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1
HOLMES, ANDREW R. "Presbyterians and science in the north of Ireland before 1874." British Journal for the History of Science 41, no. 4 (July 15, 2008): 541–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087408001234.
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AbstractIn his presidential address to the Belfast meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science in 1874, John Tyndall launched what David Livingstone has called a ‘frontal assault on teleology and Christian theism’. Using Tyndall's intervention as a starting point, this paper seeks to understand the attitudes of Presbyterians in the north of Ireland to science in the first three-quarters of the nineteenth century. The first section outlines some background, including the attitude of Presbyterians to science in the eighteenth century, the development of educational facilities in Ireland for the training of Presbyterian ministers, and the specific cultural and political circumstances in Ireland that influenced Presbyterian responses to science more generally. The next two sections examine two specific applications by Irish Presbyterians of the term ‘science’: first, the emergence of a distinctive Presbyterian theology of nature and the application of inductive scientific methodology to the study of theology, and second, the Presbyterian conviction that mind had ascendancy over matter which underpinned their commitment to the development of a science of the mind. The final two sections examine, in turn, the relationship between science and an eschatological reading of the signs of the times, and attitudes to Darwinian evolution in the fifteen years between the publication ofThe Origin of Speciesin 1859 and Tyndall's speech in 1874.
2
Ball, Milner S. "Why Law, Why Religion?—A Conversation Between a Lawyer and a Theologian." Journal of Law and Religion 24, no. 2 (2008): 367–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0748081400001636.
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Howard Vogel invited Doug Sturm and me to explain ourselves. Why did we take up law? Why theology? And why law and theology together? He encouraged us to offer personal accounts in response, and I am glad to comply.Why law? The answer is simple. I had no choice. I was ordained to the ministry of the Presbyterian Church in 1961, and in 1962 became minister to a small congregation in a small town in middle Tennessee. In 1966 I was named the Presbyterian Campus Minister at the University of Georgia. My wife, June, our children and I moved to Athens.The Presbyterian Center was notorious for its faithful witness in difficult, explosive times. I had read about the Center and its work a couple of years earlier in a New Yorker magazine article by Calvin Trillin. That article was subsequently incorporated into a well-taken book about the liberating trauma of integration in Georgia, especially at the University.When Hamilton Holmes and Charlayne Hunter desegregated the University of Georgia, they were greeted by massive, violent riots.Minority students who followed Charlayne and Hamilton and enrolled in the University, were subject to no less intimidation. The Presbyterian Center was a place of refuge for them, and some lived in apartments on the premises. In due course, the Center became a gathering place for people committed to remedying racism.
3
Green, Bruce A. "The Religious Lawyering Critique." Journal of Law and Religion 21, no. 2 (2006): 283–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0748081400005610.
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One might think about the relationship between law practice and religion in different ways, depending on how one views either the professional norms or religious belief and observance. Some of the most recent academic literature on “religious lawyering” is premised on a highly critical view of the profession's norms and a claim that religious convictions that bear on the practice of law are incompatible with, and preferable to, aspects of the professional norms. My purpose here is to identify, and raise some questions about, both this critique and this suggestion, and to show how they are in tension with other insights of the religious lawyering literature.A conception of the relevance of religion to lawyers' work need not begin with a critical view of professional norms and professionalism. On the contrary, one might start with the premise that the legal profession's expectations for law practice are socially and morally laudable, and perceive lawyers' religious convictions as providing support for good lawyering. This was the understanding expressed by Henry A. Boardman, a Presbyterian Minister, in an 1849 oration that was surely among the earliest recorded reflections on the relevance of religion to the work of U.S. lawyers.
4
Langley, Chris R. "Sheltering under the Covenant: The National Covenant, Orthodoxy and the Irish Rebellion, 1638–1644." Scottish Historical Review 96, no. 2 (October 2017): 137–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2017.0333.
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The Irish rebellion of October 1641 drove large numbers of clerical migrants across the Irish Sea to Scotland. These ministers brought news of protestantism's plight in Ireland, petitions for charitable aid and, in many cases, requests to work as preachers in Scotland. Historians have long recognised the social and religious links between Ireland and Scotland in the mid-seventeenth century and have seen these men as part of a wider effort to establish presbyterianism across Britain and Ireland. Such an argument fails to understand the complexity of mid-seventeenth-century presbyterianism. This paper explores these petitions for work and the less-than-enthusiastic response of ecclesiastical authorities in Scotland. Rather than automatically embracing Irish ministers as fellow presbyterians, the covenanted kirk leadership was aware that the infant presbyterian congregations in Ireland had followed a very different course to their own. Rather than fellow sufferers for Christ's cause, or part of a wider covenanted network, kirk leaders needed to assess Irish ministers for their godly credentials.
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Gillespie, Raymond. "The Presbyterian Revolution in Ulster, 1660-1690." Studies in Church History 25 (1989): 159–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400008652.
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In early 1642 a Scottish army under the command of Robert Munroe arrived in Ulster as part of a scheme to defeat the native Irish rebellion which had begun late in the previous year. The conquest was not to be purely a military one. As a contemporary historian of Presbyterianism, Patrick Adair, observed ‘it is certain God made that army instrumental for bringing church governments, according to His own institutions, to Ireland … and for spreading the covenants’. The form of church government was that of the Presbyterian Church of Scotland, and in June 1642 the chaplains and officers established the first presbytery in Ireland at Carrickfergus. Sub-presbyteries, or meetings, were created for Antrim, Down and the Route, in north Antrim in 1654, for the Laggan in east Donegal in 1657, and for Tyrone in 1659. Within these units the Church was divided into geographical parishes each with its own minister. This establishment of a parallel structure rivalling that of the Anglican Church, but without the king at its head, is what has been termed the ‘presbyterian revolution’.It supported the Presbyterian claim to be ‘the Church of Ireland’, a claim which was to bring it into conflict with the civil and ecclesiastical authorities in the late seventeenth century. In order to further underpin this claim the reformed church began to move out of its Ulster base by the 1670s. The Laggan presbytery ordained William Cock and William Liston for work in Clonmel and Waterford in 1673 and was active in Tipperary, Longford, and Sligo by 1676. Its advice to some Dublin ministers was to form themselves into a group who were ‘subject to the meeting in the north’. The presbytery of Tyrone also supplied Dublin.
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RAFFE, ALASDAIR. "John Glas and the Development of Religious Pluralism in Eighteenth-Century Scotland." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 70, no. 3 (April 30, 2019): 527–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046918002622.
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This article discusses John Glas, a minister deposed by the Church of Scotland in 1728, in order to examine the growth of religious pluralism in Scotland. The article begins by considering why Glas abandoned Presbyterian principles of Church government, adopting Congregationalist views instead. Glas's case helped to change the Scottish church courts’ conception of deposed ministers, reflecting a reappraisal of Nonconformity. Moreover, Glas's experiences allow us to distinguish between church parties formed to conduct business, and those representing theological attitudes. Finally, Glas's case calls into question the broadest definitions of the ‘Scottish Enlightenment’, drawing attention to the emergence of pluralism.
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Peacock, John. "An Account of the Dakota-US War of 1862 as Sacred Text: Why My Dakota Elders Value Spiritual Closure over Scholarly "Balance"." American Indian Culture and Research Journal 37, no. 2 (January 1, 2013): 185–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.17953/aicr.37.2.124713414180575r.
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Fluent Dakota-speaking elders Clifford Canku and Michael Simon have translated from Dakota into English fifty letters written by three-dozen Dakota prisoners of the 1862 US-Dakota War. Both translators are Dakota Presbyterian ministers as well as traditional Sun Dancers, and are descended from two of the letter writers. Many letter writers, like the translators, were Christian Dakota who still followed some of the traditional ways. Dr. Canku and Rev. Simon requested that I appear on several panels with them to put the project in historical context and speak about their translation process before audiences who were primarily non-Native. This essay presents the various historical perspectives I attempted to balance in these panel discussions, as well as my analysis of why the two elders ultimately decided to leave out this historical context and retain only my discussion of the translation process for their forthcoming book on the Dakota letters. They intend the book principally for Dakota young people and traditionalist elders.
8
Dommett, Katharine, Andrew Hindmoor, and Matthew Wood. "Who meets whom: Access and lobbying during the coalition years." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 19, no. 2 (April 5, 2017): 389–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148117701755.
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In 2010, the incoming Coalition government announced that it would publish details of meetings between ministers and outside interests. We have collated and coded these data and, in this article, describe patterns of access between 2010 and 2015. In some respects, access is notably fragmented. No single organisation attends more than 2.5% of the 6292 meetings held by ministers. On the contrary, business, collectively, attends fully 45% of all meetings: more than twice the share of any other category of organisation. We also find evidence of distinctive policy communities characterised by high levels of access between particular interests and ministers within specific departments.
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Lincoln, Timothy D. "Theological educators and what it is like to be a minister: A qualitative study of five Protestant settings." International Journal of Christianity & Education 24, no. 1 (November 3, 2019): 71–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056997119882031.
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To increase the alignment between the lives of ministers serving congregations and what seminary professors think that congregational ministry is like, this study used qualitative methods to examine the themes voiced by seminary professors and graduates in ministry at five Protestant seminaries in the United States. There was some agreement about key themes in the lifeworld of ministers. However, there was little agreement between professors and graduates in ministry about which themes were most influential. Findings point to opportunities for seminaries to create ways to take seriously the experiences of ministers.
10
Sawyer, Kathryn Rose. "A ‘disorderly tumultuous way of serving God’: prayer and order in Ireland’s church and state, 1660–89." Irish Historical Studies 42, no. 162 (November 2018): 207–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2018.30.
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AbstractThis article examines the Church of Ireland’s relationship with Scots Presbyterians after the Restoration, focusing on the churchmen’s regular complaints against the ‘disorderly’ practices of the Presbyterian communities in Ireland. The established church leaders spoke of the threat of political and social disorder from the Presbyterians, and they repeatedly targeted the spontaneous ex tempore prayer and preaching practised by Scottish ministers in order to illustrate their concerns. This article uncovers the theological roots of these apparently civic complaints to explain their ubiquity and vehemence. It argues that the churchmen feared that such uncontrolled, unscripted prayer could lead to blasphemy and provoke the wrath of God on the nation, thereby triggering war and unrest such as they had experienced in the preceding decades. In their view, there was little difference between holding to an improperly ordered church hierarchy and worship practice, and forcing this disorder on the state. By illustrating the links between theology, ecclesiology and the potential for political sedition as they were understood by Restoration churchmen, this article demonstrates the importance of theological nuance for clarifying the complex relationship between Ireland’s two largest Protestant denominations in the seventeenth century.
11
Hazlett, W. Ian P. "Religion and Politics in William Steel Dickson DD (1744–1824): Ulster-Scot Irishman and his Modernizing Thought-World." Scottish Church History 48, no. 1 (April 2019): 34–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/sch.2019.0003.
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This essay presents the lineaments and origins of the core thinking of Steel Dickson, a typically controversial representative of the progressive eighteenth-century intelligentsia in the north of Ireland who were Presbyterian ministers and inclined to radicalising reform of politics and religion as well as, more tentatively, to the reformatting of fundamental theology. There will be reference to short studies and general interpretations of Dickson and, more particularly, some analysis of his publications including religio-political addresses and church sermons. Discussed will be the context of his association with the Society of United Irishmen and its evolving revolutionary path, as well as his links to other reform thinkers, politicians and churchmen in Ulster. The study argues that Steel Dickson's varied political involvement flowed consciously from his ethical and religious convictions. Further, that he embodied (with qualification) the impact of the Scottish Enlightenment and ‘Moderate’ Presbyterianism in Ireland – but along with strong appeal to biblical testimony and norms. Finally, it demonstrates with illustrations that the decisive shaping and reconstructing of the contours of Dickson's mind occurred during his studies at Glasgow University in its intellectual heyday.
12
Forkan, Kevin. "The Ulster Scots and the Engagement, 1647–8." Irish Historical Studies 35, no. 140 (November 2007): 455–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400005113.
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This article examines the actions of the various groups that made up the Ulster Protestant interest from shortly after the end of the First Civil War in England in late 1646 to the defeat of the Engagement in 1648. At the beginning of this period the English parliament took a renewed interest in Ulster, sending men and commanders, which accelerated a process of polarising the hitherto united Ulster British forces along ethnic lines. This culminated in almost unanimous support for the Engagement by the Ulster Scottish élite, while their Ulster English counterparts generally remained loyal to the parliamentary commanders in the province. Within Ulster Scottish society a further division occurred, between the royalist-inclined élite and much of the populace, who followed their Presbyterian ministers in opposing the Engagement. The article attempts to explain why the Ulster Scottish elite made this choice, and seeks to place this series of events within a British/Irish context, exhibiting the interrelated nature of events in each of the three kingdoms from the unique perspective of Protestant Ulster.
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Sheils, W. J. "Oliver Heywood and his Congregration." Studies in Church History 23 (1986): 261–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400010640.
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The ministerial career of the presbyterian divine Oliver Heywood, spanning as it did the years from 1650, when as a young man still technically too young for ordination he first accepted the call of the congregation at Coley chapelry in the parish of Halifax, until 1702 when on 4 May he died there, a patriarchal figure respected and admired by fellow ministers and congregation alike, was considered by contemporaries and has subsequently been thought of by historians as an exemplary study of the pastoral tradition within old Dissent. His career illustrates how one man could lie at the centre of a network of nonconformist divines, patrons and adherents scattered throughout West Yorkshire, South Lancashire and Cheshire and also demonstrates the ambivalent and shifting relationship between Dissent and the Established Church in the latter half of the seventeenth century. These insights into both the internal and external relationships of Dissenters depend mainly on the corpus of Heywood’s writings, not his published works but his autobiographical notes, diaries and memoranda books published just over a century ago, and it is these writings which form the basis of this paper. To begin with though we can turn to the diary of the antiquary Ralph Thoresby who attended Hey wood’s funeral on the 7 May 1702 and recorded the event as follows: rode with Mr Peter’s to North Owram to the funeral of good old Mr O. Heywood. He was afterwards interred with great lamentations in the parish church of Halifax. [I] was surprised at the following arvill, or treat of cold possets, stewed prunes, and cheese, prepared for the company, which had several conformist and non-conformist ministers and old acquaintances.
14
Marshall, Alison R. "Followers of the Dao of the Bible." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 44, no. 2 (April 24, 2015): 135–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0008429815580782.
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Studies of pre-1950s Chinese Canadian Christianity have tended to occlude Chinese perspectives and experiences for a number of reasons, including a lack of sources. Drawing on largely unpublished Chinese and English source materials including scrapbooks, correspondence, reports, membership rosters, marriage, funeral and clergy records, Chinese nationalist registers, diaries, oral histories, photographs and material culture, this article investigates Chinese experiences of Canadian Presbyterian missionary work in Victoria, Cumberland, Calgary, Winnipeg, Toronto and Montreal between 1896 and 1950. By examining the personal archival materials of Ma Seung, Frank Chan and Ernest Mark, and era-specific Chinese political involvements and fieldwork data, this article challenges previous simplistic understandings of the Chinese missionary experience that were based solely on the perspectives of mainstream Christian institutions and society. This article emphasizes the Chinese context and concepts such as the dao, efficacy ( ling), and affect ( renqing, or human sentiments) that guided relationships and faith in early Chinese Canada. It aims to provide a more complicated understanding of why Chinese ministers chose to Christianize fellow Chinese, and why before 1950 many Chinese chose to be nominal Christians and only a small number converted.
15
Rymarz, Richard. "Catholic Parish-based Youth Ministers: A Preliminary Study." Journal of Youth and Theology 18, no. 1 (June 21, 2019): 49–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24055093-01801004.
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Eleven youth ministers working in Catholic parishes in two large urban dioceses were interviewed. The paper examined the life journey of youth ministers and how they saw their role along with perceptions of challenges and how they could be better supported. Participants were motivated and expressed satisfaction with their jobs. They displayed high levels of religious salience as marked by their religious belief and practice and networking with faith-based communities. They manifested a strong counter-cultural message which is essential to authentic witness. As such, the participants in this study are a great gift to the Church and to its ministry. A preliminary typology of youth ministers was proposed, which springs from different life experiences, how they approach their work and what they see as their future. There was some difficulty in finding paid youth ministers working in parishes and this may point to one of the significant challenges facing them; that is, making the job sustainable within existing Catholic parish structures. While well-networked with sustaining faith communities, there is scope for support between youth ministers working in parishes. In addition, a more targeted professional development program which recognises the differing needs of youth ministers would be appropriate.
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Park, Sandra H. "A Reverend on Trial: Debating the Proper Place of Christianity in the North Korean Revolution." Journal of Korean Studies 25, no. 2 (October 1, 2020): 379–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07311613-8552045.
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Abstract As the early North Korean state (1945–50) sought to groom “proper” revolutionary subjects, many Christian leaders publicly confronted the state. When Presbyterian minister Cho Ponghwan upset revolutionary sensibilities with political commentaries during an evangelical circuit around Hwanghae Province, the people’s courts tried him as a reactionary. This article draws on surviving court records in the North Korean Captured Documents collection to elucidate the pedagogic aims that the state invested into Cho’s trial. Instead of dismissing the people’s courtroom as revolutionary excess, I engage Cho’s trial as an intelligible debate over early North Korea’s secularizing project. Beyond discipline, I demonstrate that the state laboriously instructed Christians on embodying desire for the revolution and refraining from transgressing the state-drawn boundary between religion and politics. Yet, due to the instability of this boundary, the courts also used Cho’s trial to articulate and assert the state’s sole authority over defining and redefining this boundary as a way to manage the sacred in North Korean society. Reading along and against the state’s pen, this article excavates the North Korean people’s court as a crucial site for ironing out the state pedagogy on the reactionary and the sacred in a postcolonial, socialist revolution.
17
Glover, Frederick J. "Friends, Foes and Partners: The Relationship between the Canadian Missionaries and Korean Christians in North-eastern Korea and Manchuria from 1898 until 1927." Studies in World Christianity 23, no. 3 (December 2017): 194–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2017.0192.
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At the start of the 1920s the Korean Christian community in Hamgyeong Province and Manchuria had little control over the financial and educational policies of the Canadian Presbyterian missionaries. By the end of the decade the Presbyteries determined how the home funds would be spent on evangelical work and Korean church leaders sat on a Joint Board with the Canadians to aid in the management of the mission. The Canadian decision to share power with the Koreans was made out of necessity. Throughout the 1920s, students, elders, ministers and a large segment of the laity vigorously, sometimes violently, advocated for a transformation of mission policies. The Canadians became extremely fearful and concluded that to save the mission they would have to reform their methods. In the literature published on the mission, the ‘positive side’ of the story, namely the Canadian ability to empathise with the Koreans and their denouncements of the Japanese colonial regime in 1919 as well as 1920, has been emphasised. This article focuses on the less seemly nature of the Canadian–Korean relationship. It will examine the temporal factors that contributed to the Korean acceptance of missionary authority before 1919, their rejection of it in the 1920s and the attempts of the Canadians to bring order back to the mission compounds. The ultimate purpose of this study is to demonstrate that the Korean Christians were active agents who through their protests during the 1920s came to assume a prominent position within the mission.
18
INDRIDASON, INDRIDI H., and CHRISTOPHER KAM. "Cabinet Reshuffles and Ministerial Drift." British Journal of Political Science 38, no. 4 (July 14, 2008): 621–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123408000318.
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A model of policy implementation in a parliamentary democracy as delegation between the prime minister and her cabinet ministers is introduced. Cabinet reshuffles can be pursued as a strategy to reduce the agency loss which occurs due to the different preferences of the actors. This work thus explains why prime ministers resort to reshuffles: cabinet reshuffles reduce the moral hazard facing ministers. This answer both augments and distinguishes this work from traditional perspectives on reshuffles that have emphasized the deleterious effects of reshuffles on ministerial capacity, and also from recent work that casts reshuffles as solutions to the adverse-selection problems inherent in cabinet government. The conclusion offers a preliminary test of some of the hypotheses generated by this theory.
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Burrett, Tina. "Explaining Japan’s Revolving Door Premiership: Applying the Leadership Capital Index." Politics and Governance 4, no. 2 (June 23, 2016): 36–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v4i2.575.
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The tenure of Japanese prime ministers is famously short. Between 2006 and 2012 Japan changed prime minister once a year. What factors can explain Japan’s revolving-door premiership? To explore this puzzle, this article applies the <em>Leadership Capital Index</em> (LCI) developed by Bennister, ’t Hart and Worthy (2015) to case studies of the nine Japanese prime ministers holding office between 2000 and 2015. Leadership capital is the aggregate of leaders’ political resources: skills, relations and reputation. The LCI thus allows analysis of the interplay between individual capacities and contextual conditions in determining leaders’ ability to gain, maintain and deploy power. The LCI is applied to answer two questions. Firstly, what accounts for the short tenure of many Japanese premiers? In which of the LCI’s three leadership dimensions do Japanese leaders lack capital? Secondly, what forms of capital allow some prime ministers to retain office for longer than average (>2 years)? In particular, the article analyses the leadership of Junichiro Koizumi (2001–2006) Japan’s longest serving prime minister since the 1970s, and incumbent Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, who has held office for three years since December 2012. As well as utilising the LCI to comparatively analyse the tenure of Japan’s prime ministers, this article tests the applicability of the Index beyond Western parliamentary democracies.
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Obinna, Elijah. "Bridging the Divide: The Legacies of Mary Slessor, ‘Queen’ of Calabar, Nigeria." Studies in World Christianity 17, no. 3 (December 2011): 275–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2011.0029.
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The missionary upsurge of the mid-nineteenth century resulted in the establishment of the Presbyterian Church of Nigeria (PCN) in 1846. The mission was undertaken through the sponsorship of the United Secession Church and later the United Presbyterian Church (UPC), which subsequently became part of the United Free Church of Scotland. In 1876, the ‘white African mother’ and ‘Queen’ of Calabar, Mary Slessor, arrived in Calabar as a missionary of the UPC. She served for thirty-nine years, died and was buried in Calabar. This paper presents a contextual background for understanding the missionary work of Miss Slessor. It critically surveys some of her legacies within Nigeria, and demonstrates how contemporary PCN and Nigerians are appropriating them. The paper further analyses the state of contemporary Nigerian-Scottish partnership and argues for new patterns of relationship between Nigeria and Scotland which draw on the model of Miss Slessor.
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James, Oliver, Nicolai Petrovsky, Alice Moseley, and George A. Boyne. "The Politics of Agency Death: Ministers and the Survival of Government Agencies in a Parliamentary System." British Journal of Political Science 46, no. 4 (January 20, 2015): 763–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123414000477.
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This article extends the theory of government agency survival from separation of powers to parliamentary government systems. It evaluates expectations of increased risk to agencies following transitions in government, prime minister or departmental minister, and from incongruence between the originally establishing and currently overseeing political executive. Using survival models for UK executive agencies between 1989 and 2012, the study finds that politics trumps performance. Ministers seek to make their mark by terminating agencies created by previous ministers, which is reinforced by high media attention to the agency. Performance against agency targets is not associated with higher termination risk, and replacement agencies do not perform any better than those that were terminated. Financial autonomy provides some protection for agencies that are less dependent on budgetary appropriations.
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Vaughan, Geraldine. "‘Papists looking after the Education of our Protestant Children!’ Catholics and Protestants on western Scottish school boards, 1872–1918." Innes Review 63, no. 1 (May 2012): 30–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/inr.2012.0030.
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When the Education (Scotland) Act was passed in 1872, the Roman Catholic community represented up to a third of the Scottish western urban population. The great majority of Presbyterian schools became Board schools but the Catholic authorities refused to enter the new system because they considered it as unofficially Presbyterian. Yet Catholics were nevertheless involved in the new system as ratepayers and they wanted to get some control over the spending of the educational tax. Thus a number of them became important actors on the newly elected councils. This article explores the ways in which Catholics fought the school board elections as well as the relation between Protestant and Catholic representatives on those boards in the west of Scotland (in Greenock and in the Monklands). It aims at studying the various conflicts which stemmed from inter-denominational collaboration as well as the modus vivendi which slowly emerged from 1872 until the passing of the 1918 Education Act.
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Gołdyn, Piotr. "Echa prasowe aktywności ministrów oświaty Bułgarii, Szwecji i Węgier odwiedzających Polskę w 1935 r." Biuletyn Historii Wychowania, no. 31 (March 1, 2019): 207–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/bhw.2014.31.12.
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The renascent Polish state was being built in the interwar period (1918-1939), developing its position on all possible levels in the international arena. One of these was education and culture. Poland signed a lot of international agreements in this field. This was connected with visits by our ministerial representatives to other countries and with arranging visits in Poland for guests from different countries. In 1935 three ministers of education from abroad visited Poland: Teodor Radew (Bulgaria), Artur Engberg (Sweden) and Balaint Homan (Hungary). The visit of the first two ministers was connected with the signing of a Polish-Bulgarian and Polish-Swiss cultural agreement. The Hungarian minister of education came to Poland to assess the implementation of the agreement which had been signed between Poland and Hungary a year before. While staying in Poland, beside official meetings with the president and the ministers of education and foreign affairs, our guests visited different educational institutions in cities such as Warsaw, Krakow, Poznan or Vilnius. The press took a lively interest in those visits, reporting them on an ongoing basis. Apart from news reports, editorials and even articles appeared. These were devoted to some of the educational and cultural issues of our guests’ countries.
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Wellenstein, Edmund. "Political Implications of US‐EC Economic Conflicts (I) Euro‐American Turbulence—The Trade Issue." Government and Opposition 21, no. 4 (October 1, 1986): 387–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1986.tb00027.x.
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TRADE QUARRELS BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND EUROPE have featured as a daily item in newspapers for some time, often even on the front page. Thus the New York Times in June 1986 carried a headline: ‘Reagan's tougher trade stand – policy shift angers Allies’. At the same time, the EC Council of ministers meeting in Luxembourg rejected American criticism of EC trade practices; in particular, the ministers underlined that EC support for exports of agricultural products could only be discussed in the framework of GATT, and only if other direct and indirect support schemes were also submitted to that forum. That same day, the Uruguayan leader Mr Sanguinetti complained bitterly that he did not manage to sell meat on his traditional markets, as the Americans and the Europeans undercut prices by more than 50 per cent. . . One could go on and on like this.
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Monière, Denis, Cyril Labbé, and Dominique Labbé. "Les styles discursifs des premiers ministres québécois de Jean Lesage à Jean Charest." Canadian Journal of Political Science 41, no. 1 (March 2008): 43–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423908080098.
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Résumé. La forme, le style du discours des hommes politiques sont révélateurs de leurs personnalités et de leurs stratégies de communication. Pour analyser les styles des premiers ministres québécois, un corpus comprenant 789 discours officiels prononcés de 1960 à 2005 a été soumis à une analyse de stylistique quantitative. Nous avons analysé les catégories grammaticales, le maniement des verbes et des noms, la longueur et la structure des phrases. Cette comparaison statistique montre des différences significatives entre les premiers ministres et révèle également la stratégie de communication privilégiée par chacun d'eux.Abstract. The style of politician speeches reveals their personalities and their communication strategies. In order to analyse the style of Quebec prime ministers, from 1960 to 2005, a corpus of 789 speeches have been built up and a quantitative stylistic analysis has been applied to it. The main indicators used are the grammatical categories, especially the verbs and pronouns, the length and the structure of the sentences. This statistical comparison shows some important differences between the styles of the prime ministers and between the communication strategies they have followed.
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McKay, Stephen, Mark Goodwin, and Stephen Holden Bates. "A Means to an End and an End in Itself: Select Committee Membership, Parliamentary Roles and Parliamentary Careers, 1979–Present." Parliamentary Affairs 72, no. 4 (September 5, 2019): 799–820. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsz038.
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Abstract Committees are important vehicles for parliamentary careers both as means to a (ministerial) end and as an end in themselves. This article explores the relationship between select committee membership and parliamentary career by analysing committee membership and frontbench appointments for the 2130 Members of Parliament (MPs) first elected since 1979. We focus on two of Donald Searing’s four informal backbench roles—Policy Advocates and Parliament Men and Women—and three of the four formal leadership roles—Whips, Junior Ministers and Ministers. The membership patterns of select committees suggest that MPs approach this aspect of their parliamentary work in different ways concomitant with the roles of Generalist and Specialist Policy Advocates and Good House of Commons Men and Women. The membership patterns also suggest that different groups of MPs—by party, gender and ethnicity—often (choose or are forced to) approach committee work in different ways. We also find membership of some committees is more strongly associated with leadership roles than others.
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O'Hara, Glen. "‘The Russian Revolution has not yet taken place’: British views of the Soviet economy between the nineteen-fifties and nineteen-seventies." Historical Research 92, no. 258 (October 9, 2019): 814–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.12282.
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Abstract This article examines British officials' and ministers' attitudes towards the Soviet Union's economy in the post-Second World War era. In the nineteen-fifties and early nineteen-sixties, public and some expert commentary posited Soviet economic ‘success’ based on the country's increasingly rapid growth rate, its potential for consumerization, the promise of economic reform, and the Soviet state's emphasis on education, science and the application of computer technology. New evidence from British official archives, presented here, makes clear that Westminster and Whitehall were never persuaded of this view, and always believed that political meddling and microeconomic inefficiencies would ultimately restrain and undermine Soviet growth.
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Kelly, Gabrielle E., and Cecily C. Kelleher. "Happy birthday? An observational study." Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health 72, no. 12 (September 27, 2018): 1168–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/jech-2018-210632.
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BackgroundPrevious studies show contradictory findings on the relationship between birthday and deathday, in particular whether people postpone death until after their birthday. We examine the phenomenon in eight groups of famous people.MethodsBirthday and deathday for the following groups were recorded: British prime ministers, US presidents, Academy Award best actor, best female actor, best director, Nobel Prize winners, Wimbledon men’s and ladies' singles winners, all from when records began. For each group, the difference in days between the deathday and birthday was calculated. Under the hypothesis of no association, one can expect the difference to have a uniform distribution. This is assessed using goodness-of-fit tests on a circle.ResultsAll groups showed some departure from the uniform and it occurred around the birthday in all groups. British prime ministers, US presidents, Academy Award actors and directors, Nobel Prize winners and Wimbledon men show a ’dip' in deaths around the birthday. The length of the ’dip' varied between the groups and so they gave different p-values on different test statistics. For Academy Award female actors and Wimbledon ladies, there was rise in deaths before and after birthday. When Nobel Prize winners were subdivided into their categories, Science and Literature had a ’dip' around the birthday, but not other categories.ConclusionsWe conclude ’something' happens to deathday around the birthday. Some groups of famous people show a ’dip' in death rate around the birthday while for others, particularly women, the association is in the opposite direction.
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O’Day, Rosemary. "A Bishop, A Patron, and some Preachers: A Problem of Presentation." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 12 (1999): 421–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014304590000260x.
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The relations between bishops of the Church of England and lay patrons could be fraught and were certainly variable. Local circumstances and the general distribution of patronage within a given diocese combined with the personalities and concerns of the bishop and patrons involved to provide a distinctive environment for negotiation. It would be rash, therefore, to suggest that any case study of co-operation or conflict between a patron and a bishop could be typical. This said, such a case-study cannot but inform and stimulate because negotiation, amicable or otherwise, was essential for all parties wishing to exercise patronage. The co-operation between John Coke and Bishop Thomas Morton demonstrates not only the possibilities for concerted action in a given religious cause, but also the way in which the rules and regulations of the Church of England might be stretched and bent in that process. It indicates the importance for the Church of the web of connections which the bishops built up during their careers. It underlines the close interrelationship of the parochial ministry and the role of household chaplain in so many upper-gentry homes. It highlights the dependent relationship between the clerical client and his patron and the differing reactions of ministers to this situation.
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Sprengel, Mieczysław. "Political Relations of Australia with the United States: 2000–2017." International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 23, no. 1 (July 15, 2019): 115–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1641-4233.23.08.
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Relations between Australia and the United States have developed for long time notably during World War II. Over the following decades, cooperation has become more intense as Australians adopt many cultural patterns from the Americans. Australia declared and supported US presidents in military operations, which is why some have called Australia, America’s sheriff for working to stabilize this part of the world. One cannot overlook the personal arrangements between leaders that help shape the dynamic of deepening the mutual relations these two nations. Donald Trump’s personal interactions’ with the Prime Ministers of Australia play a significant role in this regard.
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Логунова, Любовь Евгеньевна. "HUMANIZATION OF BODY PENALTIES APPLIED TO THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH." Vestnik Samarskogo iuridicheskogo instituta, no. 2(43) (August 19, 2021): 46–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.37523/sui.2021.67.54.007.
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В XVIII в. служители церкви, не преодолев еще существующих ранее сложностей, вынужденно столкнулись с новыми проблемами в виде непростых отношений со светской государственной властью. Священнослужители, являясь на тот момент обособленной сословной группой, во многом привилегированной, в то же время наказывались за отдельные проступки и преступления наравне с представителями податных сословий российского общества, в том числе и телесно. Болезненные телесные наказания в рассматриваемый период были широко применимы и разнообразны: битье кнутом, битье розгами, битье плетьми, битье шелепами, битье шпицрутенами, битье батогами и т. д. Цели назначения и применения телесных наказаний также разнились: одних наказывали с целью воспитания, наказывая других, пытались устрашить, в некоторых случаях наказание несло функцию превенции и т. п. Законодатель в рассматриваемый исторический период увидел в существующей практике применения телесных наказаний противоречие между важной социальной ролью, определяемой государством и церковью для церковнослужителей и их реальным положением в социуме. Анализ путей преодоления законодателем и церковной властью этого противоречия и явился целью настоящего исследования. In the XVIII century, the ministers of the church, not having overcome the difficulties that still existed earlier, were forced to face new problems, in the form of difficult relations with the secular state power. The clergy, being at that time, a separate class group, largely privileged, at the same time, were punished for individual offenses and crimes on an equal basis with representatives of the taxable classes of Russian society, including physically. Painful corporal punishments in the period under review were widely applicable and varied: whipping, whipping with rods, whipping with whips, whipping with shelepami, whipping with shpitsruten, whipping with batogami, etc. The purpose of the appointment and application of corporal punishment also varied: some were punished for the purpose of education, punishing others, trying to intimidate, in some cases the punishment had the function of prevention, etc. The legislator in the historical period under review saw in the existing practice of the use of corporal punishment a contradiction between the important social role defined by the state and the church for churchmen and their real position in society. The purpose of this study is to analyze the ways in which the legislator and the church authorities overcome this contradiction.
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Clancy, Michael P. "Scots Law and Scottish Identity: A Legendary Tale." Scottish Affairs 27, no. 1 (February 2018): 73–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2018.0225.
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The Treaty of Union 1707 between Scotland and England and the respective implementing legislation in each Kingdom contained provisions which today we might describe as ‘opt-outs’. These opt-outs from incorporating Union preserved aspects of the Scottish legal system which, along with the Presbyterian religion and the system of education, helped to ensure that Scottish identity was supported by some of the most powerful aspects of the state. This essay will examine some of the provisions of the Treaty, analyse aspects of the legal system and law that persisted after the Union, comment on the extent to which 310 years of the Union with England influenced that law, reflect on membership of the EU and the harmonization which it brought to the legal system and consider the impact of the Scottish Parliament on that law and legal system.
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Hustedt, Thurid, and Heidi Houlberg Salomonsen. "Ensuring political responsiveness: politicization mechanisms in ministerial bureaucracies." International Review of Administrative Sciences 80, no. 4 (September 9, 2014): 746–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020852314533449.
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Although politicization is a perennial research topic in public administration to investigate relationships between ministers and civil servants, the concept still lacks clarification. This article contributes to this literature by systematically identifying different conceptualizations of politicization and suggests a typology including three politicization mechanisms to strengthen the political responsiveness of the ministerial bureaucracy: formal, functional and administrative politicization. The typology is empirically validated through a comparative case analysis of politicization mechanisms in Germany, Belgium, the UK and Denmark. The empirical analysis further refines the general idea of Western democracies becoming ‘simply’ more politicized, by illustrating how some politicization mechanisms do not continue to increase, but stabilize – at least for the time being. Points for practitioners The claim of increasing politicization of the interaction between ministers and civil servants is often made in research and government practice. As the completely neutral bureaucracy is a myth rather than empirical reality, all democracies have to balance demands for both neutral expertise and political responsiveness. The latter often involves the introduction of politicization mechanisms. Politicization comes in a variety of forms, and the article develops a typology covering formal, functional and administrative politicization. Further it empirically demonstrates how politicization mechanisms not only increase, but how they develop and interact, altering balances of neutrality and responsiveness in potentially conflicting ways.
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Peleg, Ilan, and Paul Scham. "Israeli Neo-Revisionism and American Neoconservatism: The Unexplored Parallels." Middle East Journal 61, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 73–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/61.1.14.
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The similarities between the American Neoconservative movement and the Israeli Neo-Revisionist movement (followers of Vladimir Jabotinsky, including Prime Ministers Menachem Begin, Yitzhak Shamir, Binyamin Netanyahu, and to some degree Ariel Sharon) have not previously been systematically explored. The two movements share a Hobbesian worldview, confidence in the efficacy and frequent necessity of force, xenophobia, cultural pessimism, and belief in the “exceptionalism” of their respective societies. The article compares and analyzes their ideologies and their political dynamics, as well as their similar trajectories of rise and decline. It demonstrates their political relevance for the contemporary situation in the Middle East and beyond.
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Satskiy, Pavlo. "The Relationship Between the UPR and the Entente in December 1917 ‒ March 1918: Crisis of the Status of Ukraine As a Subject of International Relations." European Historical Studies, no. 7 (2017): 123–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2017.07.103-124.
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On the basis of the archival papers, the research of the relations of Ukrainian People’s Republic with the allies of The Triple Alliance agreement, in particular with France, has been made. The system of relations of the Ukrainian People’s Republic institutions with the representatives of The Triple Alliance in Kyiv has been researched. However, the analysis of these relations has been made in the context of the events taking place in the entire European system of relations. In particular, the analysis of works of the French representative in Kyiv, General J. Tabouis, aimed at establishing systematic relations with the General Secretariat of the Ukrainian People’s Republic. Though, it has been determined that the activity of J. Tabouis in Kyiv had been driven on suppressing the Ukrainian People’s Republic activity and had also been concentrated at creating the situation of political instability at deterring the command of the German-Austrian troops from the movement of the troops from the “Ukrainian” territory from the Eastern front to other areas. General J. Tabouis has also been actively cooperated with the Ukrainian national organizations, among members of which were the prisoners of war of Austrian-Hungarian, German, Polish and Czech and Slovaks armies. After the signing of The Treaty of Brest-Litovsk and the liberation of Kyiv from the Bolshevik army, the Council of Ministers of the Ukrainian People’s Republic clearly expressed the hostile reaction to the mission of the Triple Alliance countries in Kyiv. In particular, some Ukrainian officials expressed the accusation regarding the participation of the French mission in creating chaotic conditions in Ukraine, in their subversive activity and their agreement with the Bolsheviks. Moreover, the Council of Ministers of Ukraine expressed the idea that due to the fact that the participation of Ukraine in the First World War was over, and The Triple Alliance did not accept the Ukrainian People’s Republic, the presence of the representatives of these countries in Kyiv was unsuitable. Thus, the Council of Ministers of Ukrainian People’s Republic and the command of the German troops in Ukraine demanded from the representatives of The Triple Alliance to leave the Ukrainian territory. So, the Ukrainian People’s Republic constrainedly put itself in the position of the actual collaborationist government, which had to withdraw the missions of the countries of The Triple Alliance because of the demand of occupation troops, which was not politically profitable in comparison to the state of the government of the Russian Federation.
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Annesley, Claire, and Susan Franceschet. "Gender and the Executive Branch." Politics & Gender 11, no. 04 (December 2015): 613–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x15000446.
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The executive branch of government constitutes the pinnacle of political power. In principle, presidents and prime ministers, along with their cabinets, set the policy agenda, debate, and deliberate policy initiatives; introduce legislation; and oversee the implementation of public policies. Executives are the most visible political actors, representing the public “face” of government. Until very recently, executives were also the most masculinized of political institutions, with women absent entirely from the position of prime minister or president until the 1960s, and, at least until the last decade, holding only a small number of posts in cabinet. Yet one of the most striking global trends in recent years is the growing number of women elected to the post of prime minister or president: at the time of writing there are 12 countries where a woman occupies the top political office. A growing number of women are also being appointed cabinet ministers and, in some cases, to some of the most traditionally masculine posts. It is common today to define “parity” cabinets as those where women hold between 40% and 60% of ministerial portfolios. With that definition, countries as different as Spain, Bolivia, Sweden, and South Africa have had gender parity in cabinet. What is more, women's presence in cabinet is now a firmly established norm. Among the first questions raised by commentators after a newly elected president or prime minister announces her cabinet are, how many women were appointed? To which portfolios were they assigned?
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PETERSON, DEREK. "WORDY WOMEN: GENDER TROUBLE AND THE ORAL POLITICS OF THE EAST AFRICAN REVIVAL IN NORTHERN GIKUYULAND." Journal of African History 42, no. 3 (December 2001): 469–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853701007964.
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This essay explores conversion to the East African Revival as a way that Gikuyu women and men argued about moral and economic change. Rural capitalism in the 1930s and 1940s attacked the material basis of Gikuyu gender order by denying some men land. Familial stability was at stake in class formation: landless laborers could scarcely be respectable husbands. Rural elders and revivalists offered contending answers to the terrifying problem of gender trouble. Literate male elders at Tumutumu Presbyterian church used customary law and church bureaucracy to discipline young men and women. Revivalists, many of them women, talked: they confessed private sins vocally, cleansing themselves of sorcerous familial strife. Tumutumu’s debate over Revival played out as a contest between the oral politics of conversion and the bureaucratic power of church elders. Mau Mau continued the debate.
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Andoh, Juliana Serwaa, and Benjamin Ghansah. "A Study of Leadership Style on Employees' Performance in some Selected Private Universities in Ghana." International Journal of Engineering Research in Africa 43 (June 2019): 157–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/jera.43.157.
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Evolving structures and systems in higher education institutions require leaders who can provide direction, implement plans, and motivate people towards greater performance that meets or surpasses organizational goals. The authors in this study sought to ascertain the relationship between leadership styles and job performance among academic staff working in three (3) selected private universities in Ghana. A sample size of 114 was drawn from a total population size of 160 staff from Data Link Institute, Fountainhead University College and Presbyterian University College. Stratified random sampling method was used to gather data from respondents. Using three different hypotheses that were stated and tested with linear regression and Pearson’s Product Moment Correlation, the study revealed that leadership styles have direct effect on job performance. In particular, democratic leadership style showed a significant impact on the employee’s performance while autocratic and laissez-faire leadership styles demonstrated less or no significant impact on the employee performance. The authors proceed to discuss the implications of the study by way theory, practice and future study. Additionally, we recommended among other things that the use of autocratic and laissez-faire leadership styles should be reduced in practice since they have the proclivity of stifling the overall organization performance.
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Larsen, Timothy. "Victorian Nonconformity and the memory of the ejected ministers: the impact of the bicentennial commemorations of 1862." Studies in Church History 33 (1997): 459–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400013395.
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In the providence of God, St Bartholomew’s Day, 1862, fell on a Sunday, just as it had two hundred years before. On that earlier Sabbath, some 2,000 ministers were ejected from their livings because they could not conscientiously swear their ‘unfeigned assent and consent to all and everything contained and prescribed’ in the new Prayer Book, or meet some of the other requirements of the new Act of Uniformity. Rejected by the Established Church, many of these men continued to fulfil their callings outside her pale and thereby gave a major, new impetus to Dissent. As the bicentenary of ‘Black Bartholomew’s Day’ approached, Victorian Nonconformists resolved to make the most of’the opportunity which God’s providence has brought round to them’. In this retrospective year, historical claims became powerful weapons in the struggle between Church and Dissent; and the past became contested territory which both sides sought to appropriate in order to add legitimacy to their present positions.
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Sasada, Hironori. "The Electoral Origin of Japan's Nationalistic Leadership: Primaries in the LDP Presidential Election and the “Pull Effect”." Journal of East Asian Studies 10, no. 1 (April 2010): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800003209.
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In recent years, some Japanese prime ministers have exhibited a nationalistic tendency, particularly in their foreign policies. The increasing nationalistic appeal by recent leaders marks a sharp contrast with previous leaders, who were unwilling to cause friction with other countries and thus took more centrist positions. More interestingly, those recent leaders, including Koizumi Junichiro, previously adopted a more modest stance. This article seeks to explain the increase in nationalistic appeal, particularly between 2001 and 2006, among Japanese leaders by focusing on some important changes in the Liberal Democratic Party's (LDP's) presidential election procedures. Drawing on the study of US primary elections, I argue that the increase in the weight of rank-and-filers' votes vis-à-vis the LDP Diet members' votes in the LDP presidential election encouraged some candidates to take more ideologically extreme positions. In other words, much like US primaries, the LDP presidential elections can have a tendency to pull some candidates toward extreme positions.
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Gutierrez, Patryk. "Władza wykonawcza w Portoryko i w Polsce — porównanie oraz analiza wybranych uregulowań konstytucyjnych." Studenckie Prace Prawnicze, Administratywistyczne i Ekonomiczne 19 (December 28, 2016): 105–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1733-5779.19.9.
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Executive power in Puerto Rico and in Poland — the comparison and analysis of some constitutional issuesIn the paper entitled Executive Power in Puerto Rico and in Poland — the comparison and analysis of some constitutional issues, Idecided to compare two different constitutional regulations of executive power in Latin America and Europe Puerto Rico and Poland. At first glance, the both countries are republic with the same division of power between: executive, legislation and judicial. But on the other hand, the main differences have been established in the provisions of the Constitution. So, for this reason I’m trying to look for the answer for next questions: who performs the executive authority and whether this power is shared or not and how long it lasts during the term of office for example. Therefore, in my paper Ishowed the differences and similarities on this range: between Puerto Rican Governor with the Council of Secretaries and Polish President with the Council of Ministers.
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Asimow, Michael, and Yoav Dotan. "Hired Guns and Ministers of Justice: The Role of Government Attorneys in the United States and Israel." Israel Law Review 49, no. 1 (February 29, 2016): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223715000254.
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What is the role of a government attorney who represents a government agency on judicial review? Most academic literature in the United States (US) advocates the ‘hired gun’ model in which the role of the government lawyer is no different from that of a lawyer who represents a private client (although some academics and government lawyers disagree). The prevailing view in Israel is that government lawyers are ‘ministers of justice’, who owe a primary obligation to the public interest rather than to the client agency. This difference is attributable both to fundamental differences in legal culture between the US and Israel as well as to unique features of the Israeli system of judicial review.
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Blais-Lacombe, Ariane, and Marc André Bodet. "Les députés et les partis politiques sortants profitent-ils d'un avantage électoral ? Une analyse des résultats électoraux au Québec." Canadian Journal of Political Science 50, no. 3 (June 8, 2017): 723–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423917000464.
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AbstractUsing official electoral results from provincial elections since 1973, we evaluate the incumbency effect in Quebec by measuring the impact of a combination of characteristics related to candidates and political parties. We verify whether the presence of an incumbent candidate is necessary to ensure that the incumbent party benefits from an electoral advantage. We also compare the magnitude of the incumbency effect between governing and opposition parties. Making use of parametric multivariate statistical tools, we conclude that political parties benefit from an electoral advantage in Quebec. Except for ministers who make a small difference, simple Members of the National Assembly (MNAs) do not improve their electoral performance, while in some cases new candidates with incumbent parties perform better.
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Ortiz, Michael P. "Spain! Why? Jawaharlal Nehru, Non-Intervention, and the Spanish Civil War." European History Quarterly 49, no. 3 (July 2019): 445–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691419853688.
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This article analyzes British non-intervention in the Spanish Civil War through the lens of Indian anti-fascism. To date, non-intervention, Aid Spain campaigns, and appeasement have dominated the historiography of Britain and the Spanish Civil War. Prime Ministers Stanley Baldwin and Neville Chamberlain faced an impossible decision between supporting fascism or communism (as some in Britain understood it). In due course, they tried to contain the conflict. However, Indian intervention in the Spanish Civil War complicates this narrative of non-intervention. I contend that in addition to a difficult crisis for England, the Spanish Civil War was also an opportunity for Indian anti-colonialists to demonstrate their independence from the British Empire.
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Annesley, Claire. "Rules of Ministerial Recruitment." Politics & Gender 11, no. 04 (December 2015): 618–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x15000434.
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Ministerial office represents the pinnacle of political power. Quite rightly, politics and gender and comparative scholarship is paying increasing attention to women's access to political executives (Claveria 2014; Davis 1997; Escobar-Lemmon and Taylor-Robinson 2005; Krook and O'Brien 2012; Reynolds 1999; Siaroff 2000; Whitford, Wilkins, and Ball 2007). These studies develop and test a range of hypotheses relating to the demographic, socioeconomic, political cultural, or political institutional factors at state or system level deemed to shape women's access to political executive office. The conclusions primarily emphasize relatively general correlations between women's ministerial representation and a nation's familiarity with women in positions of power (Reynolds 1999), the prevalence of “egalitarian societies” and “leftist values” (Siaroff 2000), or international pressure and regional contagion (Escobar-Lemmon and Taylor-Robinson 2005). Studies that address the importance of political institutional factors affecting the supply and demand of female government ministers highlight the different procedures for appointing ministers in presidential versus parliamentary democracies (Reynolds 1999; Whitford, Wilkins, and Ball 2007) or the generalist versus specialist recruitment traditions of ministerial recruitment in parliamentary democracies (Claveria 2014; Davis 1997; Siaroff 2000). All studies flag the significance of the numerical presence of women in parliament, and some, the way the electoral system or gender quotas influence women's access to parliament (Claveria 2014; Krook and O'Brien 2012).
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Xuereb, Peter G. "Loyalty and Solidarity." European Constitutional Law Review 1, no. 1 (October 12, 2004): 17–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019605000179.
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While the Union's powers and responsibilities are ever on the increase and co-operation deepens as the Union begins to take positions more easily in the areas of freedom, security, justice and defense, it is seeking to keep the Member States and the Union together via the duties of loyalty. These are spelled out in general terms in Article I-5, and in more specific terms in specific contexts, such as those of the Common Foreign and Security Policy [Article I-15(2)]. Article I-5 is entitled ‘Relations between the Union and the Member States’, but it is also central to the relations between the Member States themselves in terms, for example, of the exercise of their voting rights in the Council of Ministers. The Article consolidates provisions that are currently scattered over various Treaties but not without adding some novelties.
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Wilde, Melissa, and Hajer Al-Faham. "Believing in Women? Examining Early Views of Women among America’s Most Progressive Religious Groups." Religions 9, no. 10 (October 20, 2018): 321. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel9100321.
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This paper examines views of women among the most prominent “progressive” American religious groups (as defined by those that liberalized early on the issue of birth control, circa 1929). We focus on the years between the first and second waves of the feminist movement (1929–1965) in order to examine these views during a time of relative quiescence. We find that some groups indeed have a history of outspoken support for women’s equality. Using their modern-day names, these groups—the United Church of Christ, the Unitarian Universalist Association, and to a lesser extent, the Society of Friends, or Quakers—professed strong support for women’s issues, early and often. However, we also find that prominent progressive groups—the Protestant Episcopal Church, the Methodist Episcopal Church, and the United Presbyterian Church—were virtually silent on the issue of women’s rights. Thus, we conclude that birth control activism within the American religious field was not clearly correlated with an overall feminist orientation.
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Frost, Chris. "The Remuneration of Church Ministers in England: Examining Principles and Practice." European Journal of Theology 29, no. 1 (December 1, 2020): 62–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/ejt2020.1.007.fras.
Full textAbstract:
SUMMARYThis essay discusses biblical, historic and business principles on the issue of the remuneration of church ministers in England. The biblical principles for remuneration analysed are the need for church leaders to exhibit little concern for their own remuneration, sacrificial generosity, godly contentment and the need for congregations to remunerate church leaders with contextual generosity. Three historic examples illustrate the failure of the churches to put these biblical principles in practice during the last three centuries. The modern business practice of recognising intrinsic church leader benefits is affirmed, but the danger and the counter- productive nature of using remuneration to hire outstanding leaders is highlighted. Current rigid denominational remuneration structures are shown to express a lack of contextual generosity and the more informal remuneration structures are shown to display exaggerated disparities between contexts. The article ends with some recommendations.ZUSAMMENFASSUNGDieser Aufsatz vergleicht biblische und historische Grundsätze sowie Prinzipien im Geschäftsleben mit der gegenwärtigen Praxis der Zahlung von Gemeindeleitern in Groß Britannien. Wenn man die biblischen Prinzipien für Entlohnung analysiert, zeigt sich einerseits das Erfordernis, dass Gemeindeleiter sich wenig um ihre eigenen Entlohnung kümmern, dass sie eine aufopfernde Großzügigkeit sowie eine fromme Genügsamkeit an den Tag legen. Andererseits ist klar, dass Gemeinden ihre Leiter mit einer den Umständen entsprechenden Großzügigkeit entlohnen sollen. Drei historische Beispiele illustrieren das Scheitern der Gemeinden in den letzten drei Jahrhunderten, diese biblischen Prinzipien in die Praxis umzusetzen. Der Aufsatz bekräftigt die moderne Praxis im Geschäftsleben, die intrinsischen Vorteile von Gemeindeleitern anzuerkennen. Dabei hebt er hervor, dass es gefährlich und kontraproduktiv sein kann, Entlohnung als Anreiz bei der Ernennung fähiger Leiter zu verwenden. Er zeigt einerseits gegenwärtige starre Vergütungsstrukturen in den Kirchen auf, welche einen Mangel an kontextueller Großzügigkeit zum Ausdruck bringen. Andererseits deckt er auf, dass manche informelle Vergütungsstrukturen übertriebene Unterschiede zwischen den jeweiligen Kontexten aufweisen. Der Artikel endet mit einigen Empfehlungen.RÉSUMÉCet article compare les principes bibliques, historiques et ceux du monde des affaires à la pratique actuelle concernant la rémunération des responsables d’Église au Royaume-Uni. Les principes bibliques qu’il dégage sont les suivants : les responsables d’Église devraient peu se préoccuper de leur rémunération et faire preuve de générosité, de sacrifice et de contentement de ce qu’ils ont, tandis que les Églises devraient rémunérer leurs responsables avec générosité en fonction du contexte dans lequel elles se trouvent. Trois exemples historiques viennent illustrer le manquement des Églises quant à l’application des principes bibliques au cours des trois derniers siècles. L’auteur affirme que les Églises devraient suivre la pratique moderne du monde des affaires en reconnaissant les bénéfices intrinsèques que leur apportent leurs responsables et il met en évidence le danger et le caractère contre-productif de la pratique qui consiste à faire de la rémunération un moyen d’embaucher les responsables sortant du lot. Il montre que les structures rigides de rémunération adoptées par les unions d’Églises manifestent actuellement un manque de générosité et de prise en compte des contextes, et que les politiques de rémunération plus informelles engendrent des disparités excessives entre des contextes différents. L’article se termine par quelques recommandations.
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Frost, Chris. "The Remuneration of Church Ministers in England: Examining Principles and Practice." European Journal of Theology 29, no. 1 (December 1, 2020): 62–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/ejt2020.1.007.fras.
Full textAbstract:
SUMMARY This essay discusses biblical, historic and business principles on the issue of the remuneration of church ministers in England. The biblical principles for remuneration analysed are the need for church leaders to exhibit little concern for their own remuneration, sacrificial generosity, godly contentment and the need for congregations to remunerate church leaders with contextual generosity. Three historic examples illustrate the failure of the churches to put these biblical principles in practice during the last three centuries. The modern business practice of recognising intrinsic church leader benefits is affirmed, but the danger and the counter- productive nature of using remuneration to hire outstanding leaders is highlighted. Current rigid denominational remuneration structures are shown to express a lack of contextual generosity and the more informal remuneration structures are shown to display exaggerated disparities between contexts. The article ends with some recommendations. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Dieser Aufsatz vergleicht biblische und historische Grundsätze sowie Prinzipien im Geschäftsleben mit der gegenwärtigen Praxis der Zahlung von Gemeindeleitern in Groß Britannien. Wenn man die biblischen Prinzipien für Entlohnung analysiert, zeigt sich einerseits das Erfordernis, dass Gemeindeleiter sich wenig um ihre eigenen Entlohnung kümmern, dass sie eine aufopfernde Großzügigkeit sowie eine fromme Genügsamkeit an den Tag legen. Andererseits ist klar, dass Gemeinden ihre Leiter mit einer den Umständen entsprechenden Großzügigkeit entlohnen sollen. Drei historische Beispiele illustrieren das Scheitern der Gemeinden in den letzten drei Jahrhunderten, diese biblischen Prinzipien in die Praxis umzusetzen. Der Aufsatz bekräftigt die moderne Praxis im Geschäftsleben, die intrinsischen Vorteile von Gemeindeleitern anzuerkennen. Dabei hebt er hervor, dass es gefährlich und kontraproduktiv sein kann, Entlohnung als Anreiz bei der Ernennung fähiger Leiter zu verwenden. Er zeigt einerseits gegenwärtige starre Vergütungsstrukturen in den Kirchen auf, welche einen Mangel an kontextueller Großzügigkeit zum Ausdruck bringen. Andererseits deckt er auf, dass manche informelle Vergütungsstrukturen übertriebene Unterschiede zwischen den jeweiligen Kontexten aufweisen. Der Artikel endet mit einigen Empfehlungen. RÉSUMÉ Cet article compare les principes bibliques, historiques et ceux du monde des affaires à la pratique actuelle concernant la rémunération des responsables d’Église au Royaume-Uni. Les principes bibliques qu’il dégage sont les suivants : les responsables d’Église devraient peu se préoccuper de leur rémunération et faire preuve de générosité, de sacrifice et de contentement de ce qu’ils ont, tandis que les Églises devraient rémunérer leurs responsables avec générosité en fonction du contexte dans lequel elles se trouvent. Trois exemples historiques viennent illustrer le manquement des Églises quant à l’application des principes bibliques au cours des trois derniers siècles. L’auteur affirme que les Églises devraient suivre la pratique moderne du monde des affaires en reconnaissant les bénéfices intrinsèques que leur apportent leurs responsables et il met en évidence le danger et le caractère contre-productif de la pratique qui consiste à faire de la rémunération un moyen d’embaucher les responsables sortant du lot. Il montre que les structures rigides de rémunération adoptées par les unions d’Églises manifestent actuellement un manque de générosité et de prise en compte des contextes, et que les politiques de rémunération plus informelles engendrent des disparités excessives entre des contextes différents. L’article se termine par quelques recommandations.
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Indriðason, Indriði H., and Gunnar Helgi Kristinsson. "The role of parliament under ministerial government." Veftímaritið Stjórnmál og stjórnsýsla 14, no. 1 (May 30, 2018): 149–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.13177/irpa.a.2018.14.1.7.
Full textAbstract:
The present paper is concerned with the preconditions for ministerial government in Iceland and the role of parliament in sustaining it. Ministerial government is a form of coalition governance where the division of portfolios between parties functions as the basic mechanism of managing coalitions. Ministers are policy dictators in the sense that they control their ministries without interference from their coalition partners. Ministerial government is considered a weak form of coalition governance in the literature on account of its susceptibility to principal-agent problems, i.e., the temptation of ministers to adopt policies which are beneficial to their own party, or themselves, even if they are harmful to the coalition as a whole. We argue that ministerial government was the guiding principle of coalition governance in Iceland prior to the crash of 2008. We demonstrate that given a number of conditions, ministerial government can in fact function effectively in the sense of providing the necessary minimum of inter-coalition checks. Instead of the cabinet providing oversight, however, the parties and committees in parliament play a key role in controlling policy drift. For a number of reasons, the financial crash in Iceland undermined some of the features on which ministerial government rested and coalition co-ordination after the crash has diverged significantly from the preceding period. It is too early, however, to tell whether these represent a permanent shift in coalition management in Iceland.