Journal articles on the topic 'Bermuda islands, description and travel'

Using mitochondrial COI-5P as a barcode marker, the red algal species previously identified as Digenea simplex in Bermuda is shown to be distinct from this species found in the Adriatic (type locality) and Mediterranean Seas, as well as other tropical locations worldwide. This finding led to a comparative study of the morphology of Bermuda specimens and D. simplex from the type locality, as well as other congeners. Our data show the Bermuda specimens to be morphologically, as well as genetically, distinct from D. simplex necessitating the description of D. arenahauriens sp. nov. for plants found in the islands and a single collection from the Caribbean Sea. It represents the first species partitioned from the “pantropical” D. simplex and we present genetic evidence of additional undescribed isolates in the species complex requiring further study.

AbstractThe 183 species of Lepidoptera recorded from Bermuda are discussed with respect to their world distribution, origin, long-range dispersal capability, host plants, nomenclature, and the circumstances of their occurrence in Bermuda; most are illustrated. Fifty-nine species are reported from Bermuda for the first time; Oenobotys invinacealis Ferguson (Pyralidae) and Tetanolita mynesalis inaequalis Ferguson (Noctuidae) are described as new. Four new genus–species combinations and four new synonymies are proposed.The Bermuda islands have a distressed fauna dominated by introduced pest species and migrants from the North American mainland and Caribbean Region. About 125 of the 183 recorded species are thought to be established residents; the remainder are assumed to be vagrants. Of approximately 50 resident species identified as probably indigenous, 11 species and three subspecies are endemic, and one of these, Semiothisa ochrifascia (Warren), is believed extinct.All Bermudian Lepidoptera are of American origin except the few introduced Old World species that are nearly cosmopolitan. Like Norfolk Island, Australia, Bermuda has a supersaturated lepidopterous fauna — more recorded species than its land area might support, which can be explained only by a high incidence of migrants and transients. This migratory component is explained relative to long-range movements of the same or congeneric species elsewhere; and hypotheses are proposed concerning the natural history of long-range dispersal in eastern North America and the ability of these moths to reach Bermuda. From a list of 113 species of Lepidoptera identified as frequent south–north migrants on the mainland, 76 are recorded from Bermuda. These include 38 of the 40 best-known cutworm moths of the eastern United States. It is argued that such moths reach Bermuda repeatedly without man's assistance and must regularly travel similar distances in North America.

Abstract A description is provided for Puccinia cladii found parasitic on leaves of Cladium mariscus . Some information on its taxonomy, morphology, associated organisms, habitats, dispersal and transmission and conservation status are given, along with details of its geographical distribution (Republic of Georgia, Bermuda, American Virgin Islands, Dominican Republic, Puerto Rico, Guatemala, Belgium, Bulgaria, Netherlands, Poland, UK and USA (Arizona, California, Florida, Mississippi, North Carolina, Virginia)) and hosts ( Cladium mariscus, C. mariscus subsp. californicum, C. mariscus subsp. jamaicense and Rhynchospora glomerata ).

The anthocorid Montandoniola moraguesi (Puton), an oligophagous predator of thrips, is widely used as a biological agent. It was introduced in 1964 from the Philippine Islands to control the Cuban laurel thrips (Gynaikothrips ficorum) in Bermuda, and then in Hawaii and other localities. Examination of specimens from various parts of the world, and a study of type specimens, indicate that several species have been confused since the 1960’s under the name Montandoniola moraguesi (Puton, 1896). The present paper brings: (1) a redefinition of M. moraguesi; (2) the restoration and redefinition of two species erroneously synonymized with M. moraguesi: M. thripodes Bergroth, 1916 and M. pictipennis (Esaki, 1931); (3) and the description of a new species, M. confusa sp. nov., from Guadeloupe. Dorsal habitus views and illustrations of the metathoracic scent gland area and male and female genitalia are provided for each species. M. moraguesi seems to be restricted to the Mediterranean region and Africa. M. thripodes and M. pictipennis are known only by their type material described from Hong-Kong and Japan, respectively. M. confusa sp. nov. appears to be a widely distributed species: discovered in Guadeloupe, its presence is confirmed in Hawaii, USA, Bermuda, and Australia. Literature record indicates, apparently, that the species has often been confused with M. moraguesi and it is likely that the species was used – under this name – for biological control in several parts of the world.

North Atlantic humpback whales (Megaptera novaeangliae (Borowski, 1781)) migrate from high-latitude summer feeding grounds to low-latitude winter breeding grounds along the Antillean Island chain. In the winters and springs of 2008 through 2012, satellite tags were deployed on humpback whales on Silver Bank (Dominican Republic) and in Guadeloupe (French West Indies) breeding areas. Whales were monitored, on average, for 26 days (range = 4–90 days). Some animals remained near their tagging location for multiple days before beginning their northerly migration, yet some visited habitats along the northwestern coast of the Dominican Republic, northern Haiti, the Turks and Caicos islands, and off Anguilla. Individuals monitored during migration headed towards feeding grounds in the Gulf of Maine (USA), Canada, and the eastern North Atlantic (Iceland or Norway). One individual traveled near Bermuda during the migration. This study provides the first detailed description of routes used by North Atlantic humpback whales towards multiple feeding destinations. Additionally, it corroborates previous research showing that individuals from multiple feeding grounds migrate to the Antilles for the breeding season. This study indicates that North Atlantic humpbacks use an area broader than the existing boundaries of marine mammal sanctuaries, which should provide justification for their expansion.

The Gulf of California has many regions of potential tidal-stream energy that have been identified and characterized using in-situ measurements and numerical ocean models. The Midriff Islands region has received particular attention due to its increased current speeds and high kinetic energy. This increase in energy can be seen in the formation of internal wave packets propagating for several hundred kilometers. Here we present a brief description of internal wave measurements travel towards the Northern Gulf and explore energy generation sites. In this paper we characterize the tidal inflow and outflow that passes throughout the Midriff Islands in the central part of the Gulf. We use a three-dimensional numerical ocean model that adequately reproduces the tidal flow and the increase in speed and kinetic energy between the islands. The current flow structure shows the highest velocity cores near the shore and far from the bottom. During the rising tide, the maximum current flow (~0.6 ms−1) was found between Turón Island and San Lorenzo Island, from the surface to 200 m depth. When the currents flowed out of the Gulf, during the falling tide, the maximum negative current (−0.8 ms−1) was found between Tiburon Island and Turón Island, from near the surface to 80 m depth. Although there are favorable conditions for power generation potential by tidal flows, the vertical variability of the current must be considered for field development and equipment installation sites.

The research is based on information services that affect the popularity of the Pulau Pisang and Labuhan Jukung Tourism Areas in the Pesisir Barat Regency, Lampung Province. This area has high tourism potential in the form of islands, beaches, and sea. Information services are an important factor in tourism to attract tourist visits. This study aims to determine digital information technology in the form of an e-catalog that includes marine tourism information in the form of a map and a description of the information therein. The E-catalog for Marine Tourism in the Pulau Pisang and Labuhan Jukung areas can support travel agencies in arranging marine thematic tour packages. The descriptive-qualitative research method is applied by using observation data techniques, interviews, and documentation studies of the research object. The focus of the design is on marine tourism activities in the Pulau Pisang and Labuhan Jukung Tourism Areas, namely beach volleyball, swimming, sunbathing, fishing, snorkeling, diving, boating, and surfing, as well as tourism supporting components, namely amenities, accessibility and support services. There are also two forms of travel patterns that are reviewed for tourists, namely through the start and end points of the journey from the same route, or a continuous path with the end point of the trip by visiting new destinations on different routes.

Researchers keen to examine the representation of native people in European accounts of exploration and travel need bring under review the mechanism by which field notes became books, and, once they were books, the multiplicity and diffusion of editions, often themselves quite different from one another. An example that illustrates well this need is British Royal Naval Captain James Cook's posthumously published account of his third voyage to the Pacific Ocean in the years 1776-80. The standard scholarly source is J.C. Beaglehole's monumental edition, The Journals of Captain James Cook on His Voyages of Discovery (1955-74), a twenty-year editing project for the Hakluyt Society, which made available for the first time Cook's own writings until his death at Kealakekua Bay, Sandwich Islands (Hawaii), on 14 February 1779, during the third voyage. However, the need for Beaglehole's project arose, according to the president of the Hakluyt Society, because the original publications differed very widely from Cook's own writings. They were “official” accounts, published by order of George III, and they performed that always interesting exercise—they “improved” on Cook's own writings. It is well known that Cook did not prepare his journals for the press: in the case of the first two voyages to the Pacific, this was his choice. In the case of the third, the choice was not his to make, he being five years deceased. How wide are those differences?In the case of Cook's description of a month-long mooring in Nootka Sound, on the west coast of Vancouver Island, do substantive differences occur between Cook's logs and journal and Bishop John Douglas' edition? Answering that question necessarily involves consulting first editions of the various published accounts.

В статье анализируются сказания Южного Кюсю, в которых сохранились сведения о путешествии предка династии Ямато в заморскую «страну морского бога» и покорения им народа хаято, обитавшего в Сацума и Осуми. Исследователи пришли к выводу, что эти верхние слои сказания, судя по ряду признаков, относятся к периоду позднего яёй и являлись в это время событием ещё не столь отдалённого прошлого. Кроме того, как установили учёные, понятие подводный мир по представлению древних японцев было синонимом любого места на море очень удалённого от суши.Установлено, что описываемые в сказании события должны были происходить на рубеже II-III вв. н. э. По сообщению китайских династийных историй, в это время в Японии закончились «великие замешательства» (60-е - нач. 70-х гг. II в.), связанные с созданием федерации Нюй-ван-го в северном Кюсю во главе с правительницей Бимиху, а в годы Гуан-хэ (178-184 гг.) случился мятеж противников Бимиху, которые (судя по археологическому материалу) могли бежать в Южный Кюсю. Среди них, видимо, был отец двух братьев – главных героев сказания. Получается, что путешествие в «страну морского бога», описанное в сказании, могло произойти в начале III в.Локализация дворца Тоё-тама-хйко и Тоё-тама-химэ (предков рода Адзуми-но мурадзи) по сказанию находившегося «на далёком острове» определена как местность Тоё-тама на островах Цусима (описанных в китайских источниках как владение Дуйма-го). Сказание о Тоё-тама-хйко и Тоё-тама-химэ, правивших вдвоём «на далёком острове», отражало реальную ситуацию с организацией власти в виде диархии верховной жрицы-правительницы и мужчины-соправителя (яп. химэ-хико) в юго-западной Японии в I-III вв., что подтверждается китайскими и корейскими летописями. Описание дворца Тоё-тама-хйко совпадает с описаниями дворцов местных правителей юго-западной Японии в китайских династийных историях.Таким образом, группа сказаний о путешествии Хйко-хохо-дэми в страну Тоё-тама-хйко (находившуюся на далёком острове) является смутным воспоминанием общинников Южного Кюсю о контактах с населением островов Цусима и общинами северо-западного Кюсю III в. In this article, the legends of the Southern Kyushu, in which data have remained on the travel of the ancestor of a Yamato dynasty to the overseas “country of sea god” and conquest by him of the Hayato people, living in Satsuma and Osumi, are analyzed. Researchers have come to a conclusion that this the upper layers of the legend, judging by a number of signs, belong to the period late Yayoi – and were the event not of the so remote past at this time. Besides, as scientists have established, the concept of “underwater world”, on representation of ancient Japanese, was synonym of any place at the sea, very remote from land.It is established that the events described in the legend had to take place at the turn of the 2nd-3rd centuries AD. According to the Chinese dynastic histories, at this time in Japan have ended “great disorder” (60’s - early 70’s of the 2nd century), related with creation the Nü-wang-guo federations in northern Kyushu led by the woman-ruler Bimihu; and in Guang-he years (178-184) has happened the mutiny of opponents to Bimihu who (judging by archaeological material) could run to the Southern Kyushu. Among them, probably, there was the father of two brothers – the main characters of the legend. In result, the travel to “the country of sea god” described in the legend could take place in early 3rd century.Localization of the Toyo-tama-hiko and Toyo-tama-hime palace (ancestors of the Azumi-no muraji clan), according to the legend, being “on the far island” – is defined as Toyo-tama area on the islands of Tsushima (described in the Chinese sources as Duima-guo community). The legend on Toyo-tama-hiko and Toyo-tama-hime governing together “on the far island” reflected the real situation with the organization of power in the form of diarchy of Supreme priestess-ruler and male co-ruler (Jap. hime-hiko) in southwest Japan in the 1st-3rd centuries AD that is confirmed by the Chinese and Korean chronicles. The description of the palace Toyo-tama-hiko coincides with descriptions of palaces of local rulers of southwest Japan in the Chinese dynastic histories.Thus, the group of legends on the travel of Hiko-hoho-demi to the country Toyo-tama-hiko (which was on the far island) is Southern Kyushu community members’ vague reminiscence about contacts with the population of the Tsushima islands and communities of northwest Kyushu in the 3rd century.

Abstract A description is provided for Lindra thalassiae. Information on the host plants (Halimeda sp., Ruppia maritima, Sargassum cinereum, Sargassum sp., Thalassia testudinum and Tydemania expeditionis), geographical distribution (Canada; Mexico; Florida and Texas, USA; Belize; Karnataka and Kerala, India; Japan; Bermuda; Sargasso Sea; Queensland, Australia; New Zealand; American Virgin Islands; Bahamas; Cuba; Dominican Republic; Martinique; Puerto Rico; Trinidad and Tobago; Seychelles; Fiji; and French Polynesia), and dispersal and transmission of the pathogen is presented.

Abstract A description is provided for Corollospora maritima. Information on the host range, dispersal and transmission, and geographical distribution (Africa; Egypt; Sierra Leone; South Africa; Canada; Mexico; California, Massachusetts, North Carolina, Virginia and Hawaii, USA; Belize; Argentina; Brazil; Chile; Columbia; Peru; Brunei; Hong Kong and Shandong, China; Goa, Karnataka, Kerala, Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu and West Bengal, India; Japan; Russia; Malaysia; Singapore; Taiwan; Thailand; Bermuda; New South Wales, Queensland, South Australia and Victoria, Australia; New Zealand; American Virgin Islands; Bahamas; Cuba; Dominican Republic; Martinique; Puerto Rico; Trinidad and Tobago; Denmark; France; Germany; Iceland; Italy; Portugal; Spain; Sweden; Ukraine; UK; Aldabra; Seychelles; Israel; Kuwait; Chile; Fiji; and French Polynesia) of the pathogen is presented.

Abstract A description is provided for Saccobolus beckii. Almost all records of this species are on dung of herbivorous mammals, but it has also been recorded on pine bark in water cooling towers and, on that basis is sometimes included in discussions about freshwater aquatic fungi. Some information on its habitat, dispersal and transmission, and conservation status is given, along with details of its geographical distribution (Africa (Morocco, South Africa), North America (USA (Utah)), South America (Argentina, Brazil (Goiás, Pernambuco), Falkland Islands/Islas Malvinas, Peru), Asia (India (Tamil Nadu), Japan), Atlantic Ocean (Bermuda, Portugal (Azores), Spain (Canary Islands)), Australasia (Australia (Queensland, South Australia, Western Australia)), Europe (Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Denmark, France, Germany, Italy, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, UK)). No evaluation has been made of any possible positive economic impact of this fungus (e.g. as a recycler, as a source of useful products, as a provider of checks and balances within its ecosystem, etc.). Also, no reports of negative economic impacts have been found.

Abstract A description is provided for Propolis farinosa found embedded in wood and cone scales of Pinus sylvestris. Some information on its morphology, habitat, dispersal and transmission and conservation status is given, along with details of its geographical distribution (Algeria, Morocco, Canada (Alberta, British Columbia, Manitoba, Nova Scotia, Ontario, Quebec), USA (California, Colorado, Connecticut, District of Columbia, Delaware, Georgia, Idaho, Illinois, Iowa, Kansas, Louisiana, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, North Carolina, North Dakota, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Vermont, Virgina, Washington, West Virginia, Wisconsin, Wyoming), Argentina, Chile, Colombia, Peru, Greenland, Cyprus, Republic of Georgia, Israel, Kazakhstan (Almaty Oblast, East Kazakhstan Oblast), Japan, Pakistan, Russia (Primorsky Krai), Turkey, Bermuda, Spain (Canary Islands), Australia (Western Australia), New Zealand, Norfolk Island, Andorra, Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Croatia, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France (Corsica), Germany, Greece, Hungary, Iceland, Irish Republic, Italy (Sardinia), Luxembourg, Republic of Macedonia, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Russia (Krasnodarsky Krai, Leningrad Oblast, Npvgorod Oblast), Serbia, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain (Balearic Islands), Sweden, Switzerland, Ukraine, UK, USA (Hawaii)) and host (P. sylvestris).

Abstract A description is provided for Glutinoglossum glutinosum. Some information on its associated organisms and substrata, habitats, dispersal and transmission and conservation status is given, along with details of its geographical distribution (Africa (Morocco), North America (Canada (British Columbia and Ontario), Mexico and USA (Connecticut, Michigan, New Hampshire, New York, North Carolina, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Tennessee, Vermont and Virginia)), Central America (Costa Rica), Asia (Bhutan, China (Sichuan and Yunnan), India (Himachal Pradesh and Uttarakhand), Nepal, Japan and Philippines), Atlantic Ocean (Bermuda, Portugal (Madeira), Spain (Canary Islands)), Australasia (Australia (Victoria) and New Zealand), Caribbean (Puerto Rico), Europe (Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Italy, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Russia, Slovakia, Slovenia, Sweden, Switzerland and UK)). No reports of negative economic impacts of this fungus have been found.

Abstract A description is provided for Physarum bogoriense . Some information on its associated organisms and substrata, habitats, dispersal and transmission, and conservation status is given, along with details of its geographical distribution (Africa (Angola, Congo, Kenya, Liberia, Morocco, Nigeria, Rwanda, South Africa, Tanzania), Central America (Costa Rica, Honduras, Nicaragua, Panama), North America (Canada (British Columbia, Ontario, Quebec), Mexico, USA (Arkansas, California, Colorado, Florida, Georgia, Idaho, Iowa, Kansas, Louisiana, Massachusetts, Mississippi, New York, North Carolina, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, Texas, Virginia)), South America (Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil (Acre, Bahia, Pernambuco, Piaui, Sao Paulo, Santa Catarina, Sergipe), Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, French Guiana, Guyana, Peru, Suriname, Uruguay, Venezuela), Asia (China (Fujian, Heilongjiang, Hong Kong, Jilin, Shaanxi, Shandong, Quinhai), India (Assam, Chandigarh, Himachal Pradesh, Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Uttarakhand, Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal), Indonesia, Japan, Nepal, Papua-New Guinea, Philippines, Singapore, Taiwan, Thailand, Vietnam), Atlantic Ocean (Bermuda, Spain (Canary Islands)), Australasia (Australia (Tasmania), New Zealand), Caribbean (American Virgin Islands, Antigua and Barbuda, Cuba, Dominica, Jamaica, Puerto Rico, Trinidad and Tobago), Europe (Austria, former Czechoslovakia, France, Italy, Malta, Portugal, Romania, Spain), Indian Ocean (Seychelles), Pacific Ocean (Ecuador (Galapagos), Japan (Bonin Islands), USA (Hawaii))). No evaluation has been made of any possible positive economic impact of this organism and no reports of negative economic impacts have been found.

Abstract A description is provided for Memnoniella echinata. Information is included on the disease caused by the organism, its transmission, geographical distribution, and hosts. HOSTS: Abutilon, Achyranthes, Allium, Amorphophallus, Bombax, Brassica, Calotropis, Camellia, Carica, Cassia, Corchorus, Coriandrum, Cosmos, Citrus, Datura, Dianthus, Eucalyptus, Fagus, Glycine, Gmelina, Hehanthus, Hevea, Hibiscus, Hordeum, Litchi, Lagenaria, Lawsonia, Medicago, Musa, Oryza, Pennisetum, Phlox, Pisum, Phyllanthus, Picea, Psidium, Ricinus, Sesamum, Shorea, Solanum, Solidago, Sorghum, Stachylarpheta, Stereospermum, Tetragona, Tragopogon, Trigonella, Triticum, Vanda, Verbena, Vicia, Zingiber; also from air, paper, soil and plant debris, textiles, and wood. DISEASE: None as a primary pathogen of plants; frequently encountered as a secondary invader or as a saprophyte. GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION: AFRICA: Egypt, Ghana, South Africa, Zimbabwe. ASIA: Bangladesh, India, New Caledonia, Pakistan, Malaysia (Sabah), Sri Lanka. AUSTRALASIA & OCEANIA: Australia, New Zealand, Solomon Islands. EUROPE: UK. NORTH AMERICA: Bermuda. CENTRAL AMERICA & WEST INDIES: Trinidad. TRANSMISSION: By unknown means.

Abstract A description is provided for Leptogium cochleatum. Some information on its associated organisms and substrata, habitat, dispersal and transmission, and conservation status is given, along with details of its geographical distribution (Africa (Ethiopia, Kenya, Lesotho, Madagascar, Sao Tome and Principe, South Africa, Tanzania), North America (Canada (Nova Scotia), Mexico, USA (Alabama, Arizona, Colorado, Florida, Georgia, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, New Hampshire, New Jersey, North Carolina, Virginia)), Central America (Belize, Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Nicaragua), South America (Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil (Bahia, Mato Grosso, Pará, Rio de Janeiro, Rio Grande do Sul, Santa Catarina, São Paulo), Colombia, Ecuador, French Guina, Peru, Surinam, Venezuela), Asia (China (Beijing, Yunnan), India (Andaman & Nicobar Islands, Karnataka, Maharashtra, Nagaland, Sikkim, Tamil Nadu, Tripura, Uttarakhand, West Bengal), Indonesia, Japan, Malaysia, North Korea, Papua New Guinea, Philippines, Russia (Primorsky Krai), Singapore, South Korea, Taiwan, Thailand, Vietnam), Atlantic Ocean (Bermuda, Cape Verde, Portugal (Azores, Madeira), Spain (Canary Islands), St Helena), Australasia (Australia (New South Wales, Queensland, Victoria), New Zealand, Norfolk Island), Caribbean (Cuba, Guadeloupe), Europe (Austria, Croatia, France, Greece, Ireland, Italy, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Russia (Krasnodar Krai), Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, UK, former Yugoslavia), Indian Ocean (Mauritius), Pacific Ocean (New Caledonia, USA (Hawaii), Vanuatu)). This species is used in the British Isles as an indicator when making ecological assesments.

Abstract A description is provided for Thecotheus holmskjoldii, which has been recorded on dung. Some information on its habitat, dispersal and transmission, and conservation status is given, along with details of its geographical distribution (Africa (Algeria, Morocco), North America (Canada (British Columbia, Ontario), USA (California, Idaho, Indiana, New York, Ohio, Oregon, Utah)), South America (Chile), Asia (Armenia, Cyprus, Georgia, India (Himachal Pradesh, Jammu and Kashmir, Uttar Pradesh), Israel, Tajikistan), Arctic Ocean (Greenland), Atlantic Ocean (Bermuda, Portugal (Madeira), Spain (Canary Islands)), Australasia (New Zealand), Europe (Austria, Belgium, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Russia (Kursk Oblast), Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Ukraine)). No evaluation has been made of any possible positive economic impact of this fungus (e.g. as a recycler, as a source of useful products, as a provider of checks and balances within its ecosystem, etc.). Also, no reports of negative economic impacts have been found.

Abstract A description is provided for Alternaria longissima. Information is included on the disease caused by the organism, its transmission, geographical distribution, and hosts. HOSTS: On pollen grains, husks and grains of numerous members of the Poaceae, such as Zea mays, Pennisetum typhoides, Saccharum officinarum and Oryza sativa; on seeds of Sesamum and Capsicum, and on diverse plant debris. DISEASE: None is normally caused in the natural environment, however it is reported as causing stem and leaf blight of sunflowers in Thailand (71, 5765), as well as a zonate leaf spot and stem necrosis of Sesamum (61, 5893). GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION: Africa: Egypt, Malawi, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Sudan, Tanzania, Zambia. C. & S. America: Cuba, Venezuela. N. America: Bermuda, USA (GA, NC). Asia: Bhutan, Brunei, India, Laos, Malaysia, Nepal, South Korea, Taiwan, Thailand. Europe: Ukraine. Australasia & Oceania: Australia (QLD, VIC), New Zealand, Solomon Islands (Guadalcanal, New Georgia). TRANSMISSION: By wind dispersal of airborne conidia as well as on seeds.

Abstract A description is provided for Thecotheus pelletieri, which has been recorded on on dung of herbivorous mammals. Some information on its habitat, dispersal and transmission, and conservation status is given, along with details of its geographical distribution (North America (Canada (Ontario, Quebec), Mexico, USA (Florida, Iowa, Kansas, Massachusetts, Michigan, New Hampshire, New York, North Carolina, North Dakota, Ohio, Oregon, Tennessee, Virginia, Washington, Wisconsin)), Central America (Costa Rica), South America (Argentina, Brazil (Rio Grande do Sul), Colombia), Asia (China (Guangxi), India (Jammu and Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal), Japan, Russia (Sakhalin Oblast), Taiwan, Turkey), Atlantic Ocean (Bermuda, Portugal (Azores), Spain (Canary Islands)), Australasia (Australia (New South Wales, Queensland)), Caribbean (Dominica, Dominican Republic, Jamaica, Puerto Rico), Europe (Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Ireland, Italy, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Romania, Russia (Leningrad Oblast, Moscow Oblast), Serbia, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden, Ukraine, UK)). Cultures have been shown to produce cellulase and xylanase. No other evaluation has been made of any possible positive economic impact of this fungus (e.g. as a recycler, as a source of useful products, as a provider of checks and balances within its ecosystem, etc.). Also, no reports of negative economic impacts have been found.

Abstract A description is provided for Trichoglossum hirsutum. Some information on its associated organisms and substrata, habitats, dispersal and transmission and conservation status is given, along with details of its geographical distribution (Africa (Algeria, Cameroon, Congo Democratic Republic, Ghana, Malawi, Morocco, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, South Africa and Tanzania), North America (Canada (British Columbia, Ontario and Quebec)), Mexico, USA (California, Connecticut, Florida, Idaho, Indiana, Louisiana, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, North Carolina, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Oregon, Rhode Island, South Carolina, Tennessee, Vermont, Virginia, Washington and Wisconsin), Central America (Costa Rica and Panama), South America (Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil (Goias, Parana, Pernambuco and Rio Grande do Sul), Chile, Ecuador and Venezuela), Asia (China (Anhui, Gansu, Guangdong, Hainan, Hebei, Heilongjiang, Hong Kong, Hunan, Jiangsu, Jiangxi, Jilin, Sichuan, Yunnan and Zhejiang), Georgia, India (Assam, Himachal Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Uttarakhand), Indonesia, Japan, Malaysia, Nepal, Russia, Sri Lanka, Taiwan, Thailand and Turkey), Atlantic Ocean (Bermuda, Portugal (Madeira), Spain (Canary Islands)), Australasia (Australia (Victoria) and New Zealand), Caribbean (Cuba, Dominican Republic, Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago), Europe (Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, Montenegro, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Serbia, Slovakia, Sweden, Switzerland, Ukraine and UK), Indian Ocean (Mauritius), and Pacific Ocean (New Caledonia)). No reports of negative economic impacts of this fungus have been found.

Abstract A description is provided for Laetiporus sulphureus growing on a wide range of woody plants. Some information on its taxonomy, morphology, dispersal and transmission and conservation status is given, along with details of its geographical distribution (Cameroon, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Senegal, South Africa, Tanzania, Tunisia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, China (Guangxi, Jiangxi, Sichuan, Xinjiang Autonomous Region), Republic of Georgia, India (Assam, Chhattisgarh, Himachal Pradesh, Jammu and Kashmir, Kerala, Meghalaya, Rajasthan, Sikkim, Uttarakhand, Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal), Indonesia, Iran, Israel, Japan, Kazakhstan (Aktobe, Almaty, East Kazakhstan, South Kazakhstan, West Kazakhstan), Laos, Mongolia, Nepal, Pakistan, Philippines, Russia (Altai Krai, Altai Republic, Amur Oblast, Irkutsk Oblast, Khabarovsk Krai, Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug, Novosibirsk Oblast, Omsk Oblast, Primorsky Krai, Republic of Buryatia, Republic of Khakassia, Sakha Republic, Sakhalin Oblast, Sverdlovsk Oblast, Tomsk Oblast, Tyumen Oblast, Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug), Korea Republic, Taiwan, Turkey, Uzbekistan, Bermuda, Spain (Canary Islands), Australia (New South Wales, Northern Territory, Queensland, Tasmania, Victoria, Western Australia), New Zealand, Dominica, Guadeloupe, Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago, Belize, Costa Rica, Honduras, Panama, Austria, Belarus, Belgium, Bulgaria, Croatia, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Irish Republic, Isle of Man, Italy, Latvia, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Montenegro, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Russia (Astrakhan Oblast, Belgorod Oblast, Bryansk Oblast, Chuvash Republic, Ivanovo Oblast, Kaliningrad Oblast, Kaluga Oblast, Kirov Oblast, Krasnodar Krai, Kursk Oblast, Leningrad Oblast, Moscow Oblast, Nizhny Novgorod Oblast, Novgorod Oblast, Orenburg Oblast, Penza Oblast, Pskov Oblast, Republic of Adygea, Republic of Bashkortostan, Republic of Dagestan, Republic of Mordovia, Republic of North Ossetia-Alania, Republic of Tatarstan, Samara Oblast, Saratov Oblast, Stavropol Krai, Tambov Oblast, Tula Oblast, Tver Oblast, Ulyanovsk Oblast, Vladimir Oblast, Volgograd Oblast, Voronezh Oblast, Yaroslavl Oblast), Serbia, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Ukraine, UK, Mauritius, Réunion, Canada (British Columbia, Manitoba, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Ontario, Quebec), Mexico, USA (Alabama, Alaska, Arizona, Arkansas, California, Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, District of Columbia, Florida, Georgia, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Mississippi, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, North Carolina, North Dakota, Ohio, Oklahoma, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, South Carolina, South Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Vermont, Virginia, Washington, West Virginia, Wisconsin, Hawaii), Argentina, Brazil (Amazonas, Bahia, Distrito Federal, Espírito Santo, Paraná, Pernambuco, Rio de Janeiro, Rio Grande do Sul, Santa Catarina, São Paulo), Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Guyana, Venezuela) and hosts (Quercus, Salix, Prunus, Fagus and Populus spp.).

Objective: The new Tourism and Health Information System (THiS) was implemented for syndromic surveillance in visitor accommodations in the Caribbean region. The objective was to monitor for illnesses and potential outbreaks in visitor accommodations (hotels/guest houses) in the Caribbean in real-time using the web-based application.Introduction: Travel and tourism pose global health security risks via the introduction and spread of disease, as demonstrated by the H1N1 pandemic (2009), Chikungunya (2013), and recent Zika virus outbreak. In 2016, nearly 60 million persons visited the Caribbean. Historically no regional surveillance systems for illnesses in visitor populations existed. The Tourism and Health Information System (THiS), designed by the Caribbean Public Health Agency (CARPHA) from 2016-2017, is a new web-based application for syndromic surveillance in Caribbean accommodation settings, with real-time data analytics and aberration detection built in. Once an accommodation registers as part of the surveillance system, guests and staff can report their illness to front desk administration who then complete an online case questionnaire. Alternatively guests and staff from both registered and unregistered accommodations can self-report their illness using the online questionnaire in the THiS web application. Reported symptoms are applied against case definitions in real-time to generate the following syndromes: gastroenteritis, fever & respiratory symptoms, fever & haemorrhagic symptoms, fever & neurologic symptoms, undifferentiated fever, and fever & rash. Reported data is analyzed in real-time and displayed in a data analytic dashboard that is accessible to hotel/guest house management and surveillance officers at the Ministry of Health. Data analytics include syndrome trends over time, gender and age breakdown, and illness attack rates.Methods: Visitor accommodations from the following countries participated: Bahamas, Barbados, Belize, Bermuda, Guyana, Jamaica, Trinidad & Tobago, and Turks & Caicos Islands. National staff from the Ministry of Health, Ministry of Tourism, and/or Tourism Authority/Board engaged accommodations to participate. Participating accommodations were provided with training by national staff on how to report cases and use data analytic functions. They were asked to provide registration information to CARPHA, such as contact information to create login credentials, and data on occupancy rates for low/high seasons, number of staff, and number of lodging rooms to calculate illness attack rates. Weekly email reminders to accommodations to report cases of illness in the THiS web application, or to confirm 'nil' cases by email were sent by CARPHA staff.Results: Of the 105 accommodations engaged by national staff, 39.1% (n=41) registered to participate, accounting for 3738 lodging rooms. From epidemiological week 24-39, five cases of syndromes from three accommodations in two countries were reported in the THiS web application (Table). A case of gastroenteritis and fever & respiratory symptoms were self-reported from an unregistered accommodation. Three cases of gastroenteritis were reported by hotel administration from two registered accommodations. The average response rate to weekly emails confirming 'nil' cases was 32.1% (range: 10.5-83.3%). One accommodation reported by email a cluster of 7 cases with possible conjuctivitis. No outbreaks or aberrations were detected in the THiS web application.Conclusions: Engagement of Caribbean visitor accommodations in public health surveillance is a novel but critical undertaking for promoting health, safety, and security for both visitors and locals in the tourism dependent Caribbean region, but it will take time to establish. Confirming the absence of illness is an important public health endeavor for visitor accommodations. Preliminary results have demonstrated that it is possible for public health to work in a voluntary basis with the private accommodation sector. To establish more consistent and reliable reporting public health legislation and policies will need to be explored. As more data is gathered, assessments of the validity and sensitivity of the system will need to be conducted.

Introduction In September 2022, American retail giant Walmart launched two new gaming experiences onto popular multi-platform gaming experience Roblox, entitled Walmart Land and Walmart Universe of Play. First released in 2006, Roblox is an online multiplayer programme and a virtual gaming world that is part of a rise of other similar programmes, including Minecraft (2009), Pokémon GO (2016), and Fortnite (2013). Like these other games, it is also a multi-platform program, which means that “it can be played on computers, tablets, mobiles or video consoles, thus enabling its ubiquitous access” (Meier et al. 269). In that sense, these games and programmes have inherited the ubiquity that occurred through the popularity of mobile devices, smart phones, and tablets, where “games are never further than arm’s length” (Leaver & Wilson 2). It is believed that the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020-2021 ended up intensifying user interest in Roblox as it became a site for virtual and online socialisation through its multiplayer construction and play (Cucco). Recently, Roblox has earned the reputation of being the “children’s metaverse”: as Andrew Hutchinson has noted, in the gaming worlds of Roblox “we do already have basic templates for what the metaverse may look like… where youngsters interact via digital avatars, and move from experience to experience in a 3D environment”. Roblox is essentially a host to a compendium of user-generated content games that fit into many game genres, including role player games, obbys (obstacle course games), tycoon, fantasy, adventure, strategy, simulations, and many others. In Roblox, users create personal avatars that can move and negotiate in first person through online worlds. While Roblox is aimed at players of all ages, it has been especially targeted towards younger children and teenage users, and research suggests that the programme predominantly hosts child players (Geffen). Meier et al. suggest that Roblox “is a program that offers the possibility of creating and sharing three-dimensional virtual environments easily and has an interface suitable for children” (269). Walmart’s two Roblox games demand critical attention because the virtual worlds that have been created for Roblox present knowledge about the way that a “metaverse” might be imagined for young players on the system. This is especially important due to the troubling vision of commodified and fully themed corporate shopping experiences (e.g., Ernest Cline’s dystopian novel Ready Player One (2011) of virtual worlds owned by a billionaire). An examination of these games means also examining the ways that children are exposed to commodity culture, and understanding the ways that children’s culture has been commodified through gamified experiences and technologies. As I demonstrate in this article, concern about the games‘ function as advertising for Roblox has seen action from consumer watchdog groups labelling the games as “advergames”, and recently one of the games has been removed from Roblox by Walmart. As Natalie Coulter has argued, there is a long history of consumer culture’s link with children’s media, but from the mid-twentieth century and beyond, the marketplace “has become more tightly enmeshed with children and their culture” (410). While “youth” has become a marketing category – fractured into smaller and smaller marketing niches – Coulter argues that in the twenty first century the rise of Websites and Web games have worked to “link toys and the virtual world together”, where children’s online time can now be considered “basically commercial time where there is no distinction between content and an advertisement for the toy” (419). This has been simultaneous with converged technologies that also merge storytelling with consumer products. Jason Bainbridge has noted that “merchandising is now regularly used to extend and enrich narratives, to personalise media properties, increase the cultural circulation (or shelf-life) of properties and occasionally even enable them to jump media platforms and survive in entirely new textual environments” (24). Given that Roblox is already a space of enmeshed commercial activity, play and financial transaction – especially through its internal currency of “Robux” that is used for avatar and in-game purchases – the Walmart games present yet another complex layering of these personal and corporate dimensions as an aspect of gameplay. The two Walmart games are designed to appeal to different age groups and users – Walmart Land is aimed at older children and young adults, through its creation of a live pop music virtual world, while Walmart Universe of Play is clearly marketed toward younger children through its focus on showcasing major toy brands (these included L.O.L. Surprise!, Jurassic World, Paw Patrol, Magic Mixies and Razor Scooters). In this article, I examine the two Walmart Roblox games through formal analysis of their gameplay, focussing on the ways that both games are incentivising play and how they link to in-game purchases and the Walmart brand. I argue that both games are designed to link gameplay with a highly personalised shopping experience, which blurs the boundaries between games and branded advertising. For this reason, I suggest that close attention should be given to contemporary corporate games that develop visions of a “metaverse”, as they may not have the user’s interests in mind so much as their organisation’s profit margin. Walmart’s Roblox games Walmart Land is a walk-through fantasy world that focusses on pop culture, fashion, and music: like many of the “worlds” of Roblox, it presents as a small archipelago, surrounded by sea, with the action taking place on the interconnected islands. The islands are shaped into the “spark” shape of the Walmart logo – there is one central island or “hub” (and starting point), surrounded by radiating longer islands connected by bridges. Users can walk along the series of pathways and bridges between the islands, or else shortcut via monorail to key stopovers, or finally use a portal to travel to whatever part of the “world” is most appealing (this is typical of the travel experience provided in Roblox games). There are also “obby” areas with parkour-like jumps to exciting places, and surreal locations such as a forest of broccoli and a maze of cut fruit slices. Across these islands, users are encouraged to participate, earn tokens, and explore all the areas in more detail: for example, at the “Food Truck Park”, you can find recipes for “Great Value” dishes such as “Skillet Beef Burrito”, where users are encouraged to “take a snapshot with your device” of the full recipe for making later. Tokens (visually, they are coins) are placed along the pathways of the islands, which when collected can be used as payment for in-game purchases. The tokens can be spent on Walmart fashion and accessories: for example, as I play the game there is a Free Assembly rugby polo that can be purchased for 110 tokens (Free Assembly is a Walmart fashion label). The other way to earn tokens is to participate in the various mini-games located at many of the Walmart Land’s sites. For example, there is a “Dance Off Challenge” where your avatar can try out a range of funky moves and “win” the dance-off, and a Netflix trivia challenge which grants credits to film and television knowledge. There is an “Electric Island” that according to Walmart’s marketing has been “inspired by the world’s greatest music festivals”, although the concert stage is empty as I visit. You can access the live music stage via a red carpet that is flanked by paparazzi figures clamouring to take your avatar’s photo. While the stage is typically inactive when I have accessed the game, according to Walmart’s marketing materials there have previously been musical performances from pop stars such as YUNGBLUD and Madison Beer. Then, there are singular mini-games on each island: such as a DJ booth where users can play at practicing beats; and a roller rink for blading tricks. Within Walmart Land, users can access virtual merchandise (“verch”) for the user avatar and earn tokens and games from competitions. There is a “House of Style” space with dressing rooms, which is the main location for purchase of avatar fashion with the earned tokens. As this description suggests, Walmart Land resembles in a retro way the kind of experience had in a supermarket store or a mega-mall / shopping centre, where there are “aisles/isles”, or segmented and themed areas of entertainment. The dream-like “land” aims to create a phantasmagoria, with idiosyncratic personal travel that constitutes a real-life shopping experience, hence it includes personally satisfying flânerie for distinctiveness and originality. Yet, this seems to be one of the failings of the experience: playing through this world, choices are limited, and the in-games feel simplistic, and unlikely to sustain interest across multiple visits. This game seems particularly in need of updates with novel content, such as the live concert experiences on the empty stage. The second game, Walmart Universe of Play, has a similar structure and format to Walmart Land, although the focus is squarely placed on bringing to life pre-existing toy franchises that are readily available at the retail company’s stores. For this reason, there is a much greater focus on Walmart’s brand partners in this game than in Walmart Land, except the separate themed areas seem to be fully “owned” by these brands. Again, it presents a magical wonderland full of surreal and fantastic games and events. The term “Universe of Play” is a direct reference to the name of Walmart’s real-life toy department from their bricks and mortar stores. In this game, the focus is on earning free verch that promotes either Walmart or its nominated brands (e.g. L.O.L. Surprise!, Jurassic World, Paw Patrol, Magic Mixies, and Razor Scooters). As users walk along in this world, large wrapped gift boxes appear on the pathways that can be opened through the “Interact” function. The virtual “gifts” end up being virtual images of real-life products, which arguably constitutes a pure, visual advertisement for the toy. As with Walmart Land, the game resembles the multi-world format of the retail chain itself, and the 3-D travel that is an in-built feature of Roblox’s gameplay allows users to explore “immersive worlds” connected to brand franchises, earn rewards through collection of tokens that can be redeemed for virtual merchandise and toys. There is also travel on special vehicles, such as flying hoverboards. Many of the updates in the game focus on the promotion of toy products, such as the virtual drone that can highlight the “hottest toy world of the season” (Walmart). In this way, the updates seem to emulate catalogue delivery, with the world itself a kind of virtual catalogue for purchasable products. Then, the real store’s catalogue becomes a way of learning about the game, as it offers readers codes to exclusive privileges within the Roblox game. So, there is a virtual-real crossover between the game and children’s experiences in the real-life store, inviting users to imagine that the virtual world is an extension of the real one. Through earning tokens, all of the games are designed for virtual purchases, and while these are free, they normalise the typical experience of Roblox where one’s presentation of identity (through the personal avatar) is strongly linked with in-game transactions. Discussion So, how do we make sense of these Walmart games on Roblox? Some commentators have observed that the new Walmart games do not seem to provide innovative or playful experiences, in contrast to many of the games on the Roblox platform. Writing for Forbes magazine, Paul Tassi has suggested that the Walmart logo of Walmart Land looms in the background “like a digital Eye of Sauron”, and questions the originality of the games: But who wants … Walmart Land? I’d argue nobody, and it’s just a branded, less interesting version of playspaces that already exist in Roblox a thousand times over, without a corporation attached. It is worth examining the motivation for the branded partnership from both organisations. For Roblox, the Walmart partnership was economically important: it represented one of its first major corporate partnerships with central intention to release virtual product into the Roblox game system. Typically, corporate partnerships with Roblox had led to the partnered brands creating tangible, “real life” ancillary Roblox toys and merchandise that could be purchased at toy stores (e.g., figurines, boardgames, and toy guns). (Some examples of Roblox’s recent brand toy partnerships: Hasbro created a Roblox 2022 edition of Monopoly; NERF has released NERF guns based upon particular Roblox games Adopt Me!, Arsenal, Jailbreak, Mad City, Murder Mystery 2, and Phantom Forces. Also, Roblox game studios have gone on to create their own toy lines: for example, Gamefam released a set of dolls based on their game Twilight Daycare.) In this case, the toy store (a.k.a. Walmart) has itself gone virtual, which means that Walmart is also investing into Roblox’s vision of a playable “metaverse” for its young users. This is clearly significant, as it represents what could be the beginning of a new, lucrative model for co-branded game creation for Roblox, adding to ways of diversifying revenue for the company beyond its in-game micro-transactions (Vanian). The metaverse has been a key concept in Roblox’s recent strategic vision, and they have benefitted from the wider global interest in the metaverse, popularised in the wake of Mark Zuckerberg’s presentation on metaverse futures for Facebook, sensationally renamed Meta at the Connect conference of October 2021. As Evans et al. have noted, 2021 was the year that the metaverse “truly hit the mainstream”, and Meta/Facebook is “arguably the current leader in the race to build the metaverse” (1). Yet, earlier that year Roblox also mentioned their own version of a metaverse at their first Investor Day video published on YouTube in February 2021 (Roblox Investor Day). In this video, CEO and co-founder David Baszucki specifically mentions that Roblox are evolving to become the “shepherds of the metaverse”, and that their vision includes the tenets of “identity”, “friends”, “immersiveness”, “frictionless”, “variety”, “anywhere”, “a vibrant economy”, and “trust and civility”. The Walmart games, then, present a part of the rich variety of content available on the Roblox system, although Baszucki is quick to emphasise the rich user-generated content provided by non-businesses and ordinary gamers: the content created by billion-dollar companies does not receive a mention as part of this revolutionary and utopian vision. In this way, we can see how Walmart – a megacorporation that has aggressively competed for the e-commerce of major retail rival Amazon since 2016 (Del Rey) – might choose to create content and join this virtual diversity with its large network of young users. Walmart’s investment demonstrates how companies are currently choosing to test out strategies across a range of virtual online worlds: investing into many different forms of the metaverse. The investment into the virtual play of Roblox represents the company’s new strategy of engagement with virtual e-commerce, as well as investigating metaverse futures. According to a CNBC interview with Walmart’s Chief Marketing Officer William White, the two Walmart games released onto Roblox were marketing tests of new kinds of consumer engagement for online and virtual shopping experiences, helping to learn about and gauge the changing shopping habits in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic (Repko). Part of the rationale for production of the games was for Walmart to learn about new ways to reach consumers, with developing metaverse technologies in mind: Roblox will serve as a testing ground for Walmart as it considers moves in the metaverse and beyond, said William White, Walmart’s chief marketing officer. He said the experiences are designed with the next generation of shoppers in mind, particularly Gen Z, generally defined as around age 25 or younger. White said the company is looking to learn from the partnership. “How are we driving relevance in cultural conversation? How are we developing community and engagement? How are we moving the needle from a brand favourability [standpoint] with younger audiences?” he said. “That’s what we’re trying to accomplish here.” (Repko) Yet, as this analysis of the gameplay in the two games reveals, advertising product seems key to the experiences gained in Walmart Land and Walmart Universe of Play. After the release of the games in 2022, critical media attention quickly turned to concerns about the blurred lines between games and marketing, and in January 2023 US media watchdogs Truth in Advertising.org (TINA.org) released a complaint about the Walmart Roblox games’ lack of disclosure that they were a form of children’s advertising and therefore constituted an “advergame” (Karabus; Perez). An “advergame” is defined as a “popular marketing tool used by companies to sell products to children” (Cho & Riddle 1309). Referring to the Walmart games, TINA.org noted that the games were “blurring the distinction between advertising content and organic content, and failing to provide any clear or conspicuous disclosures that the game (or contents within the game) are ads” (Truth in Advertising). Their concern was linked to the vulnerability of young children on Roblox, especially after academic research has suggested that younger and older children have difficulty in distinguishing between advertising and computer games; for example, Waiguny and Terlutter have indicated that children have more difficulty doing this than distinguishing between television programmes and advertising. In March 2023, Walmart closed down Walmart Universe of Play, although they have officially stated that the closure was a “planned part of its strategy” (Adams). In a statement, they noted that “the intent of our presence on Roblox is to continuously innovate … . Taking down some experiences to work on new [ones] is part of that innovation” (Adams). Walmart Land is still in operation on Roblox. The closure of one of the games demonstrates the level of experimentation that is taking place as companies invest in “metaverse” games: there are still fundamental concerns to iron out about virtual branded property and its links to advertising, especially in content that is specifically created for children. Conclusion This – and other – early case studies of toy brand partnerships on Roblox should be given attention because the ways that corporations link in with the socialisation and play factors of the game may have lasting impact upon the development and construction of online identities in 3-D immersive contexts. My hope is that the issues raised in this article link to broader debates in media-focussed cultural studies about the commodification of children’s experiences, the creation of “toyetic” media texts, and the broader and extensive discourse of media effects research and impacts on children and young people. Investigating the Walmart games also has implications for emerging research on the “metaverse” and the ways by which it will be commodified. Utilising methods such as formal game analysis helps to show how users may interact with games and brands in these fledgeling metaverse experiences. It may also demonstrate how some of the utopian ideals of the concept are compromised through the company’s bottom line, which for Roblox seems particularly linked to the creation of the virtual avatar, and the production of a unique online identity troublingly linked to purchase and consumption. Acknowledgment Many thanks to Louis Joseph Jeffs for our ongoing conversations about Roblox. 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Walmart.“Walmart Jumps into Roblox with Launch of Walmart Land and Walmart’s Universe of Play.” 26 Sep. 2022. <https://corporate.walmart.com/newsroom/2022/09/26/walmart-jumps-into-roblox-with-launch-of-walmart-land-and-walmarts-universe-of-play>.

Introduction The aim of this paper is to examine whether recent catastrophic tsunamis have driven a cultural shift in the awareness of Australians to the danger associated with this natural hazard and whether the media have contributed to the emergence of “tsunami” as a new Australian catastrophe. Prior to the devastating 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami disaster (2004 IOT), tsunamis as a type of hazard capable of generating widespread catastrophe were not well known by the general public and had barely registered within the wider scientific community. As a university based lecturer who specialises in natural disasters, I always started my public talks or student lectures with an attempt at a detailed description of what a tsunami is. With little high quality visual and media imagery to use, this was not easy. The Australian geologist Ted Bryant was right when he named his 2001 book Tsunami: The Underrated Hazard. That changed on 26 December 2004 when the third largest earthquake ever recorded occurred northwest of Sumatra, Indonesia, triggering the most catastrophic tsunami ever experienced. The 2004 IOT claimed at least 220,000 lives—probably more—injured tens of thousands, destroyed widespread coastal infrastructure and left millions homeless. Beyond the catastrophic impacts, this tsunami was conspicuous because, for the first time, such a devastating tsunami was widely captured on video and other forms of moving and still imagery. This occurred for two reasons. Firstly, the tsunami took place during daylight hours in good weather conditions—factors conducive to capturing high quality visual images. Secondly, many people—both local residents and westerners who were on beachside holidays and at the coast at multiple locations impacted by the tsunami—were able to capture images of the tsunami on their cameras, videos, and smart phones. The extensive media coverage—including horrifying television, video, and still imagery that raced around the globe in the hours and days after the tsunami, filling our television screens, homes, and lives regardless of where we lived—had a dramatic effect. This single event drove a quantum shift in the wider cultural awareness of this type of catastrophe and acted as a catalyst for improved individual and societal understanding of the nature and effects of disaster landscapes. Since this event, there have been several notable tsunamis, including the March 2011 Japan catastrophe. Once again, this event occurred during daylight hours and was widely captured by multiple forms of media. These events have resulted in a cascade of media coverage across television, radio, movie, and documentary channels, in the print media, online, and in the popular press and on social media—very little of which was available prior to 2004. Much of this has been documentary and informative in style, but there have also been numerous television dramas and movies. For example, an episode of the popular American television series CSI Miami entitled Crime Wave (Season 3, Episode 7) featured a tsunami, triggered by a volcanic eruption in the Atlantic and impacting Miami, as the backdrop to a standard crime-filled episode ("CSI," IMDb; Wikipedia). In 2010, Warner Bros Studios released the supernatural drama fantasy film Hereafter directed by Clint Eastwood. In the movie, a television journalist survives a near-death experience during the 2004 IOT in what might be the most dramatic, and probably accurate, cinematic portrayal of a tsunami ("Hereafter," IMDb; Wikipedia). Thus, these creative and entertaining forms of media, influenced by the catastrophic nature of tsunamis, are impetuses for creativity that also contribute to a transformation of cultural knowledge of catastrophe. The transformative potential of creative media, together with national and intergovernmental disaster risk reduction activity such as community education, awareness campaigns, community evacuation planning and drills, may be indirectly inferred from rapid and positive community behavioural responses. By this I mean many people in coastal communities who experience strong earthquakes are starting a process of self-evacuation, even if regional tsunami warning centres have not issued an alert or warning. For example, when people in coastal locations in Samoa felt a large earthquake on 29 September 2009, many self-evacuated to higher ground or sought information and instruction from relevant authorities because they expected a tsunami to occur. When interviewed, survivors stated that the memory of television and media coverage of the 2004 IOT acted as a catalyst for their affirmative behavioural response (Dominey-Howes and Thaman 1). Thus, individual and community cultural understandings of the nature and effects of tsunami catastrophes are incredibly important for shaping resilience and reducing vulnerability. However, this cultural shift is not playing out evenly.Are Australia and Its People at Risk from Tsunamis?Prior to the 2004 IOT, there was little discussion about, research in to, or awareness about tsunamis and Australia. Ted Bryant from the University of Wollongong had controversially proposed that Australia had been affected by tsunamis much bigger than the 2004 IOT six to eight times during the last 10,000 years and that it was only a matter of when, not if, such an event repeated itself (Bryant, "Second Edition"). Whilst his claims had received some media attention, his ideas did not achieve widespread scientific, cultural, or community acceptance. Not-with-standing this, Australia has been affected by more than 60 small tsunamis since European colonisation (Dominey-Howes 239). Indeed, the 2004 IOT and 2006 Java tsunami caused significant flooding of parts of the Northern Territory and Western Australia (Prendergast and Brown 69). However, the affected areas were sparsely populated and experienced very little in the way of damage or loss. Thus they did not cross any sort of critical threshold of “catastrophe” and failed to achieve meaningful community consciousness—they were not agents of cultural transformation.Regardless of the risk faced by Australia’s coastline, Australians travel to, and holiday in, places that experience tsunamis. In fact, 26 Australians were killed during the 2004 IOT (DFAT) and five were killed by the September 2009 South Pacific tsunami (Caldwell et al. 26). What Role Do the Media Play in Preparing for and Responding to Catastrophe?Regardless of the type of hazard/disaster/catastrophe, the key functions the media play include (but are not limited to): pre-event community education, awareness raising, and planning and preparations; during-event preparation and action, including status updates, evacuation warnings and notices, and recommendations for affirmative behaviours; and post-event responses and recovery actions to follow, including where to gain aid and support. Further, the media also play a role in providing a forum for debate and post-event analysis and reflection, as a mechanism to hold decision makers to account. From time to time, the media also provide a platform for examining who, if anyone, might be to blame for losses sustained during catastrophes and can act as a powerful conduit for driving socio-cultural, behavioural, and policy change. Many of these functions are elegantly described and a series of best practices outlined by The Caribbean Disaster Emergency Management Agency in a tsunami specific publication freely available online (CDEMA 1). What Has Been the Media Coverage in Australia about Tsunamis and Their Effects on Australians?A manifest contents analysis of media material covering tsunamis over the last decade using the framework of Cox et al. reveals that coverage falls into distinctive and repetitive forms or themes. After tsunamis, I have collected articles (more than 130 to date) published in key Australian national broadsheets (e.g., The Australian and Sydney Morning Herald) and tabloid (e.g., The Telegraph) newspapers and have watched on television and monitored on social media, such as YouTube and Facebook, the types of coverage given to tsunamis either affecting Australia, or Australians domestically and overseas. In all cases, I continued to monitor and collect these stories and accounts for a fixed period of four weeks after each event, commencing on the day of the tsunami. The themes raised in the coverage include: the nature of the event. For example, where, when, why did it occur, how big was it, and what were the effects; what emergency response and recovery actions are being undertaken by the emergency services and how these are being provided; exploration of how the event was made worse or better by poor/good planning and prior knowledge, action or inaction, confusion and misunderstanding; the attribution of blame and responsibility; the good news story—often the discovery and rescue of an “iconic victim/survivor”—usually a child days to weeks later; and follow-up reporting weeks to months later and on anniversaries. This coverage generally focuses on how things are improving and is often juxtaposed with the ongoing suffering of victims. I select the word “victims” purposefully for the media frequently prefer this over the more affirmative “survivor.”The media seldom carry reports of “behind the scenes” disaster preparatory work such as community education programs, the development and installation of warning and monitoring systems, and ongoing training and policy work by response agencies and governments since such stories tend to be less glamorous in terms of the disaster gore factor and less newsworthy (Cox et al. 469; Miles and Morse 365; Ploughman 308).With regard to Australians specifically, the manifest contents analysis reveals that coverage can be described as follows. First, it focuses on those Australians killed and injured. Such coverage provides elements of a biography of the victims, telling their stories, personalising these individuals so we build empathy for their suffering and the suffering of their families. The Australian victims are not unknown strangers—they are named and pictures of their smiling faces are printed or broadcast. Second, the media describe and catalogue the loss and ongoing suffering of the victims (survivors). Third, the media use phrases to describe Australians such as “innocent victims in the wrong place at the wrong time.” This narrative establishes the sense that these “innocents” have been somehow wronged and transgressed and that suffering should not be experienced by them. The fourth theme addresses the difficulties Australians have in accessing Consular support and in acquiring replacement passports in order to return home. It usually goes on to describe how they have difficulty in gaining access to accommodation, clothing, food, and water and any necessary medicines and the challenges associated with booking travel home and the complexities of communicating with family and friends. The last theme focuses on how Australians were often (usually?) not given relevant safety information by “responsible people” or “those in the know” in the place where they were at the time of the tsunami. This establishes a sense that Australians were left out and not considered by the relevant authorities. This narrative pays little attention to the wide scale impact upon and suffering of resident local populations who lack the capacity to escape the landscape of catastrophe.How Does Australian Media Coverage of (Tsunami) Catastrophe Compare with Elsewhere?A review of the available literature suggests media coverage of catastrophes involving domestic citizens is similar globally. For example, Olofsson (557) in an analysis of newspaper articles in Sweden about the 2004 IOT showed that the tsunami was framed as a Swedish disaster heavily focused on Sweden, Swedish victims, and Thailand, and that there was a division between “us” (Swedes) and “them” (others or non-Swedes). Olofsson (557) described two types of “us” and “them.” At the international level Sweden, i.e. “us,” was glorified and contrasted with “inferior” countries such as Thailand, “them.” Olofsson (557) concluded that mediated frames of catastrophe are influenced by stereotypes and nationalistic values.Such nationalistic approaches preface one type of suffering in catastrophe over others and delegitimises the experiences of some survivors. Thus, catastrophes are not evenly experienced. Importantly, Olofsson although not explicitly using the term, explains that the underlying reason for this construction of “them” and “us” is a form of imperialism and colonialism. Sharp refers to “historically rooted power hierarchies between countries and regions of the world” (304)—this is especially so of western news media reporting on catastrophes within and affecting “other” (non-western) countries. Sharp goes much further in relation to western representations and imaginations of the “war on terror” (arguably a global catastrophe) by explicitly noting the near universal western-centric dominance of this representation and the construction of the “west” as good and all “non-west” as not (299). Like it or not, the western media, including elements of the mainstream Australian media, adhere to this imperialistic representation. Studies of tsunami and other catastrophes drawing upon different types of media (still images, video, film, camera, and social media such as Facebook, Twitter, and the like) and from different national settings have explored the multiple functions of media. These functions include: providing information, questioning the authorities, and offering a chance for transformative learning. Further, they alleviate pain and suffering, providing new virtual communities of shared experience and hearing that facilitate resilience and recovery from catastrophe. Lastly, they contribute to a cultural transformation of catastrophe—both positive and negative (Hjorth and Kyoung-hwa "The Mourning"; "Good Grief"; McCargo and Hyon-Suk 236; Brown and Minty 9; Lau et al. 675; Morgan and de Goyet 33; Piotrowski and Armstrong 341; Sood et al. 27).Has Extensive Media Coverage Resulted in an Improved Awareness of the Catastrophic Potential of Tsunami for Australians?In playing devil’s advocate, my simple response is NO! This because I have been interviewing Australians about their perceptions and knowledge of tsunamis as a catastrophe, after events have occurred. These events have triggered alerts and warnings by the Australian Tsunami Warning System (ATWS) for selected coastal regions of Australia. Consequently, I have visited coastal suburbs and interviewed people about tsunamis generally and those events specifically. Formal interviews (surveys) and informal conversations have revolved around what people perceived about the hazard, the likely consequences, what they knew about the warning, where they got their information from, how they behaved and why, and so forth. I have undertaken this work after the 2007 Solomon Islands, 2009 New Zealand, 2009 South Pacific, the February 2010 Chile, and March 2011 Japan tsunamis. I have now spoken to more than 800 people. Detailed research results will be presented elsewhere, but of relevance here, I have discovered that, to begin with, Australians have a reasonable and shared cultural knowledge of the potential catastrophic effects that tsunamis can have. They use terms such as “devastating; death; damage; loss; frightening; economic impact; societal loss; horrific; overwhelming and catastrophic.” Secondly, when I ask Australians about their sources of information about tsunamis, they describe the television (80%); Internet (85%); radio (25%); newspaper (35%); and social media including YouTube (65%). This tells me that the media are critical to underpinning knowledge of catastrophe and are a powerful transformative medium for the acquisition of knowledge. Thirdly, when asked about where people get information about live warning messages and alerts, Australians stated the “television (95%); Internet (70%); family and friends (65%).” Fourthly and significantly, when individuals were asked what they thought being caught in a tsunami would be like, responses included “fun (50%); awesome (75%); like in a movie (40%).” Fifthly, when people were asked about what they would do (i.e., their “stated behaviour”) during a real tsunami arriving at the coast, responses included “go down to the beach to swim/surf the tsunami (40%); go to the sea to watch (85%); video the tsunami and sell to the news media people (40%).”An independent and powerful representation of the disjunct between Australians’ knowledge of the catastrophic potential of tsunamis and their “negative” behavioral response can be found in viewing live television news coverage broadcast from Sydney beaches on the morning of Sunday 28 February 2010. The Chilean tsunami had taken more than 14 hours to travel from Chile to the eastern seaboard of Australia and the ATWS had issued an accurate warning and had correctly forecast the arrival time of the tsunami (approximately 08.30 am). The television and radio media had dutifully broadcast the warning issued by the State Emergency Services. The message was simple: “Stay out of the water, evacuate the beaches and move to higher ground.” As the tsunami arrived, those news broadcasts showed volunteer State Emergency Service personnel and Surf Life Saving Australia lifeguards “begging” with literally hundreds (probably thousands up and down the eastern seaboard of Australia) of members of the public to stop swimming in the incoming tsunami and to evacuate the beaches. On that occasion, Australians were lucky and the tsunami was inconsequential. What do these responses mean? Clearly Australians recognise and can describe the consequences of a tsunami. However, they are not associating the catastrophic nature of tsunami with their own lives or experience. They are avoiding or disallowing the reality; they normalise and dramaticise the event. Thus in Australia, to date, a cultural transformation about the catastrophic nature of tsunami has not occurred for reasons that are not entirely clear but are the subject of ongoing study.The Emergence of Tsunami as a “New Australian Catastrophe”?As a natural disaster expert with nearly two decades experience, in my mind tsunami has emerged as a “new Australian catastrophe.” I believe this has occurred for a number of reasons. Firstly, the 2004 IOT was devastating and did impact northwestern Australia, raising the flag on this hitherto, unknown threat. Australia is now known to be vulnerable to the tsunami catastrophe. The media have played a critical role here. Secondly, in the 2004 IOT and other tsunamis since, Australians have died and their deaths have been widely reported in the Australian media. Thirdly, the emergence of various forms of social media has facilitated an explosion in information and material that can be consumed, digested, reimagined, and normalised by Australians hungry for the gore of catastrophe—it feeds our desire for catastrophic death and destruction. Fourthly, catastrophe has been creatively imagined and retold for a story-hungry viewing public. Whether through regular television shows easily consumed from a comfy chair at home, or whilst eating popcorn at a cinema, tsunami catastrophe is being fed to us in a way that reaffirms its naturalness. Juxtaposed against this idea though is that, despite all the graphic imagery of tsunami catastrophe, especially images of dead children in other countries, Australian media do not and culturally cannot, display images of dead Australian children. Such images are widely considered too gruesome but are well known to drive changes in cultural behaviour because of the iconic significance of the child within our society. As such, a cultural shift has not yet occurred and so the potential of catastrophe remains waiting to strike. Fifthly and significantly, given the fact that large numbers of Australians have not died during recent tsunamis means that again, the catastrophic potential of tsunamis is not yet realised and has not resulted in cultural changes to more affirmative behaviour. Lastly, Australians are probably more aware of “regular or common” catastrophes such as floods and bush fires that are normal to the Australian climate system and which are endlessly experienced individually and culturally and covered by the media in all forms. The Australian summer of 2012–13 has again been dominated by floods and fires. If this idea is accepted, the media construct a uniquely Australian imaginary of catastrophe and cultural discourse of disaster. The familiarity with these common climate catastrophes makes us “culturally blind” to the catastrophe that is tsunami.The consequences of a major tsunami affecting Australia some point in the future are likely to be of a scale not yet comprehensible. References Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC). "ABC Net Splash." 20 Mar. 2013 ‹http://splash.abc.net.au/media?id=31077›. Brown, Philip, and Jessica Minty. “Media Coverage and Charitable Giving after the 2004 Tsunami.” Southern Economic Journal 75 (2008): 9–25. Bryant, Edward. Tsunami: The Underrated Hazard. First Edition, Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2001. ———. Tsunami: The Underrated Hazard. Second Edition, Sydney: Springer-Praxis, 2008. 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