13 August 1961, the East Germans sealed the east-westborder in Berlin, beginning to build what would become known as theBerlin Wall. Located 110 miles/177 kilometers from the border with WestGermany and deep inside of East Germany, West Berlin had remained the“last loophole” for East Germans to escape from the communist GermanDemocratic Republic (GDR) to the western Federal Republic of Germany(FRG, West Germany). West Berlin was an island of capitalism and democracywithin the GDR, and it enticed increasing numbers of dissatisfied EastGermans to flee to the West. This was particularly the case after the borderbetween the GDR and FRG was closed in 1952, leaving Berlin as the onlyplace in Germany where people could move freely between east and west.By the summer of 1961, over 1,000 East Germans were fleeing westwardsevery day, threatening to bring down the GDR. To put a stop to this, EastGermany’s leaders, with backing from their Soviet ally, slammed shut this“escape hatch.”
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Cary, Noel D. "From Yalta to Berlin: The Cold War Struggle over Germany." Central European History 39, no. 1 (March 2006): 163–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938906350066.
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The Berlin Republic of the twenty-first century, writes W. R. Smyser, is destined to be unlike all previous German states. A status quo power and a stable democracy, it is neither the battleground of others nor dominant over them, neither reticent like Bonn nor arrogant like the Berlin of the late Hohenzollerns. The Cold War was “the essential incubator” of this “new Germany” (p. 402). It provided Germany with the tools of change—a role through which to overcome its past, and time to overcome old wounds. Aiding the incubation were contradictory Communist policies, astute Western statesmanship, and bravely pursued Eastern popular aspirations. Two Germans and two Americans, Smyser avers, stand at the heart of the eventual Communist defeat: East German leader Walter Ulbricht, West German Chancellor Willy Brandt, President Ronald Reagan, and Smyser’s onetime mentor, General Lucius Clay. Mighty assists go to British Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin, Soviet leaders Joseph Stalin and Mikhail Gorbachev, and the inspirational Polish Pope. Further down this idiosyncratic hierarchy stand Chancellors Adenauer and Kohl and U.S. President George H. W. Bush.
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KASSEM, HADI SHAKEEB. "The Sixties in Berlin and in Hollywood: City with a Wall in Its Center—The Attempt to Erase the German Past." Advances in Politics and Economics 4, no. 3 (September 2, 2021): p49. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/ape.v4n3p49.
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Berlin was the location in which most of the intelligence operations in Europe have taken place in the first twenty years of the conquest and the Cold War. In November 27, 1958, Khrushchev issued a formal letter to the Allies, demanding that the western Allies evacuate Berlin and enable the establishment of an independent political unit, a free city. He threatened that if the West would not comply with this, the soviets would hand over to the East Germany’s government the control over the roads to Berlin. In the coming months Moscow conducted a war of nerves as the last date of the end of the ultimatum, May 27, 1959, came close. Finally the Soviets retreated as a result of the determination of the West. This event reconfirmed the claims of the West that “the US, Britain and France have legal rights to stay in Berlin.” According to Halle: “These rights derive from the fact that Germany surrendered as a result of our common struggle against Nazi Germany.” (Note 2) The Russians have done many attempts to change Berlin’s status. In 1961 Berlin Wall was constructed, almost without response on the part of the West, and by so doing, the Soviets perpetuated the status quo that had been since 1948. In July 25, 1961 Kennedy addressed the Americans on television, saying that “West Berlin is not as it had ever been, the location of the biggest test of the courage and the will power of the West.” (Note 3) On June 26, 1963, Kennedy went out to Berlin, which was divided by the wall, torn between east and west, in order to announce his message. In his speech outside the city council of West Berlin, Kennedy won the hearts of the Berliners as well as those of the world when he said: “Ich bin ein Berliner”, I’m a Berliner. The sixties were years of heating of the conflict with the Soviet Block. In 1961 the Berlin Wall was constructed. Then Kennedy came into power, there was the movement for human rights and the political tension between whites and blacks in America. The conflict increase as the Korean War started, and afterwards when America intervened in Vietnam. There was also the crisis in the Bay of Pigs in Cuba, which almost pushed the whole world into a nuclear war and catastrophe. During the 28 years of the Berlin Wall, 13.8.61-9.11.89, this was notorious as an example of a political border that marked the seclusion and freezing more than freedom of movement, communication and change. At the same time there was the most obvious sign of the division of Germany after WWII and the division of Europe to East and West by the Iron Curtain. The wall was the background of stories by writers from east and west. The writers of espionage thrillers were fascinated by the global conflict between east and west and the Cold War with Berlin as the setting of the divided city. Berlin presented a permanent conflict that was perceived as endless, or as Mews defined it: “Berlin is perfect, a romantic past, tragic present, secluded in the heart of East Germany.” (Note 4) The city presented the writers with a situation that demanded a reassessment of the genres and the ideological and aesthetic perceptions of this type of writing. This was the reason that the genre of espionage books blossomed in the sixties, mainly those with the wall. The wall was not just a symbol of a political failure, as East Germany could not stop the flow of people escaping from it. The city was ugly, dirty, and full of wires and lit by a yellow light, like a concentration camp. A West German policeman says: “If the Allies were not here, there would not have been a wall. He expressed the acknowledgment that the Western powers had also an interest in the wall as a tool for preventing the unification of Germany. But his colleague answers: If they were not here, the wall would not have been, but the same applies for Berlin. (Note 5) Berlin was the world capital of the Cold War. The wall threatened and created risks and was known as one of the big justifications for the mentality of the Cold War. The construction of the wall in August 1961 strengthened Berlin’s status as the frontline of the Cold War and as a political microcosmos, which reflected topographical as well as the ideological global struggle between east and west. It made Berlin a focus of interest, and this focus in turn caused an incentive for the espionage literature with the rise of neorealism with the anti-hero, as it also ended the era of romanticism. (Note 6) The works of le Carré and Deighton are the best examples of this change in literature. Both of them use the wall as the arena of events and a symbol in their works. Only at the end of the fifties, upon the final withdrawal of McCarthyism and the relative weakening of the Cold War, there started have to appear films with new images about the position and nature of the Germans and the representations of Nazism in the new history. The films of the Cold War presented the communists as enemies or saboteurs. Together with this view about the Soviets, developed the rehabilitation of the German image. Each part of the German society was rehabilitated and become a victim instead of an assistant of the Nazis. The critic Dwight MacDonald was impressed by the way in which the German population” has changed from a fearful assistant of one totalitarian regime to the hero opponent of another totalitarian regime”. (Note 7) This approach has to be examined, and how it influenced the development of the German representation, since many films I have investigated demonstrate a different approach of the German representation.
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Harjes, Kirsten. "Stumbling Stones: Holocaust Memorials, National Identity, and Democratic Inclusion in Berlin." German Politics and Society 23, no. 1 (March 1, 2005): 138–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503005780889237.
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In 1997, Hinrich Seeba offered a graduate seminar on Berlin at the University of California, Berkeley. He called it: "Cityscape: Berlin as Cultural Artifact in Literature, Art, Architecture, Academia." It was a true German studies course in its interdisciplinary and cultural anthropological approach to the topic: Berlin, to be analyzed as a "scape," a "view or picture of a scene," subject to the predilections of visual perception in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. This course inspired my research on contemporary German history as represented in Berlin's Holocaust memorials. The number and diversity of these memorials has made this city into a laboratory of collective memory. Since the unification of East and West Germany in 1990, memorials in Berlin have become means to shape a new national identity via the history shared by both Germanys. In this article, I explore two particular memorials to show the tension between creating a collective, national identity, and representing the cultural and historical diversity of today's Germany. I compare the Denkmal für die ermordeten Juden Europas (Memorial for the Murdered Jews of Europe, or "national Holocaust memorial") which opened in central Berlin on May 10, 2005, to the lesser known, privately sponsored, decentralized "stumbling stone" project by artist Gunter Demnig.
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Mannitz, Sabine. "Turkish Youths in Berlin: Transnational Identification and Double Agency." New Perspectives on Turkey 29 (2003): 85–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600006129.
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Migration research has often stressed the adverse circumstances of Turkish immigrants living in Germany. The situation of the so-called second and third generations in particular has been seen as entailing a problematic double-bind of living “between two cultures.” In this scholarship, the image of such youth trapped in a structural culture conflict creates the impression that serious personal and emotional crises are an inevitable part of Turkish migrant youths' coming of age in Germany. Moreover, former guest workers and their families have been treated with a less than hospitable attitude insofar as efforts to facilitate their incorporation, for example, by way of the German legal system. Although the hiring of foreign laborers undeniably contributed to the economic and social recovery of West Germany after National Socialism and World War II, immigration has never been treated as a favorable option in German politics. The project of hiring laborers from abroad on a temporary basis gradually developed into de facto immigration, unintended on the part of both Germans and Turks. The resulting demographic multi-nationalization has not (yet), however, become a self-evident ingredient of the German conscience collective (Schiffauer, 1993, pp. 195-98). The very ambivalence of this situation influences the prevalent conceptualizations of the various social groups, as the following brief account illustrates.
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Sperling, Stefan. "The Politics of Transparency and Surveillance in Post-Reunification Germany." Surveillance & Society 8, no. 4 (March 24, 2011): 396–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/ss.v8i4.4178.
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After the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, reunified Germany intensified its policy of political transparency in an attempt to alleviate European concerns over a new German superpower. As transparency became a means to political legitimacy, the term and the practice acquired a distinctive ethical dimension. Germany’s on-going effort to come to terms with its national socialist past came to encompass the years of state socialism as well. As Germany’s new-found moral legitimacy came to rest on portraying East Germany as an immoral state, the former socialist state became an object that needed to be made fully transparent. The East German secret police (Stasi) and its vast surveillance apparatus became a natural target of transparency, as it inverted the logic of transparency by which the West German state claimed to function. As one form of transparency became key to legitimacy in Germany, its inversion – surveillance – became a marker of illegitimacy. In that sense, surveillance came to justify the unequal treatment of East Germans, of their political system, and of their public life. The conflict between divergent understandings of transparency became especially clear in a debate between two political figures, one from the former East and one from the former West. The case of German reunification serves to highlight the contingency of the meaning of the concepts of transparency, surveillance, and privacy.
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Patzelt, Werner J. "Die Gründergeneration des ostdeutschen Parlamentarismus . Teil 1: Persönlicher Hintergrund und Amtsverständnis." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 51, no. 3 (2020): 509–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2020-3-509.
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What were the central characteristics of those members of parliament who rebuilt parliamentarism in Eastern Germany after reunification? A detailed picture emerges from surveys conducted in 1991/92 and in 1994 . All East German MPs were included in a paper-and-pencil interview, and in-depth-interviews were conducted with a random sample of MPs from Eastern Germany, West Berlin and West Germany . The results not only revealed similarities and dissimilarities between East and West German MPs but also changes in the role patterns of East German MPs during their first legislative term . In the first part of the analysis, published here, the focus lies on the political and vocational background of the first generation of East German MPs, their parliamentary learning processes, and their role orientations as well as their loyalty ties to their most important political “role partners” .
10
LÜTHI, LORENZ M. "How Udo Wanted to Save the World in ‘Erich's Lamp Shop’: Lindenberg's Concert in Honecker's East Berlin, the NATO Double-Track Decision and Communist Economic Woes." Contemporary European History 24, no. 1 (January 19, 2015): 83–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777314000435.
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AbstractThe concert given by the West German rock star Udo Lindenberg in East Berlin on 25 October 1983 links cultural, political, diplomatic and economic history. The East German regime had banned performances by the anti-nuclear peace activist and musician since the 1970s, but eventually allowed a concert, hoping to prevent the deployment of American nuclear missiles in West Germany. In allowing this event, however, East Germany neither prevented the implementation of the NATO double-track decision of 1979 nor succeeded in controlling the political messages of the impertinent musician. Desperate for economic aid from the West, East Germany decided to cancel a promised Lindenberg tour in 1984, causing widespread disillusionment among his fans in the country.
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Cook, Roger F. "Recharting the Skies above Berlin: Nostalgia East and West." German Politics and Society 23, no. 1 (March 1, 2005): 39–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503005780889165.
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In the now almost fifteen years since the rush to German unity, East Germany's remembering of its lost cultural objects and social practices has already established a rich history of its own. The first product to become a prominent symbol of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) was the Trabant (Trabi). An unattractive, inefficient, obnoxiously loud car manufactured in the GDR, it went overnight from being an object for which many East Germans waited expectantly for several years to be able to purchase to an antiquated, undesired relic. The brunt of some of the first Ossie jokes, it also quickly became a symbol for East German resistance to an arrogant West German dismissal of all that was the GDR.
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Burchardi, Konrad B., and Tarek A. Hassan. "The Economic Impact of Social Ties: Evidence from German Reunification*." Quarterly Journal of Economics 128, no. 3 (July 4, 2013): 1219–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/qje/qjt009.
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Abstract We use the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 to show that personal relationships which individuals maintain for noneconomic reasons can be an important determinant of regional economic growth. We show that West German households who had social ties to East Germany in 1989 experienced a persistent rise in their personal incomes after the fall of the Berlin Wall. Moreover, the presence of these households significantly affects economic performance at the regional level: it increases the returns to entrepreneurial activity, the share of households who become entrepreneurs, and the likelihood that firms based within a given West German region invest in East Germany. As a result, West German regions that (for idiosyncratic reasons) have a high concentration of households with social ties to the East exhibit substantially higher growth in income per capita in the early 1990s. A one standard deviation rise in the share of households with social ties to East Germany in 1989 is associated with a 4.7 percentage point rise in income per capita over six years. We interpret our findings as evidence of a causal link between social ties and regional economic development.
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ROHRSCHNEIDER, ROBERT. "Cultural Transmission Versus Perceptions of the Economy." Comparative Political Studies 29, no. 1 (February 1996): 78–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414096029001004.
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The formal division of Germany in 1949 and the fall of the Berlin wall in 1989 demarcate a monumental quasi-experiment. Whereas the political culture aspects of this experiment have been studied extensively, the implications of these events for the economic culture in West and East Germany have received less attention. This article attempts to fill this gap in scholarship by examining the basic economic values of parliamentarians in East and West Germany. To this end, I interviewed 168 parliamentarians from the united Parliament in Berlin (79 from the East, 89 from the West). The study finds that the socialist order successfully imbued East MPs with socialist economic values—especially among the postwar cohort—independent of MPs' evaluation of contemporary economic conditions. In contrast, West MPs' economic values reflect the social market system of the West German economy. These results suggest that basic institutional arrangements, once put into place, have a substantial influence on individuals' ideological predispositions.
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Limbach, Eric H. "Provisional State, Reluctant Institutions: West Berlin's Refugee Service and Refugee Commissions, 1949–1952." Central European History 47, no. 4 (December 2014): 822–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938914001915.
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In May 1951, the Hamburger Freie Presse published an article on the alleged experiences of Hans Schmidt, an East German police officer (Volkspolizist) who had sought to register earlier that year for political asylum in West Berlin. The newspaper profile followed the twenty-one-year-old Schmidt from his unit's barracks in the northern city of Rostock, across the still undefended border between Brandenburg and West Berlin, to a police station in the northwestern district of Spandau, where he announced his intention to flee to West Germany.
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Schaefer, Sagi. "Hidden Behind the Wall: West German State Building and the Emergence of the Iron Curtain." Central European History 44, no. 3 (September 2011): 506–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938911000410.
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It is widely accepted that the inter-German border was constructed by East German authorities to halt the emigration to the west, which had damaged the East German economy and undermined the East German state agencies' power. This article argues that this is an inaccurate understanding, which mistakenly treats perceptions and insights gained from studying the Berlin Wall as representative of the mostly rural border between East and West Germany. It emphasizes crucial transformations of frontier society during the 1950s, highlighting the important role of western as well as eastern policy in shaping them.
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Earnest, Steve. "The East/West Dialectic in German Actor Training." New Theatre Quarterly 26, no. 1 (February 2010): 81–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x10000096.
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In this article Steve Earnest discusses contemporary approaches to performance training in Germany, comparing the content and methods of selected programmes from the former Federal Republic of Germany to those of the former German Democratic Republic. The Hochschule für Musik und Theater Rostock and the University of the Arts in Berlin are here utilized as primary sources, while reference is also made to the Bayerische Theater-akademie ‘August Everding’ Prinzregententheater in Munich, the Hochschule für Musik und Theater ‘Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy’ in Leipzig, and Justus Leibig Universität in Giessen. The aim is to provide insight into theatre-training processes in Germany and to explore how these relate to the national characteristics that have emerged since reunification. Steve Earnest is Associate Professor of Theatre at Coastal Carolina University in Myrtle Beach, South Carolina. His publications include The State Acting Academy of East Berlin (Mellen Press, 1999) and articles in Performer Training (Harwood Publishers, 2001), New Theatre Quarterly, Theatre Journal, and Western European Stages.
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Schaefer, Sagi. "Growing Apart: Farmers and the Division of Germany, 1945–1965." Central European History 50, no. 4 (December 2017): 493–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938917000929.
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AbstractA variety of external forces led to the division of Germany after 1945, and, almost three decades after the fall of the Berlin Wall, division continues to persist as a social, economic, and political factor in united Germany. This article contributes to scholarly efforts aimed at delineating the ways in which division became a component in the self-perception of many Germans. Focusing on farmers, it shows that their attachment to the land was one such path. At the same time, it argues that farmers were among the first to contend with division in 1945 and, as the most numerous participants in the so-called Little Border Traffic (Kleine Grenzverkehr) between the two postwar states, were keenly aware of the growing division of Germany from its earliest days. The article highlights the choice that farmers made between living in East or in West Germany, arguing that because crossing the border was optional until the mid-1960s, and because land was much less available in the West than in the East, many East German farmers came to associate life in West Germany with the loss of land—and life in East Germany with an ability to keep it. When deciding to stay put, flee westward, or move from West to East, farmers prioritized the degree to which they were attached to their land and property. By making that choice, they cemented their self-perception as belonging to one of the opposing sides. This was not an ideological declaration per se, but rather one rooted in eminently practical considerations.
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Crandall Hollick, Julian. "W. Berlin: Forty Years After." Worldview 28, no. 6 (June 1985): 7–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0084255900046957.
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If you want to understand West Berlin's history and present political reality, take the train from Hanover or Hamburg. The border crossing from West to East Germany gives the first clue. Barbed wire and high fences line the track; police line the station platform. The few East German civilians who are waiting for their own trains seem to look right through you as though you were invisible—a ghost train heading for Berlin.
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Dimić, Natalija. "Obračun sa titoistima u sovjetskoj okupacionoj zoni Nemačke: Slučaj Leonard." Tokovi istorije 29, no. 1 (April 29, 2021): 133–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2021.1.dim.133-164.
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The aim of this article is to analyze the position of the Yugoslav representatives in Berlin and Yugoslav propaganda in Germany prior to and following the Yugoslav-Soviet split, as well as the mechanisms which the leadership of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany used in dealing with the opposition within the party ranks. It follows the activities of a German communist, Wolfgang Leonhard, in the Soviet Occupation Zone of Germany, his escape to Yugoslavia in 1949, and his arrival to West Germany in 1950. The article is based on the unpublished documents from German and Serbian archives, Wolfgang Leonhard’s memoirs, and relevant literature.
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Meier, Albert. "Wir sind Halbierte. Die Entdeckung der DDR in der westdeutschen Literatur vor 1989." Studia Germanica Posnaniensia, no. 37 (April 15, 2017): 201–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/sgp.2016.37.16.
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West German literature has turned its back to the existence of the second German state until the 1980s. Only a few years before the fall of the Berlin wall, three writers started to make the GDR a subject of narration or poetry: Botho Strauß, Peter Schneider and Martin Walser. In different ways, yet unanimously, they complain about the division of Germany dealing with its impact on everyday life and private feelings.
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Gray, William Glenn. "Paradoxes ofOstpolitik: Revisiting the Moscow and Warsaw Treaties, 1970." Central European History 49, no. 3-4 (December 2016): 409–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893891600087x.
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AbstractThis article reexamines the diplomacy of Willy Brandt’sOstpolitik, focusing on two landmark achievements in 1970: the Moscow Treaty in August, and the Warsaw Treaty in December. On the basis of declassified US and German documentation, it argues that envoy Egon Bahr’s unconventional approach resulted in a poorly negotiated treaty with the Soviet Union that failed to address vital problems such as the status of Berlin. The outcome deepened political polarization at home and proved disconcerting to many West German allies; it also forced the four World War II victors—Britain, France, the United States, and the Soviet Union—to save Brandt’sOstpolitikby grinding out an agreement on access to Berlin. By contrast, West German negotiations in Warsaw yielded a treaty more in line with West German expectations, though the results proved sorely disappointing to the Polish leadership. Disagreements over restitution payments (repacked as government credits) and the emigration of ethnic Germans would bedevil German-Polish relations for years to come. Bonn’sOstpolitikthus had a harder edge than the famous image of Brandt kneeling in Warsaw would suggest.
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Krause, Scott H. "Neue Westpolitik: The Clandestine Campaign to Westernize the SPD in Cold War Berlin, 1948–1958." Central European History 48, no. 1 (March 2015): 79–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938915000047.
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AbstractThis article focuses on the joint campaign of “remigrés” and American authorities to “westernize” the local Social Democratic Party (SPD) in Berlin during the early Cold War. The years 1948 to 1958 witnessed one of postwar Germany's most bitter intraparty struggles for leadership within the Berlin SPD, where a faction of remigrés led by Ernst Reuter and Willy Brandt wrestled for control with the so-calledKeulenriegearound Franz Neumann. Examining clandestine American support for the remigré faction, which included favorable media coverage and considerable financial contributions, this article focuses in particular on the political maneuvering of a German-American network around Shepard Stone, political advisor to U.S. Commissioner John McCloy. An investigation of the postwar power struggle within the Berlin SPD offers fresh perspectives on three related subjects: the role of remigrés in postwar Germany history; the political clout of informal German-American networks; and West Berlin as an alternative laboratory of German democratization.
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Müller, Birgit. "Der Mythos vom faulen Ossi." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 23, no. 91 (June 1, 1993): 251–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v23i91.1037.
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In a situation when high demands were made on the skills and work performances of East German workers and when they could expect little reward for it in the form of job security and high wages, they startcd to define themselves increasingly in contrast to the image they produced of West Germans in general. More and more East Germans characterize the West Germans as socially isolated, obsessed by their work, unable to share and indifferent towards the development of the GDR. The interpretations and views collected while doing fieldword in three enterprises in East Berlin since May 1990 are the basis for analysing how the image of the market as a truely honest and objective system changed since the fall of the wall and how the East Germans reacted to the Western stereotype of the lazy Ossy (East German).
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Spitz-Oener, Alexandra. "Human Capital, Job Tasks and Technology in East Germany After Reunification." National Institute Economic Review 201 (July 2007): 97–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0027950107083054.
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At the time of the fall of the Berlin Wall, employees in East Germany were at least as well educated as employees in West Germany in terms of formal educational qualifications. However, it is unclear to what extent the skills and knowledge acquired through the East German education system, and through employment in a socialist labour market, are transferable to the new market-based economy. This study aims to shed light on this issue by giving a comprehensive description of the work of those employees who remained employed after the first phase of restructuring (i.e. in 1991) in East Germany, and comparing it with work in West Germany. Overall, the similarity between workplaces in East and West Germany soon after reunicication is striking. In addition, the patterns of task changes between 1991 and 1999 were very similar in both parts of Germany. Neither the level of task inputs in1991 nor the changes in task inputs between 1991 and 1999 were driven by cohort effects, a surprising finding given how differently the age groups were affected by the historical event. The Largest difference between the east and the west exists in terms of workplace computerisation. Although East Germany has caught up rapidly, it was still lagging behind the west in terms of computer use in 1999.
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Seidler, Christoph. "East goes West — West goes East: border crossing and development." Group Analysis 52, no. 2 (January 11, 2019): 172–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0533316418819957.
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In the aftermath of the Nazi era and the Second World War the ‘Bloodlands’ of Eastern Europe including Germany were left with a pervasive and significant loss of empathy. Robi Friedman speaks of the ‘Soldier’s Matrix’ (2015), in which dehumanizing dissociation increases, and empathy, guilt and shame disappear. In the GDR (German Democratic Republic)—under totalitarian and authoritarian conditions—this state of emotional deficit persisted for longer than in the Federal Republic (BRD). Gradually, but only after reunification, could change in the whole of Germany become possible. In the following text I will review the fragmented state of psychoanalysis in the battered city of Berlin after the Second World War. I describe the predicament of psychoanalysts, who are hopelessly entangled in adaptation processes, fearing the new rulers and dreading their own conscience. Despite their weakened sense of courage, they were however able to create space for freedom of thought. I intend to convey the trajectory of that process. The GDR history, despite the experience of confinement, is also a story of opening. Specific developments within the borders enabled the preservation as well as the transportation of psychoanalytic thought: some examples can be seen in inpatient forms of psychotherapy, individual psychodynamic therapy and especially the Intended Dynamic Group Psychotherapy (IDG). The opening of the ‘Wall’ made profound psychoanalytic post-qualification possible, but it came at a cost to the specific developments of the health system in the East. Within this system group therapists took their own particular path. After several years of cautious rapprochement the founding of BIG (Berlin Institute for Group Analysis) could be negotiated and established in 2003, supported by all Institutes of Berlin belonging to the umbrella organization of the DGPT (German Society for Psychoanalyse, Psychotherapy, Psychosomatic). Nine years later the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Gruppenanalyse und Gruppenpsychotherapie (D3G) consolidated in the merger of several individual groups resulting in a continuous and refreshingly pluralistic cooperation today. This article will therefore describe a series of societal shifts, transitions, internal and external attempts to heal, that are well reflected within the parallel process visible in the development of group analysis and its practitioners. One example to consider would be the asymmetry between psychoanalytic ‘teachers’ (West) and ‘students’ (East) and the dynamics experienced during professional encounters, which were very particular and rather complicated. However, that is a chapter in itself and will be considered separately.
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Leibold, Stefan. "Il welfare tedesco: un compromesso confessionale?" SOCIOLOGIA E POLITICHE SOCIALI, no. 3 (January 2013): 35–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/sp2012-003004.
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From the end of the 19th century to the present, six political regimes followed one another in Germany: from the monarchy to the Weimar Republic, the national socialist dictatorship, the occupation by the allies after the Second World War, East Germany under Soviet influence, the new established capitalist West Germany and the reunified Germany (the "Berlin Republic" after 1990). Nevertheless, surprisingly enough, the structure of the German welfare state has shown a steady continuity over such a long span of time: Germany is a very prominent example of "path dependency" in matter of welfare state. This direction is characterized by a corporative stance in social policy and it involves economic associations, Unions, private welfare organizations and mainstream Churches as leading actors of this process. The article discusses whether or not the influence of religion is a cause for the distinct features of the German welfare state. It briefly draws on current analysis and a research project in Münster (Germany); it investigates the historical and ideological roots of the typical German welfare model, and the role religion played in that respect. Finally, it focuses upon the German welfare-state model from 1945 to the present.
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SPRIGGE, MARTHA. "Tape Work and Memory Work in Post-War Germany." Twentieth-Century Music 14, no. 1 (February 2017): 49–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1478572217000056.
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ABSTRACTSonic traces of the Third Reich have held significant memorial power in post-war Germany. This article traces three works that sample one of the most well-known recordings from the Nazi period: Joseph Goebbels's declaration of Total War, delivered on 18 February 1943, and broadcast on newsreel and radio the following week. In both message and material, this recording epitomizes Friedrich Kittler's claim that tape is a military technology. The works examined span different memory debates in post-war Germany: Bernd Alois Zimmermann realized Requiem für einen jungen Dichter (1967–9) as West Germans were engaging in the first public discussions of the Holocaust, Georg Katzer's Mein 1989 (1990) is an East German composer's early response to the fall of the Berlin Wall, while Marcel Beyer's novel Flughunde (The Karnau Tapes, 1995) reveals the continued attempt to address the legacy of the Third Reich after German Reunification. Analysed together, these works create new configurations of discourse about wartime memory, moving away from geopolitical contours. Each of these artists transforms tape's wartime uses – namely dissemination and encryption – into forms of memorial labour. Through their physical and conceptual manipulations of tape, these artists create less deterministic readings of the Nazi past.
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Clinefelter, Joan L. "Can You Spare 5 Minutes? Cold War Women’s Radio on RIAS Berlin." Resonance 1, no. 3 (2020): 279–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/res.2020.1.3.279.
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Throughout the 1950s, the American propaganda radio station RIAS Berlin transformed women’s radio into an anti-communist medium designed to enlist German housewives into the Cold War. Based in West Berlin, RIAS—Radio in the American Sector—broadcast a full array of shows deep inside East Germany as part of the U.S. psychological war against communism. One of its key target audiences was German homemakers. Drawing upon scripts held in the German Radio Archives in Potsdam, Germany, this article analyzes the program Can You Spare 5 Minutes? (Haben Sie 5 Minuten Zeit?). It explores how RIAS inscribed the international contest between democracy and communism onto the domestic lives of women. The show built a sense of solidarity by treating typical “female” topics such as cosmetics, childcare, and recipes. In this way it forged a bond between its listeners that provided an opening for political messaging. Programs contrasted access to food, marriage rights, and educational policy in the rival Germanies to demonstrate the benefits of democracy and the need to resist the East German state. Women’s radio on RIAS, far from offering mere fluff, provided its female audience a political education.
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Szabo, Stephen F. "Germany: Hegemon or Free Rider?" German Politics and Society 37, no. 2 (June 1, 2019): 109–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370206.
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Simon Bulmer and WIliam Paterson, Germany and the European Union: Europe’s Reluctant Hegemon (London: Red Globe Press, 2018)Paul Lever, Berlin Rules: Europe and the German Way (London: IB Tauris, 2017) Christoph von Marschall, Wir Verstehen die Welt nicht Mehr: Deutschlands Entfremdung von seinen Freunden (Freiberg: Herder, 2018)
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Goldmann, K. "The treasure of the Berlin State museums and its allied capture: remarks and questions." International Journal of Cultural Property 7, no. 2 (January 1998): 308–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0940739198770377.
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Following the disclosure of archives in the former Soviet Union detailing art works taken from Germany at the end of World War II, it is now possible to reconstruct more accurately a history of those objects removed from Germany but never returned. Inconsistencies in the documentary evidence concerning both the location of objects sent West from Berlin and other repositories (particularly in the last few months of the war) and the number of objects returned to Germany indicate that the United States may have been involved in an unofficial policy of claiming as war booty art treasures form the conquered German nation. This article attempts to detail some of those inconsistencies by comparing what is known of the inventories of German museums before the war, the movements of art objects and repositories used during the war, and the inventories of the German museums today, in order to reconstruct some of this missing pact.
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ROSS, COREY. "BEFORE THE WALL: EAST GERMANS, COMMUNIST AUTHORITY, AND THE MASS EXODUS TO THE WEST." Historical Journal 45, no. 2 (June 2002): 459–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x02002467.
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Based on sources from the East German regime's internal archives, this article examines how the exodus of over 3 million people from the German Democratic Republic (GDR) before the construction of the Berlin Wall undermined the communist regime's ability to exert its authority over internal affairs. Instead of focusing on the relatively well-known economic and diplomatic costs of the mass exodus, it considers rather the grass-roots political ramifications of this unique phenomenon among the Soviet satellite states. The article focuses on three interrelated issues: first, the government's little-known efforts to curb and control emigration before the Wall; second, the myriad causes of the mass emigration and how these were perceived by the party/state apparatus; and third, the variety of strategies through which ordinary East Germans who stayed in the GDR attempted to use the possibility of flight to the West to enhance their bargaining position with state authorities. It argues that the refugees to the West were not the only East Germans to capitalize on the permeable border around West Berlin. The possibility of emigrating westwards also gave those who stayed a degree of power vis-à-vis the regime that they otherwise would not have had.
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Kokeev, A. "Trans-Atlantic Relations in Germany's Foreign Policy." World Economy and International Relations 59, no. 11 (2015): 38–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-59-11-38-46.
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Relations between Germany, the US and NATO today are the core of transatlantic links. After the Cold War and the reunification of Germany, NATO has lost its former importance to Germany which was not a "frontline state" anymore. The EU acquired a greater importance for German politicians applying both for certain political independence and for establishing of a broad partnership with Russia and China. The task of the European Union Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) development has been regarded by Berlin as a necessary component of the NATO's transformation into a “balanced Euro-American alliance”, and the realization of this project as the most important prerequisite for a more independent foreign policy. Germany’s refusal to support the US invasion of Iraq in 2003 led to the first serious crisis in US Germany relations. At the same time, there was no radical break of the deeply rooted Atlanticism tradition in German policy. It was Angela Merkel as a new head of the German government (2005) who managed to smooth largely disagreements in relations with the United States. Atlanticism remains one of the fundamental foreign policy elements for any German government, mostly because Berlin’s hope for deepening of the European integration and transition to the EU CFSP seems unrealistic in the foreseeable future. However, there is still a fundamental basis of disagreements emerged in the transatlantic relationship (reduction of a military threat weakening Berlin’s dependence from Washington, and the growing influence of Germany in the European Union). According to the federal government's opinion, Germany's contribution to the NATO military component should not be in increasing, but in optimizing of military expenses. However, taking into account the incipient signs of the crisis overcoming in the EU, and still a tough situation around Ukraine, it seems that in the medium-term perspective one should expect further enhancing of Germany’s participation in NATO military activities and, therefore, a growth in its military expenses. In Berlin, there is a wide support for the idea of the European army. However, most experts agree that it can be implemented only when the EU develops the Common Foreign and Defense Policy to a certain extent. The US Germany espionage scandals following one after another since 2013 have seriously undermined the traditional German trust to the United States as a reliable partner. However, under the impact of the Ukrainian conflict, the value of military-political dimension of Germany’s transatlantic relations and its dependence on the US and NATO security guarantees increased. At the same time, Washington expects from Berlin as a recognized European leader a more active policy toward Russia and in respect of some other international issues. In the current international political situation, the desire to expand political influence in the world and achieve a greater autonomy claimed by German leaders seems to Berlin only possible in the context of transatlantic relations strengthening and solidarity within the NATO the only military-political organization of the West which is able to ensure the collective defense for its members against the external threats. However, it is important to take into consideration that not only the value of the United States and NATO for Germany, but also the role of Germany in the North Atlantic Alliance as a “representative of European interests” has increased. The role of Germany as a mediator in establishing the West–Russia relations remains equally important.
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Bange, Oliver. "Onto the Slippery Slope: East Germany and East-West Détente under Ulbricht and Honecker, 1965–1975." Journal of Cold War Studies 18, no. 3 (July 2016): 60–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00653.
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This article identifies and explains the fundamental shift of political and ideological paradigms that drew the Soviet Union's close ally, East Germany, into the détente process. Although economic and political influences and pressures, including from the Soviet Union itself, pushed the East German Communist regime to participate in this era of “peaceful coexistence,” officials in East Berlin were well aware of the dangers this posed to the Communist society in the German Democratic Republic (GDR) in the long term. Even at this early stage of East-West interaction, détente left the GDR with the unenviable task of squaring ideology with realpolitik—a task that East German leaders found increasingly hard to cope with.
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Лысенко, Е. Н. "Comprehension of the national past in the West Berlin music culture in the 1980s." Диалог со временем, no. 76(76) (August 17, 2021): 251–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.21267/aquilo.2021.76.76.006.
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Статья посвящена роли популярной музыки в процессах осмысления и проработки нацистского прошлого в Западной Германии в 1980-х гг. Популярная музыка рассматривается на примере музыкальной сцены Западного Берлина, а именно группы «Einstürzende Neubauten». Рассмотрены политический, экономический и социальный контекст функционирования сцены Западного Берлина, проанализированы различные способы репрезентации национального прошлого в музыке «Einstürzende Neu-bauten». Сделан вывод о том, что в музыкальной культуре Западного Берлина происходило восстановление преемственности разных периодов немецкой культуры и вписывание проблемного прошлого в публичный исторический нарратив. The article is focused on the role of popular music in the processes of comprehension and dealing with the Nazi past in West Germany in the 1980s. Popular music is examined on the example of the music scene of West Berlin, namely the band «Einstürzende Neubauten». The article considers the political, economic and social context of the West Berlin music scene, analyzes different ways of representing the national past in the music of «Einstürzende Neubauten». The conclusion is made that in the musical culture of West Berlin the continuity of different periods of German culture was restored and the troubled past was incorporated into the public historical narrative.
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Vassallo, Francesca. "France and Germany Fifty Years after the Élysée Treaty." German Politics and Society 31, no. 1 (March 1, 2013): iv—viii. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2012.310101.
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The Élysée Treaty turned fifty on 22 January 2013—signed in 1963between France and Germany, under the watchful eyes of French PresidentCharles de Gaulle and West German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer.Although celebrated every decade, this particular anniversary comes at acrucial time in the countries’ bilateral relationship. After a few tumultuousyears of disagreement and distance between Paris and Berlin over seriouseconomic and foreign policy issues, German Chancellor Angela Merkeland French President François Hollande have seized the opportunity ofthe year-long anniversary calendar to work on political rapprochement, inthe spirit of one of the original purposes of the Treaty itself.
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Sneeringer, Julia. "“Assembly Line of Joys”: Touring Hamburg's Red Light District, 1949–1966." Central European History 42, no. 1 (March 2009): 65–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893890900003x.
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Hamburg, as any tourist guide will tell you, occupies a unique position within Germany. Now, every city can make this claim, so what constitutes Hamburg's uniqueness? Natives would say it is the harbor (Germany's largest) and the water that flows through the metropolis that claims more bridges than Venice. But ask an outsider, German or not, and he or she will likely say the Reeperbahn, Hamburg's notorious red-light district, known also to music fans as the incubator of The Beatles. Historically speaking, the harbor has been this Hanseatic city's source of trade and prosperity, as well as a major transit point for overseas travelers; the nearby Reeperbahn has long been a magnet for those seeking pleasure and distraction from the cares of life. In the 1950s and 1960s—the years of West Germany's “Economic Miracle” (Wirtschaftswunder)—Hamburg saw greater numbers of visitors than ever before. These guests included Germans from west and east (before the Berlin Wall was erected in 1961); international tourists, particularly from neighboring countries; British NATO troops stationed in the northern Federal Republic; and seamen from around the world. Some chose Hamburg specifically as their destination, others passed through on their way to someplace else.
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Puaca, Brian M. "Navigating the Waves of Change: Political Education and Democratic School Reform in Postwar West Berlin." History of Education Quarterly 48, no. 2 (May 2008): 244–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2008.00142.x.
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In the aftermath of the Second World War, Germany found itself defeated, destroyed, occupied, and ultimately divided. The eastern portion of Germany fell under Soviet administration, while the western part came under joint occupation by the three victorious western Allies (the United States, the United Kingdom, and France). Recognizing at an early date that rebuilding Germany would promote political stability, economic growth, and peace in central Europe, the western Allies set out to reconstruct the defeated nation. The schools were an important part of this project. Many observers argued that without substantial reform to the educational system, German nationalism, militarism, and xenophobia might once again lead to conflict. In the western zones, particularly in the American zone, democratizing the schools took on great importance by 1947. This effort, however, was short-lived. The occupation of Germany ended in 1949, leaving many Americans with the sense that school reform was incomplete.
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Figus, Alessandro, Andrea Pisaniello, and Stefano Mustica. "Multiculturalism and Ostalgie." Geopolitical, Social Security and Freedom Journal 1, no. 1 (November 1, 2018): 49–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/gssfj-2018-0002.
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Abstract “Ostalgie” is coming from a German word referring to nostalgia for aspects of life in East Germany, and not only. It is a new multipurpose and new expression related the German terms “Nostalgie” (nostalgia in Italian) and Ost (East). Its anglicised equivalent, ostalgia, it is rhyming with “nostalgia” and it is also sometimes used. The collapse of Soviet Union and the Berlin Wall destruction, was the concept protected concrete barrier that physically and ideologically divided Berlin from ‘61 to ’89, It especially divided West and East European countries, the wall cut off West Berlin from almost all of surrounding East Germany and East Berlin until government officials opened it in November 1989. Formally its demolition began on 13 June 1990 and finished in 1992 and coincides in some generation from the Warsaw Pact countries, legally the Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation with the “Mutual Assistance” URSS of the birth of “ostalgie”, that it goes against with modern principle of multicultural society and globalisation of the world. At the eighth congress of the communist party Lenin recognized the right to self-determination of the populations of the empire and promised them significant concessions, although its final intent was to reach the true dictatorship of the proletariat which would have rendered the ethnic-national distinctions useless. The Soviet Union became the incubator of new nations with the dissolving of the Russian nation in the Soviet state. Does the “ostalgie” refer to the USSR, is this compatible with multiculturalism? Is it compatible with that plurality of tending different cultures that coexists in mutual respect and which implies the preservation of their specific traits by rejecting any type of homologation or fusion in the dominant culture?
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Lindenblatt, Andreas, and Peter Egger. "The long shadow of the Iron Curtain for female sex workers in German cities: Border effects and regional differences." Urban Studies 54, no. 3 (July 19, 2016): 649–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042098016640655.
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This paper assesses determinants of habits and prices about sexual work in Germany. The paper alludes to a regional pattern, in particular, in pricing. This pattern varies with the size of cities and across as well as along the former East–West German border. In particular, the evidence suggests that there is a long shadow of the former Iron Curtain which leads to higher conditional prices in the former East than in the West, in particular, in larger agglomerations such as Berlin. Moreover, there is evidence of habit formation and spillovers within regions, which leads to regionally clustered prices as well as unsafe sex services being offered by sexworkers.
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Ahonen, Pertti. "The Berlin Wall and the Battle for Legitimacy in Divided Germany." German Politics and Society 29, no. 2 (June 1, 2011): 40–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2011.290204.
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The Berlin Wall was a key site of contestation between the Federal Republic and the German Democratic Republic in their Cold War struggle over political legitimacy. On both sides, the Wall became a tool in intense publicity battles aimed at building legitimacy and collective identity at home, and undermining them in the other Germany. The public perceptions and politicized uses of the barrier evolved through stages that reflected the relative fortunes of the two German states, moving gradually from extensive East-West parallels in the early 1960s toward a growing divergence by the 1970s and 1980s, which became increasingly indicative of East Germany's weakness.
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Schrijnders, Marlene. "From London to Leipzig and Back: A Transnational Approach to the Endzeit (R)Evolution (1976–92)." Britain and the World 11, no. 1 (March 2018): 75–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2018.0288.
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Twenty-five years ago, just as the Cold War ended with the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, the suitably-titled West German goth fanzine Glasnost announced that a festival called Wave-Gotik-Treffen was to be held in the East German city of Leipzig. Today, the Wave-Gotik-Treffen is the biggest such festival in the world. Initially, however, its significance lay in allowing East and West German goths to meet and dance together, revealing differences in their respective experiences and understanding of the dark subculture. This article will examine two inter-related questions. First, what was the relationship between ‘goth’, as a music and aesthetic, across the frontier of the cold war? Second, to what extent were the goth subcultures of East and West Germany informed by and understood in relation to the original goth subculture emergent within the UK? The article will feed into the debate on the politics of youth culture, but also on the ways by which subcultural meanings and identities are transmitted and redefined across national borders.
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Belyaev, Andrei N. "German-Slavic toponymic contacts in East Germany." Neophilology, no. 27 (2021): 434–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/2587-6953-2021-7-27-434-443.
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We consider the issues of the relationship between the German language and the Sorbian language. The material of the study is the toponyms that are common in the territory that extends in the east to the course of the rivers Bober, Quays and Oder, in the north – to the vicinity of Berlin, and in the west goes beyond the Saale River. The relevance of the study is due to the desire for a more in-depth study of German-Slavic language contacts issues. The novelty of the work lies in the consideration of the issue in various aspects: language levels, sociolinguistic, areal. We study the mechanisms and properties of adaptation of Slavic toponyms at all linguistic levels, clarify the methodology for describing the integration process of borrowed toponyms, describe the phase’s characteristic of the integration process. We show that among the Slavs and Germans, semantic parallelism in the acts of nomination is often noted, due to the geographical environment. We establish that the linguo-geographic relations that developed during the German-Lusatian to-ponymic interaction are heterogeneous in nature. We conclude that interlanguage contacts in the field of toponymy were complex and did not have a monolithic character, as was previously be-lieved. As a prospect for further research, it is planned to study the Slavic Germanic place names in the Slavic languages.
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Gross, Stephen G. "Making Space for Sanctions: The Economics of German Natural Gas Imports from Russia, 1982 and 2014 Compared." German Politics and Society 34, no. 3 (September 1, 2016): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2016.340301.
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This article explores the economic context behind Germany’s decision to impose sanctions on Russia in 2014 in response to the Ukraine crisis, through the lens of energy and natural gas. It does so by comparing 2014 with another moment in German-Russian relations when questions of energy, economics, sanctions, and transatlantic politics converged—the Yamal natural gas pipeline in 1982. Then, West Germany had little economic latitude to disrupt trade with Russia because of its high unemployment rate, its balance of payments problems, and the large investments major German corporations had made in Yamal. Consequently, Bonn broke with the United States over the question of sanctions. In 2014, by contrast, Germany’s strong economy, robust balance of payments, and the absence of a united business front opposing sanctions gave Berlin the space to pursue a non-economic agenda and support the United States in imposing sanctions. The article concludes that these cases illustrate how Germany should not be characterized as a “geo-economic power,” insofar as Berlin still has the space to prioritize goals such as the advancement of democracy and human rights over its need to promote exports and secure imports of raw materials.
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Bruce, Gary S. "The Prelude to Nationwide Surveillance in East Germany: Stasi Operations and Threat Perceptions, 1945–1953." Journal of Cold War Studies 5, no. 2 (March 2003): 3–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039703763336453.
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Many observers have been puzzled by the extent of the uprising that swept through East Germany in June 1953, given the legendary efficiency of the East German state security (Stasi) forces and their vast network of informants. Some scholars have even attempted to explain the Stasi's inability to foresee and prevent the uprising by arguing that the Stasi conspired with the demonstrators. The opening of the archives of the former German Democratic Republic has shed valuable light on this issue. Based on extensive research in the archives of the Stasi and of the former Socialist Unity Party of East Germany, as well as materials from the West German archives, this article shows that the Stasi did not fail its party superiors in being unable to foresee the uprising of June 1953. There was, in fact, no way that the organization could have foreseen the rebellion. Prior to 1953 the Stasi was not outfitted with a massive surveillance apparatus, nor was it mandated for broad internal surveillance. Rather, it primarily targeted well-known opposition groups at home and anti-Communist organizations based in West Berlin. The criticism directed against the Stasi after the uprising was attributable mainly to Walter Ulbricht's embattled leadership position and his need for a scapegoat.
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Borneman, John. "Multikulti or Schweinerei in the Year 2000." German Politics and Society 20, no. 2 (June 1, 2002): 93–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503002782385390.
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In 1995, as a Fulbright professor, I taught a seminar on “culture andinternational order” at Humboldt University in Berlin. There Ireached the conclusion that, in order to analyze Kultur in Germany,one also had to take into consideration the work of Schweinerei. In thefive years between the opening of the wall and my seminar, there hadbeen an explosion of interest in the concept “Kultur”—defined quiteconcretely in public discourse as an element that united (or divided)East and West Berliners, or as a substance that had been damagedduring the cold war and now needed restoration.1 Irrespective of thespeaker, Kultur was always something good, a positive ordering. Onenever needed less Kultur. Either one argued, as a proponent of Multikulti,for more of them, more cultures, or, as a monoculturalist, formerely better (more refined, more pure) Kultur and the value of adistinct German culture. The decision reached in 1991 to move thecapital from Bonn to Berlin as a means of unifying Germans also casta kind of Klieg light on Kultur, as the relocation itself drew manynew visitors, who, having only construction sites of the future capitalto view, spent the rest of their time enjoying Berlin’s numerous (oftenduplicate) cultural institutions and industries for the first time.2 At thisvery moment of general good will, inclusiveness, and prominence,these Berlin cultural institutions had the most to lose (or gain), asministers of the newly unified state promised more selective supportfollowing a round of rationalizations if not eliminations.
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Boldyrev, Roman, and Jörg Morré. "Organizational Structure, Channels and Methods of Propaganda Work of the Soviet Military Administration in Germany, 1945–1949." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 5 (October 2019): 205–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2019.5.15.
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Introduction. The paper deals with the issues of the propaganda system in the Soviet Occupation Zone in Germany (SOZ) between 1945 and 1949. Based on de-classified documents from Russian Archives propaganda organization, channels and methods of propaganda units of the Soviet Military Administration in Germany (SMAG) became a subject to study. The authors emphasize on control means towards German mass media and implementing the Soviet propaganda monopoly in East Germany. Methods and materials. The authors consequently analyze the main channels and methods of positive USSR image broadcasting: radio, press, SMAG propaganda unit lectures, people’s education system, activities of society for Soviet cultural studies, acquaintance trips of German delegations to the USSR, presentations of Soviet exhibitions and films. Analysis and Results. The authors come to a conclusion that the Soviet propaganda in East Germany had a low efficiency. It failed to establish a complete monopoly of Soviet propaganda units in East Germany. The SOZ population could access the propaganda from West Germany and West Berlin, which broadcast a radically negative image of the USSR. Besides, the units and institutions of the Group of Soviet Occupation Troops in Germany (GSOTG) created their own image of Soviet people, which was different from the ideal and broadcast one. Thus, it turned out to be impossible to provide the unification of the broadcast and perception of propagandist materials devoted to the USSR and its population. Soviet propaganda in Germany had gone through the transition by the late 1940s: division of Germany in two states appeared to be a reality, and the establishment of socialist society on Stalin’s model took place in East Germany. Ideological revisiting of the Soviet social constitution, and so its supremacy over the bourgeois one was to replace the conventional image of the country of total welfare and happiness.
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Gielen, Albert. "De muur van meer dan beton. De narratives van Cees Nooteboom in Berlijnse notities." Neerlandica Wratislaviensia 29 (April 15, 2020): 53–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0860-0716.29.4.
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Cees Nooteboom reports in Berlijnse notities (Berlin notes) about the events that took place in the period from the beginning of 1989 to June 1990 in West and East Berlin. Nooteboom went to West Germany and did not foresee that the Wall would fall (1989) and that East Berlin would become freely accessible to him. I examine whether it is possible to analyse Berlijnse notities based on the model of Edward M. Bruner. Bruner presented his model in the article “The role of narrative in tourism” (2005) in which he distinguishes pre-tour, on-tour and post-tour narratives. The starting point for him are the narratives that tourists develop before, during and after their trip. The question in this article is whether this model can also be used for a literary journey like Berlijnse notities. Although it produces useful results, Berlijnse notities are too different from the narratives for which Bruner developed his model. A term which Bruner applies, dialogic narration, needs to be studied further.
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FRØLAND, HANS OTTO. "Distrust, Dependency and Détente: Norway, the Two Germanys and ‘the German Question’, 1945–1973." Contemporary European History 15, no. 4 (October 6, 2006): 495–517. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777306003511.
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This article highlights the extent to which Norway's policies towards the two Germanys and ‘the German question’ were anchored in its perception of ‘the German problem’. While the Cold War overshadowed Norway's relations with the GDR, ‘the German problem’ prevailed in its relations with the FRG well into the 1960s. Norwegian dependence nevertheless forced it to support West German reconstruction, rearmament and sovereignty. Relations with Bonn were a perennial political minefield. While Norway loyally followed NATO's restrictive policy towards the GDR, from the early 1960s politicians saw that this stood in the way of détente. Bonn's new Ostpolitik in the late 1960s allowed for political rapprochement between Oslo and Bonn and held out the hope of achieving the long-awaited rapprochement with East Berlin.
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Savelyev, Mikhail, Valery Ivanov, and Yury Polyakov. "The effect of institutional differences on the economic development of German-speaking countries." E3S Web of Conferences 222 (2020): 05009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202022205009.
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The growth rates and sustainability of economic development of five German-speaking countries: Austria, German Democratic Republic (GDR), Luxembourg, Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) and Switzerland in the period 1947-1990 are investigated. The comparison is carried out for five economic cycles of the united Germany over this period. The indicators of the standard deviation of the growth rates of real GDP and national income are used as a sustainability performance. It is revealed that the GDR’s institutional system showed in a sustained way high growth rates, and after the isolation of West Berlin – favorable risks and firmness of prices. This system may even be regarded as the best institutional model of economic development for the German nation. At the moment of accession into the blocs, the member countries of the military and political bloc obtained benefits of development; during the exacerbation of the military and political situation, Switzerland, which was far from the contact of the blocs, became the winner, and during the detente – border Austria. Countries with smaller economies demonstrated greater institutional mobility.
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Diederich, Freya, Hans-Helmut König, and Christian Brettschneider. "HOW POLITICO-ECONOMIC SYSTEMS CAN SHAPE THE ATTITUDE TOWARD ELDERLY CARE: LESSONS FROM THE GERMAN REUNIFICATION." Innovation in Aging 3, Supplement_1 (November 2019): S675—S676. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geroni/igz038.2496.
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Abstract Migration flows have been rising over the past decades and are not expected to mitigate in the future. Migrants brings along values and preferences that were shaped by their origin countries, among those, their perceptions of how societies should care for the elderly. In this study, we examine how the attitude towards informal care is shaped by the politico-economic system an individual grew up in and if this attitude adjusts over time once an individual lives in a different system. After the fall of the Berlin Wall, Eastern Germans were exposed to the market-oriented western economy, a natural experiment that allows us to address these issues. By analyzing data from the German Family Panel (2009/10-2015/16), we assess differences in attitudes towards informal care among four birth cohorts that were born during the German separation (N=11,966) using random-effects models. We control for socio-demographic factors as well as the institutional and economic environment an individual lives in. The results reveal that, on average, older generations that grew up in East Germany exhibit up to a 6.7% (95% CI, 0.03-0.1) higher willingness to provide informal care to their parents than older generations that grew up in West Germany. There is no significant difference in younger birth cohorts. Attitudes do not significantly converge over the observed time horizon. The results provide evidence that individuals’ attitude towards informal care is deeply shaped by the system they grew up in such that migration flows can influence the supply of informal care in the future.