Journal articles on the topic 'Bhatra (Indic people)'

Abstract: Oral health problems are emerging as one of the major public health concerns. Elderly people have to face many difficulties in utilizing oral health services, especially the below-the-poverty-line population. Taking into Consideration Dantha Bhagya Yojana was launched in Karnataka, for the Below poverty line population as dental services are highly-priced. Databases, media articles, and government official websites providing information regarding Dantha Bhagya Yojana were considered. The scheme aims to provide complete and partial dentures to the senior citizens of Karnataka, belonging to the below poverty line category. The program works under public-private partnership lines and is proving to be helpful to the beneficiaries in Karnataka province. These services are made available in public as well as private dental colleges of Karnataka. The community healthcare workers' role is to identify the edentulous patients and refer them to the nearby dental college for treatment.

This study consolidated our understanding on the weeds of Bhadrak district, Odisha, India based on both bibliographic sources and field studies. A total of 277species of weed taxa belonging to 198 genera and 65 families are reported from the study area. About 95.7% of these weed taxa are distributed across six major superorders; the Lamids and Malvids constitute 43.3% with 60 species each, followed by Commenilids (56 species), Fabids (48 species), Companulids (23 species) and Monocots (18 species). Asteraceae, Poaceae, and Fabaceae are best represented. Forbs are the most represented (50.5%), followed by shrubs (15.2%), climber (11.2%), grasses (10.8%), sedges (6.5%) and legumes (5.8%). Annuals comprised about 57.5% and the remaining are perennials. As per Raunkiaer classification, the therophytes is the most dominant class with 135 plant species (48.7%).The use of weed for different purposes as indicated by local people is also discussed. This study provides a comprehensive and updated checklist of the weed speciesof Bhadrak district which will serve as a tool for conservation of the local biodiversity. Bangladesh J. Plant Taxon. 27(1): 85-101, 2020 (June)

Despite becoming one of the most valuable resources, the role of bamboo in livelihoods and rural development is poorly understood. The present study documents the indigenous utilization pattern of bamboo (Bambusa vulgaris Schrad ex Wendl.) and its significance in the social, cultural and religious life of the people of Bhadrak district, Odisha, India. An exploratory assessment was made from 71 informants through field surveys, literature consultations and key informant interviews. Plant parts such as culms are used for various purposes including construction, handicraft, fencing, musical instruments, as well as in rituals and ceremonies. Leaves are mostly used as fodder. This plant has been instrumental for indigenous people by providing them substantial livelihood through their own indigenous wisdom, from collection to the processing of products. Proper training with modern technology, financial assistance to develop infrastructure, as well as proper marketing of products will encourage more earning opportunities among rural people of the said district.

Abstract Panda T., Mishra N., Rahimuddin S., Pradhan B.K., Rout S.D., Mohanty R.B., 2018: Folk medicine used for the treatment of gynaecological disorders in rural areas of Bhadrak district, Odisha, India. - Botanica, 24(2): 132-142. Folk knowledge of the people in a given community has developed over time and is based on experience often tested over centuries of use, adapted to the local culture and environment and held by individuals or communities. This knowledge on resource utilization by human beings for medicinal purposes might have been established by trial and error, accumulated over thousands of years and often becomes encoded in everyday cultural practices. This study addresses an ethno-medicinal investigation in the interior of Bhadrak district, Odisha, India to explore, document and preserve the traditional knowledge for therapeutic use against gynaecological disorders by local inhabitants. The study is primarily based on field surveys carried out in villages, where traditional healers provided information about plant species used as medicine. Data on the use of medicinal plants were collected using standard procedures. A total of 38 medicinal plant species belonging to 29 families were gathered and documented throughout the study period to cure gynaecological ailments of human being. The predominant families are Fabaceae, Apocynaceae and Amaranthaceae. The most widely accepted plant species for the management of gynaecological ailments are Achyranthes aspera, Adhatoda vasica, Asparagus racemosus, Boerhavia diffusa, Moringa oleifera, Phyllanthus emblica, Piper nigrum, Saraca asoca, Trigonella foenum-graecum and Zingiber officinale.

This study aims to reveal hybridity and liminality in Jhumpa Lahiri's short story entitled A Temporary Matter. This research is a qualitative research with a postcolonial approach. The theory used in this research is postcolonialism theory by Homi K. Bhabha. The methods applied in this study include data collection methods and data analysis methods. The data obtained were taken from the speech of the characters and the narrator in the short story A Temporary Matter. Bhabha in The Location of Culture (1994) discusses hybridity in society during the post-colonial era and is applied to diaspora literature. Hybridity is related to human culture and identity. Culture and identity are formed dynamically, they experience development, progress, and decline according to conditions and circumstances. Diaspora literature is produced from the writings of people living outside the country and/or writings that contain diaspora experiences. In the process of hybridity, there is a gap between the two cultures. The gap is called liminality in which there is repression of the (colonial) past that is not revealed. One of the writers included into the category of diaspora writers is Jhumpa Lahiri. In A Temporary Matter, she shows the hybridity experienced by the two main characters of Indian descent living in the United States. They were husband and wife; Shukumar and Shoba. They experienced cultural adaptation to cultures outside India. In their lives, cultural mixing occurs. This mixture is seen in the food, clothing, and language they use. Between these mixtures, several gaps fill the transition. This is found in the main character's utterances.

Health care costs have risen drastically over few years, and any medical treatment can make a dent on individual’s savings but with the help of these special health insurance plans, an individual can give extra cushion to them and can come out good from these problems. Insurance may be described as a social device to reduce or eliminate the risk of life and property. Under the plan of insurance, a large number of people associate themselves by sharing risk, attached to an individual insurance plan that exclusively covers healthcare costs and is called Health Insurance. One possible solution to the above said problem was to reduce the financial barrier through health insurance. Unfortunately, currently only about 10 percent of the population protected under any health insurance coverage. The most are for employees in the formal (Ellis et al. 2000). The informal workers were unprotected and had to depend on those above poorly financed public sector or the expensive private sector to take care of its needs. The government is keen to increase the insurance coverage and has even introduced special health insurance packages for the poor (Times of India, 2003). Health insurance schemes are one way of guaranteeing access to health care services. Under such schemes ideally, people should apply for membership and be making monthly contributions so that in the event of any sickness; the health insurer will be able to meet the cost of medical care. Health insurance plays important role in healthcare service provision. It should again be noted that the health insurance market depends on policy interventions to balance supply side and demand side forces. Demand-side forces would naturally involve health insurance participation, and for credible policy interventions it may be important that those factors affecting participation be established (Mhere, 2013). Health insurance is the fast emerging as an important mechanism to finance the health care needs of the people. The need for an insurance system that works on the basic principle of pooling risks of unexpected costs of persons falling ill and needing hospitalization by charging a premium from a wider population base of the community (Bhatia and John, 2000). Work-related health problems result in an economic loss of four to six percent of gross domestic product for most countries. About 70 percent of workers does not have any insurance to compensate them in case of occupational disease and injuries.

Community-Based Health Insurance (CBHI) is a form of micro health insurance targeted at low-income groups that permits for grouping of assets to tackle the expenses of future, uncertain, health-related circumstances. According to the International Labour Organisation, more than 80% of India’s employed nonagricultural population is in the informal sector, implying that they are possibly excluded from receiving health insurance benefits. This is where CBHI comes into play, wherein groups of people belonging to a community define the demand and benefits and pool their resources to provide financial protection to all their members. This study aims to scrutinize the package prices sanctioned by these schemes and compare them with the cost incurred by the hospital. The expense pattern of three surgeries in the Department of Obstetrics and Gynaecology was analysed under three insurance schemes: Arogya Bhagya Yojana, Arogya Karnataka, and Employees’ State Insurance Scheme. Methodology. A retrospective study was conducted in a 2,032-bedded tertiary care hospital in South India. Patients of abdominal hysterectomy, vaginal hysterectomy, and caesarean section surgeries covered by any of the insurance schemes mentioned above were a part of the inclusion criteria. The patient records were examined from the hospital’s Medical Records Department (MRD). The patients’ bills were assembled from the inpatient billing department to scrutinize all the expenses associated with each surgery. The variable costs include consumables, medicine, electricity and AC, diagnostics, blood bank materials, doctor’s fee, package differences, and others. In contrast, fixed costs include bed cost, equipment cost (purchase + annual maintenance cost), manpower cost-OT, manpower cost-nursing, and allocated indirect costs associated with the medical treatment. These were computed and compared with the package price of respective insurance schemes to determine if the schemes are profit-yielding schemes or loss-yielding schemes, using the data from the finance department. Results and Conclusion. It has been observed that the operating loss of the hospital for abdominal hysterectomy, vaginal hysterectomy, and caesarean section under CBHI schemes ranges between 7% and 36%. The highest loss was observed in Arogya Karnataka Scheme for caesarean section surgery (BPL patients). The amount received through these schemes is insufficient to cover the costs acquired by the hospital, let alone make a profit. However, under Arogya Bhagya and ESI Schemes, the hospital has made a profit in covering the variable costs for these surgeries. The study concludes that the hospital is running under loss due to the three Community-Based Health Insurance (CBHI) schemes.

Background: Health insurance as a tool to finance health care has very recently gained popularity in India. While health insurance has a long history, the upsurge in breadth of coverage can be explained by a serious effort by the Government to introduce health insurance for the poor in last four years. Objective of this study is to determine the types of health insurance prevalent in coastal Karnataka and to study its advantages in decreasing out of pocket expenditure.Methods: A cross sectional study was done among 450 patients by administering a validated questionnaire on health insurance with details, coverage amount, presence of APL or BPL card and utilization pattern with advantages to the patient from scheme.Results: Out of the 450 patients have been surveyed, 57% had availed health insurance. 35% of patients were benefited by sampoorna suraksha and 27.5% patients used KSHEMA health card. ESI and kadamba were least used. Unlimited slab was seen with aarogya bhagya and yashaswini schemes. 65% of APL category and only 35% of BPL had health insurance. 92.5% of the patients with health insurance surveyed used private hospitals for health assistance. In 25% of people, hospital visits increased due to health insurance. In 15% of patients the total expenditure on health has increased after obtaining health insurance.Conclusions: 57% of the patients had some form of health insurance. Sampoorna suraksha was the most commonly used scheme and health insurance was most commonly used for in patient care.

Abstract Historians have done much to unpick the image of development in poor countries after the Second World War as a technocratic phenomenon driven by centralizing planners and advocates of modernization. Yet scholars have done less to ask how development interacted with other major aspects of decolonization, notably the transformation of colonial subjecthood to postcolonial citizenship. Using the case of the Bhakra–Nangal dam complex, constructed in northern India during the late 1940s to early 1950s, this article argues that a major development project impacted not just on economic growth and the extension of state power, but significantly influenced the integration of postcolonial India's diverse political territories. At the same time, ideas about development and citizenship both offered resources that technocrats and dam-displaced people alike could use to make arguments about the relationship between people, territory. and the state. Development was not a rarefied space that escaped politics while extending state power, but was entangled in the broader processes through which subjects of an empire became citizens of a postcolonial state.

From geo-ecological point of view, the BhabarTarai belt bears immense significance as it considers as shelter belt for diverse species. It may be mentioned as a hub of interaction among all biota that holds life to sustain. Being a rich domain in respect of plant and animal species, the belt is composed by pebbles, sand, and silt with thick forest cover and ranges from dry disappearance river bed topography to wet, marshy land one. With an area of 3994.25 sq.km, Lower Assam district is also flourished by this notable structure of physiography out of which 89.24% are Tarai followed by 10.75% of Bhabar. Most of the area is covered by BTAD areas along withsignified Assam-Bhutan Boarder that support a great number of people with their associated livelihood compositions. For more details, there has made an attempt of analysis this important zone of physical features along with adopted form of belongingness of people to the area as well. The paper is prepared on the basis of both primary and secondary data and findings are represented with the help different digital cartographic techniques.

Abstract Background Adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) increases vulnerability to externalising disorders such as substance misuse. The study aims to determine the prevalence of ACEs and its association with substance misuse. Methods Data from the Consortium on Vulnerability to Externalising Disorders and Addictions (cVEDA) in India was used (n = 9010). ACEs were evaluated using the World Health Organisation (WHO) Adverse Childhood Experiences International Questionnaire whilst substance misuse was assessed using the WHO Alcohol, Smoking and Substance Involvement Screening Test. A random-effects, two-stage individual patient data meta-analysis explained the associations between ACEs and substance misuse with adjustments for confounders such as sex and family structure. Results 1 in 2 participants reported child maltreatment ACEs and family level ACEs. Except for sexual abuse, males report more of every individual childhood adversity and are more likely to report misusing substances compared with females (87.3% vs. 12.7%). In adolescents, family level ACEs (adj OR 4.2, 95% CI 1.5–11.7) and collective level ACEs (adj OR 6.6, 95% CI 1.4–31.1) show associations with substance misuse whilst in young adults, child level ACEs such as maltreatment show similar strong associations (adj OR 2.0, 95% CI 1.1–3.5). Conclusion ACEs such as abuse and domestic violence are strongly associated with substance misuse, most commonly tobacco, in adolescent and young adult males in India. The results suggest enhancing current ACE resilience programmes and ‘trauma-informed’ approaches to tackling longer-term impact of ACEs in India. Funding Newton Bhabha Grant jointly funded by the Medical Research Council, UK (MR/N000390/1) and the Indian Council of Medical Research (ICMR/MRC-UK/3/M/2015-NCD-I).

Tagore’s novel Ghare Bhaire has historical significance when we look at it from nationalistic perspective. The Swadeshi movement predominantly began with the partition of Bengal by the Viceroy of India, Lord Curzon in 1905 and continued up to 1911. This was precisely the most successful of the Pre- Gandhian movements. MK Gandhi strategically focused on Swadeshi who described it as the Soul of Swaraj (Self-rule). The movement was officially announced on 7 August, 1905 at the famous Calcutta Town Hall, in Bengal. Later, this was used to boycott all the British goods in the country. The spirit of the movement was to use goods produced in India and burning of British–made goods. Swadeshi movement paved the way to the successive movements such as Satyagraha movement and Non-Cooperation movement. Written against the backdrop of the partition of Bengal by the British in 1905, Home and the World (Ghare Bhaire) by Rabindranath Tagore, the Nobel Laureate, is a telling portrayal of the chasms inherent in the nationalist movement. Any movement by people is particularly interesting and a movement such as Swadeshi movement holds special significance in the history of Indian Freedom Struggle. Swadeshi was a clarion call to rebel against the imported goods. In the words of Anita Desai, the noted Indo-English novelist, “Home and the World” has the complexity and tragic dimensions of Tagore’s own time and ours”. Readers are reminded that Tagore protested the Jallianwallah Bagh massacres and rejected the knighthood honour. He set himself an example by leading the country against the oppressions. His patriotism finds literary expression in the novel “Ghare Bhaire” Where Swadeshi Movement dominates the collection.

Man is a social animal and different than other animal man has created religion and culture with marriage group, cast and class etc. Man has developed social economical, religion and cultural institution. Today modernization affect on all social institutions directly or indirectly. India is accommodated in developed country but it has plenty of problems such as poverty unemployment, backward classes and cast problems, rural backward social etc. Prof. Rathod classified that Nathpanthi Gosayi community are four types such as class live in middle part of village, outside Dalit, tribal in hilly and forest area and last one who always has roaming stage called as a Bhatka community. Roaming tribal, nomadic community has extreme poverty and backwardness which are always roaming for searching food. Forest official take their undo advantage for their selfishness. Tribal and nomadic tribal community people are illiterate and simple. They have been easily exploited by such cunning people. The students are in this community are found in extreme backward situation. They don’t have aim to peruse study, sincerity for education and fulfillment of parents dream. They prefer their traditional activities them study. The children from Nathpanthi Gosayi community ignore taking education but there are sincere about them study. Very less number of students found who pass 10the std. Therefore Researcher selected this topic for research of overall study of Nathpanthi Gosayi community, in East Vidarbha.

Rice is the most important human food crop in the world, directly feeding more people than any other crop. Tunga Bhadra Project (TBP) command area is called as Rice bowl of Karnataka. The study was conducted in the Shivamogga district of Karnataka, India during 2020-21 mainly for economic analysis of the cost and returns of rainfed paddy. A purposive sampling technique was used for the selection of the study area, Two taluks (Shikaripura and Soraba) of Shivamogga district were selected and from each taluk, two villages (Chikkajambur, Herejumbur, Andige and Ulavi) were selected and from each village 15 farmers were selected who were rainfed paddy growers. Thus the total sample constitutes 60 respondents. The analytical tools and techniques employed for assessing the objectives of the study are measures of central tendency and standard of cost and returns. The total cost of rainfed paddy cultivation was Rs. 26,330.65 fixed costs accounted for 19.02 per cent (Rs. 5,007.20) of the total cost and overall variable cost accounted for 79.92 per cent (Rs. 21,043.45) of the total cost of cultivation. Grain yields realized 15.23 quintals per acre and gross returns comprised of returns from both main-product (grain) and by-product returns (straw) is Rs. 34,689.78. Rainfed paddy gave a net return of Rs. 8,359.13 and returns over variable cost were Rs. 13,367.33. Returns per rupee of expenditure were 1.32. The study recommended that rainfed paddy cultivation required less cost cultivation which helps the farmer to earn a better income.

Today is the era of technology. Technology plays a pivotal role in our day to day life. We cannot deny the presence of technology in our practical work. Use of electronic gadget and many other modern digital devices changed the scenario of education in today’s world.ICT based education system was introduced nearly after recommendations of NPE-1986 and its follow-up programmes in the year 1991.by the Government of India.But digital content for teaching-learning was not so solid and effectively powerful since it was introduced nearly more than three decades ago. Union Government of India also introduced the idea of “Digital India” (2015) and the digitized education system creates a new impact in the field of education also. The advancements of technology have changed the world greatly. There is no denying of the fact that they make lives better and easier, especially in the fields of science, medicine and education etc. During the critical circulation of pandemic COVID – 19, the livelihood of the people totally collapsed. It changes the scenario of our society. Like other field of educations, its effects the teacher education system also. From the time of lockdown the face to face contact education system totally stopped and also collapsed. So an alternative option of digital platform enhancing day by day. In some near recent times this types of teaching-learning platforms (Banglar Siksha Portal, Swayam, Swayam-prabha, E-Pathsala, Bharta Digital class,Mooc etc.) will become convenient through time-being tests also. Various E-Content may be used for digital classroom learning. Though it introduces many opportunities, but it also has its drawbacks. In this article the presenter tries to analyse the Challenges and Possibilities on technology based teacher education. The article also concludes that the perfect amalgamation of technology and education can create a new era in the field of teacher education.

Whilst urban growth is generally accepted as a global phenomenon, this has numerous and ambivalent implications for Australia and its identity-work. Suburbia the site where the majority of Australians live, located somewhere between the privileged spaces of the city and the bush comes into focus as the emblematic topos through which the representational work of nation is articulated. Here, space becomes imbued with much current Australian political import. This article puts the discursive representation of Australian suburbia into juncture with hegemonic formations of nationness, and posits potential critical refigurations of these formations by mobilising a spatialised politics of cultural difference. Suburbia has come to represent a site of egalitarianism, signifying a truly Australian way of life. The masculinist and colonialist Australian myth of egalitarianism is constituted through a practice of carving up the land into equal portions, such that each man could have his stake in the country (Chambers 87). In this schema, the ownership of a detached house on a plot of land ensures proper and viable national subjects, since what is known as the suburban good life is nestled in a conception of house as home, where home is that which is familiar and secure. Consider John Howard's nationalist rhetoric: I believe that the concept of home is a compelling notion in our psyche…The loss of security challenges traditional notions of home and people feel the need to react to alienation…he or she must embrace what is secure, what people see as 'home.' (qtd. in Burke 8) It comes as no surprise, then, that Howard has initiated a scheme that grants $7000 to young couples toward establishing their first home. Home is not only a metaphor for nation; home is constituted in a material way through the house. The secure, housed, nation is most effectively enacted through the house and its ideal subjects: the white model of the heterosexual nuclear family. If European nostalgia is under threat, Howard's response is to maintain attempts to recover a unified national home. Ghassan Hage writes that the homely nation is itself an aspiration that guides the national subject's practices (68-9, my emphasis). Howard's anxiety is displayed in his response to the recent Tampa crisis, and it has become overwhelmingly evident who or what is not figured in his homely imaginary. Textuality becomes an effective means by which to negotiate and contest these dominant discourses of nation-space, and their prescribed modes of subjectivity. Suneeta Peres da Costa's recent novel Homework provides one such exigent re-mapping of nation-informed discourses of suburbia. Peres da Costa's text enacts a strategic invocation of cultural difference. Here, difference is not meant to connote inclusion or assimilation; difference must be seen as a dynamic constitutive mode of oppositionality, a provisional but insurrectionary and necessarily strategic other to dominant formations of nationness. As the novel's title itself suggests, home is work the work of being between spaces. Working from within the interstices of locatedness and worldliness allows the text to challenge embedded hegemonic inscriptions of nation-space. Whilst the novel was written and set in Australia, its packaging and subsequent reception also evokes the current trend of diasporic cosmopolitanism, signaling a world supposedly exempt from national belonging (Brennan qtd. in Kaplan 123). The novel was published simultaneously in the UK, the US, and Australia by Bloomsbury in 1999. The construction of this worldliness is here constituted in the politics of publishing, but this (dis)juncture between national and international, or the local and global, continues in the narrative itself. The narrative traverses both Australian domestic spaces and (imagined) international spaces. The fictive autobiography details Mina Pereira's late-childhood years as she lives with her family in suburban Rain Hill, Sydney. Whilst Mina and her sisters have grown up in Australia, their parents originate from Portuguese Goa, and Bombay, India. The narrative produces a tension between a global dislocation, where both Mr and Mrs Pereira's different and contradictory forms of homesickness are articulated, and the situatedness of Australia, where colonialism continues to construct hegemonic narratives of nationness. It is at this (dis)juncture that the narrative re-writes suburban space. Integrated into the suburban landscape and, in particular, the house itself, is the psychic space of memory. In the Pereira's house involuntary memories of former spaces and incidents in both Australia and India are evoked. A prolonged melancholia infiltrates the psychic and actual suburban spaces of the text, and in particular, the Federation house that the family lives in. If the Federation house signifies national unification, then this text enacts a kind of dis-unification of nation. With, in Gaston Bachelard's words, the past com[ing] to dwell in the new house (5), the seamless coherence of the suburban house is ruptured. As Homi Bhabha writes, [t]he recesses of the domestic space become sites for history's most intricate invasions. In that displacement, borders between home and world become confused; and, uncannily, the private and the public become part of each other, forcing upon us a vision that is as divided as it is disorienting. (9) In Homework, memory stretches beyond the limits of the nation such that nostalgia, as a politicised construction of the present, productively challenges the nation's boundaries. As Ien Ang writes, diasporas have the potential to unsettle static, essentialist and totalitarian conceptions of 'national culture' or 'national identity' with origins firmly rooted in fixed geography and common history (7). In this sense, the text interrogates the representational work of nation that attempts to maintain integrity and unity through incessant policing and securing of its borders. In Homework, the suburban house becomes unhomely, or unheimlich, in the haunting of subjects' memories that inhabit it, such that the house becomes not a tool for inculcating Australian nationness, but a zone of intermediacy between home and world. From this border space, that Homi Bhabha calls international (38) for the space of translation, negotiation, and hybridity, Australian space is unbounded and defamiliarised. Homework effectively dislodges the nation's homely imaginary by pointing to the excesses of belonging. Here home, as a mode of security and belonging, becomes detached from house. Aamir Mufti and Ella Shohat write that belonging cannot be housed simply within the material space of walls and roofs, of fenced topographies and well-drawn maps (1). This re-writing of hegemonic spatiality is concomitant with the re-constitution of prescribed modes of subjectivity. A politics of difference becomes a tool of creativity to question multiple forms of repression and dominance (Trinh 73). Cultural difference must be seen as disordering, as opening up new spaces for critical exchange (Soja and Hooper 193), and as positing new ways of critically writing and occupying spaces. By spatialising this politics of difference, the supposedly coherent spatiality of suburbia is ruptured and shown to be vulnerable. Re-narrating suburban spaces according to a politics of difference has the potential to dislodge hegemonic narratives that have become naturalised as they are mapped onto, or materialised in, real spaces. At the conclusion of Homework, the Pereira's house is enflamed. In this spectacular climax, part oneiric and fantastical, the house on fire becomes, in its pyrotechnical wizardry (255), a final recalcitrant figure to Australian suburban space. Merging with, and working against, that other sanctioned element of official multiculturalism, food, the fire sends out a toxic vapour to the hegemonic suburb: The pungent perfume that hung in a thick vapour above us was that of a vast spice warehouse burning to the ground. I could smell vast vats of mango and lime pickle; the bittersweet of cardamom spores that, with the intensity of the heat must have burst from their pods; peppercorns and paprika; turmeric, tamarind, and bay leaf; all these now lingered and mingled in a masala of mixed messages with the certain scents of dried cloves and the singular aroma of coriander. (256-7) The Federation house, with its symbolic encodings of nationness, is not only under de(con)struction here, but this image of a monstrous other further insults the suburban landscape's very senses. At the very heart of Australian suburbia is a stirring of the unhomely that is bound to repeat its disturbance to the mappings of nation. References Ang, Ien. Migrations of Chineseness. SPAN 34 (1993) : 9 pp. <http://wwwmcc.murdoch.edu.au/ReadingRoom...> Bachelard, Gaston. The Poetics of Space. 1958. Boston: Beacon, 1994. Bhabha, Homi K. The Location of Culture. London: Routledge, 1994. Burke, Anthony. Australia's Asian Crisis. Australian Humanities Review June (2001) : 9 pp. 27 August 2001 <http://www.lib.latrobe.edu/AHR/archive/I...> Chambers, Deborah. A Stake in the Country: Women's Experiences of Suburban Development. Visions of Suburbia. Ed. Roger Silverstone. London: Routledge, 1997. 86-107. Hage, Ghassan. White Nation: Fantasies of White Supremacy in a Multicultural Society. Leichhardt: Pluto Press, 1998. Kaplan, Caren. Questions of Travel: Postmodern Discourses of Displacement. Durham: Duke UP, 1996. Peres da Costa, Suneeta. Homework. London: Bloomsbury, 1999. Soja, Edward, and Barbara Hooper. The Spaces that Difference Makes: Some Notes on the Geographical Margins of the New Cultural Politics. Place and the Politics of Identity. Ed. Michael Keith and Steve Pile. London: Routledge, 1993. 183-205. Trinh, T. Minh-ha. Not You/Like You: Post-Colonial Women and the Interlocking Questions of Identity and Difference. Inscriptions 3-4 (1988) : 71-7. Links http://wwwmcc.murdoch.edu.au/ReadingRoom/litserv/SPAN/34/Ang.html http://www.lib.latrobe.edu/AHR/archive/Issue-June-2001/burke.html Citation reference for this article MLA Style Bullock, Emily. "Re-Writing Suburbia" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5.2 (2002). [your date of access] < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0205/suburbia.php>. Chicago Style Bullock, Emily, "Re-Writing Suburbia" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5, no. 2 (2002), < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0205/suburbia.php> ([your date of access]). APA Style Bullock, Emily. (2002) Re-Writing Suburbia. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5(2). < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0205/suburbia.php> ([your date of access]).

Diaspora This article looks at diaspora through the transformations of an established public service broadcaster, the BBC World Service, by considering some of the findings of the AHRC-funded Tuning In: Contact Zones at the BBC World Service, which is part of the Diasporas, Migration and Identities program. Tuning In has six themes, each of which focuses upon the role of the BBC WS: The Politics of Translation, Diasporic Nationhood, Religious Transnationalism, Sport across Diasporas, Migrating Music and Drama for Development. The World Service, which was until 2011 funded by the Foreign Office, was set up to cater for the British diaspora and had the specific remit of transmitting ideas about Britishness to its audiences overseas. Tuning In demonstrates interrelationships between the global and the local in the diasporic contact zone of the BBC World Service, which has provided a mediated home for the worldwide British diaspora since its inception in 1932. The local and the global have merged, elided, and separated at different times and in different spaces in the changing story of the BBC (Briggs). The BBC WS is both local and global with activities that present Britishness both at home and abroad. The service has, however, come a long way since its early days as the Empire Service. Audiences for the World Service’s 31 foreign language services, radio, television, and Internet facilities include substantive non-British/English-speaking constituencies, rendering it a contact zone for the exploration of ideas and political opportunities on a truly transnational scale. This heterogeneous body of exilic, refugee intellectuals, writers, and artists now operates alongside an ongoing expression of Britishness in all its diverse reconfiguration. This includes the residual voice of empire and its patriarchal paternalism, the embrace of more recent expressions of neoliberalism as well as traditional values of impartiality and objectivism and, in the case of the arts, elements of bohemianism and creative innovation. The World Service might have begun as a communication system for the British ex-pat diaspora, but its role has changed along with the changing relationship between Britain and its colonial past. In the terrain of sport, for example, cricket, the “game of empire,” has shifted from Britain to the Indian subcontinent (Guha) with the rise of “Twenty 20” and the Indian Premier League (IPL); summed up in Ashis Nandy’s claim that “cricket is an Indian game accidentally discovered by the English” (Nandy viii). English county cricket dominated the airways of the World Service well into the latter half of the twentieth century, but the audiences of the service have demanded a response to social and cultural change and the service has responded. Sport can thus be seen to have offered a democratic space in which new diasporic relations can be forged as well as one in which colonial and patriarchal values are maintained. The BBC WS today is part of a network through which non-British diasporic peoples can reconnect with their home countries via the service, as well as an online forum for debate across the globe. In many regions of the world, it continues to be the single most trusted source of information at times of crisis and disaster because of its traditions of impartiality and objectivity, even though (as noted in the article on Al-Jazeera in this special issue) this view is hotly contested. The principles of objectivity and impartiality are central to the BBC WS, which may seem paradoxical since it is funded by the Commonwealth and Foreign office, and its origins lie in empire and colonial discourse. Archive material researched by our project demonstrates the specifically ideological role of what was first called the Empire Service. The language of empire was deployed in this early programming, and there is an explicit expression of an ideological purpose (Hill). For example, at the Imperial Conference in 1930, the service was supported in terms of its political powers of “strengthening ties” between parts of the empire. This view comes from a speech by John Reith, the BBC’s first Director General, which was broadcast when the service opened. In this speech, broadcasting is identified as having come to involve a “connecting and co-ordinating link between the scattered parts of the British Empire” (Reith). Local British values are transmitted across the globe. Through the service, empire and nation are reinstated through the routine broadcasting of cyclical events, the importance of which Scannell and Cardiff describe as follows: Nothing so well illustrates the noiseless manner in which the BBC became perhaps the central agent of national culture as its cyclical role; the cyclical production year in year out, of an orderly, regular progression of festivities, rituals and celebrations—major and minor, civic and sacred—that mark the unfolding of the broadcast year. (278; italics in the original) State occasions and big moments, including those directly concerned with governance and affairs of state, and those which focused upon sport and religion, were a big part in these “noiseless” cycles, and became key elements in the making of Britishness across the globe. The BBC is “noiseless” because the timetable is assumed and taken for granted as not only what is but what should be. However, the BBC WS has been and has had to be responsive to major shifts in global and local—and, indeed, glocal—power geometries that have led to spatial transformations, notably in the reconfiguration of the service in the era of postcolonialism. Some of these massive changes have involved the large-scale movement of people and a concomitant rethinking of diaspora as a concept. Empire, like nation, operates as an “imagined community,” too big to be grasped by individuals (Anderson), as well as a material actuality. The dynamics of identification are rarely linear and there are inconsistencies and disruptions: even when the voice is officially that of empire, the practice of the World Service is much more diverse, nuanced, and dialogical. The BBC WS challenges boundaries through the connectivities of communication and through different ways of belonging and, similarly, through a problematisation of concepts like attachment and detachment; this is most notable in the way in which programming has adapted to new diasporic audiences and in the reworkings of spatiality in the shift from empire to diversity via multiculturalism. There are tensions between diaspora and multiculturalism that are apparent in a discussion of broadcasting and communication networks. Diaspora has been distinguished by mobility and hybridity (Clifford, Hall, Bhaba, Gilroy) and it has been argued that the adjectival use of diasporic offers more opportunity for fluidity and transformation (Clifford). The concept of diaspora, as it has been used to explain the fluidity and mobility of diasporic identifications, can challenge more stabilised, “classic” understandings of diaspora (Chivallon). A hybrid version of diaspora might sit uneasily with a strong sense of belonging and with the idea that the broadcast media offer a multicultural space in which each voice can be heard and a wide range of cultures are present. Tuning In engaged with ways of rethinking the BBC’s relationship to diaspora in the twenty-first century in a number of ways: for example, in the intersection of discursive regimes of representation; in the status of public service broadcasting; vis-à-vis the consequences of diverse diasporic audiences; through the role of cultural intermediaries such as journalists and writers; and via global economic and political materialities (Gillespie, Webb and Baumann). Tuning In thus provided a multi-themed and methodologically diverse exploration of how the BBC WS is itself a series of spaces which are constitutive of the transformation of diasporic identifications. Exploring the part played by the BBC WS in changing and continuing social flows and networks involves, first, reconfiguring what is understood by transnationalism, diaspora, and postcolonial relationalities: in particular, attending to how these transform as well as sometimes reinstate colonial and patriarchal discourses and practices, thus bringing together different dimensions of the local and the global. Tuning In ranges across different fields, embracing cultural, social, and political areas of experience as represented in broadcasting coverage. These fields illustrate the educative role of the BBC and the World Service that is also linked to its particular version of impartiality; just as The Archers was set up to provide information and guidance through a narrative of everyday life to rural communities and farmers after the Second World War, so the Afghan version plays an “edutainment” role (Skuse) where entertainment also serves an educational, public service information role. Indeed, the use of soap opera genre such as The Archers as a vehicle for humanitarian and health information has been very successful over the past decade, with the “edutainment” genre becoming a feature of the World Service’s broadcasting in places such as Rwanda, Somalia, Nigeria, India, Nepal, Burma, Afghanistan, and Cambodia. In a genre that has been promoted by the World Service Trust, the charitable arm of the BBC WS uses drama formats to build transnational production relationships with media professionals and to strengthen creative capacities to undertake behaviour change through communication work. Such programming, which is in the tradition of the BBC WS, draws upon the service’s expertise and exhibits both an ideological commitment to progressive social intervention and a paternalist approach drawing upon colonialist legacies. Nowadays, however, the BBC WS can be considered a diasporic contact zone, providing sites of transnational intra-diasporic contact as well as cross-cultural encounters, spaces for cross-diasporic creativity and representation, and a forum for cross-cultural dialogue and potentially cosmopolitan translations (Pratt, Clifford). These activities are, however, still marked by historically forged asymmetric power relations, notably of colonialism, imperialism, and globalisation, as well as still being dominated by hegemonic masculinity in many parts of the service, which thus represent sites of contestation, conflict, and transgression. Conversely, diasporic identities are themselves co-shaped by media representations (Sreberny). The diasporic contact zone is a relational space in which diasporic identities are made and remade and contested. Tuning In employed a diverse range of methods to analyse the part played by the BBC WS in changing and continuing social and cultural flows, networks, and reconfigurations of transnationalisms and diaspora, as well as reinstating colonial, patriarchal practices. The research deconstructed some assumptions and conditions of class-based elitism, colonialism, and patriarchy through a range of strategies. Texts are, of course, central to this work, with the BBC Archives at Caversham (near Reading) representing the starting point for many researchers. The archive is a rich source of material for researchers which carries a vast range of data including fragile memos written on scraps of paper: a very local source of global communications. Other textual material occupies the less locatable cyberspace, for example in the case of Have Your Say exchanges on the Web. People also featured in the project, through the media, in cyberspace, and physical encounters, all of which demonstrate the diverse modes of connection that have been established. Researchers worked with the BBC WS in a variety of ways, not only through interviews and ethnographic approaches, such as participant observation and witness seminars, but also through exchanges between the service, its practitioners, and the researchers (for example, through broadcasts where the project provided the content and the ideas and researchers have been part of programs that have gone out on the BBC WS (Goldblatt, Webb), bringing together people who work for the BBC and Tuning In researchers). On this point, it should be remembered that Bush House is, itself, a diasporic space which, from its geographical location in the Strand in London, has brought together diasporic people from around the globe to establish international communication networks, and has thus become the focus and locus of some of our research. What we have understood by the term “diasporic space” in this context includes both the materialities of architecture and cyberspace which is the site of digital diasporas (Anderssen) and, indeed, the virtual exchanges featured on “Have Your Say,” the online feedback site (Tuning In). Living the Glocal The BBC WS offers a mode of communication and a series of networks that are spatially located both in the UK, through the material presence of Bush House, and abroad, through the diasporic communities constituting contemporary audiences. The service may have been set up to provide news and entertainment for the British diaspora abroad, but the transformation of the UK into a multi-ethnic society “at home,” alongside its commitment to, and the servicing of, no less than 32 countries abroad, demonstrates a new mission and a new balance of power. Different diasporic communities, such as multi-ethnic Londoners, and local and British Muslims in the north of England, demonstrate the dynamics and ambivalences of what is meant by “diaspora” today. For example, the BBC and the WS play an ambiguous role in the lives of UK Muslim communities with Pakistani connections, where consumers of the international news can feel that the BBC is complicit in the conflation of Muslims with terrorists. Engaging Diaspora Audiences demonstrated the diversity of audience reception in a climate of marginalisation, often bordering on moral panic, and showed how diasporic audiences often use Al-Jazeera or Pakistani and Urdu channels, which are seen to take up more sympathetic political positions. It seems, however, that more egalitarian conversations are becoming possible through the channels of the WS. The participation of local people in the BBC WS global project is seen, for example, as in the popular “Witness Seminars” that have both a current focus and one that is projected into the future, as in the case of the “2012 Generation” (that is, the young people who come of age in 2012, the year of the London Olympics). The Witness Seminars demonstrate the recuperation of past political and social events such as “Bangladesh in 1971” (Tuning In), “The Cold War seminar” (Tuning In) and “Diasporic Nationhood” (the cultural movements reiterated and recovered in the “Literary Lives” project (Gillespie, Baumann and Zinik). Indeed, the WS’s current focus on the “2012 Generation,” including an event in which 27 young people (each of whom speaks one of the WS languages) were invited to an open day at Bush House in 2009, vividly illustrates how things have changed. Whereas in 1948 (the last occasion when the Olympic Games were held in London), the world came to London, it is arguable that, in 2012, in contemporary multi-ethnic Britain, the world is already here (Webb). This enterprise has the advantage of giving voice to the present rather than filtering the present through the legacies of colonialism that remain a problem for the Witness Seminars more generally. The democratising possibilities of sport, as well as the restrictions of its globalising elements, are well represented by Tuning In (Woodward). Sport has, of course become more globalised, especially through the development of Internet and satellite technologies (Giulianotti) but it retains powerful local affiliations and identifications. At all levels and in diverse places, there are strong attachments to local and national teams that are constitutive of communities, including diasporic and multi-ethnic communities. Sport is both typical and distinctive of the BBC World Service; something that is part of a wider picture but also an area of experience with a life of its own. Our “Sport across Diasporas” project has thus explored some of the routes the World Service has travelled in its engagement with sport in order to provide some understanding of the legacy of empire and patriarchy, as well as engaging with the multiplicities of change in the reconstruction of Britishness. Here, it is important to recognise that what began as “BBC Sport” evolved into “World Service Sport.” Coverage of the world’s biggest sporting events was established through the 1930s to the 1960s in the development of the BBC WS. However, it is not only the global dimensions of sporting events that have been assumed; so too are national identifications. There is no question that the superiority of British/English sport is naturalised through its dominance of the BBC WS airways, but the possibilities of reinterpretation and re-accommodation have also been made possible. There has, indeed, been a changing place of sport in the BBC WS, which can only be understood with reference to wider changes in the relationship between broadcasting and sport, and demonstrates the powerful synchronies between social, political, technological, economic, and cultural factors, notably those that make up the media–sport–commerce nexus that drives so much of the trajectory of contemporary sport. Diasporic audiences shape the schedule as much as what is broadcast. There is no single voice of the BBC in sport. The BBC archive demonstrates a variety of narratives through the development and transformation of the World Service’s sports broadcasting. There are, however, silences: notably those involving women. Sport is still a patriarchal field. However, the imperial genealogies of sport are inextricably entwined with the social, political, and cultural changes taking place in the wider world. There is no detectable linear narrative but rather a series of tensions and contradictions that are reflected and reconfigured in the texts in which deliberations are made. In sport broadcasting, the relationship of the BBC WS with its listeners is, in many instances, genuinely dialogic: for example, through “Have Your Say” websites and internet forums, and some of the actors in these dialogic exchanges are the broadcasters themselves. The history of the BBC and the World Service is one which manifests a degree of autonomy and some spontaneity on the part of journalists and broadcasters. For example, in the case of the BBC WS African sports program, Fast Track (2009), many of the broadcasters interviewed report being able to cover material not technically within their brief; news journalists are able to engage with sporting events and sports journalists have covered social and political news (Woodward). Sometimes this is a matter of taking the initiative or simply of being in the right place at the right time, although this affords an agency to journalists which is increasingly unlikely in the twenty-first century. The Politics of Translation: Words and Music The World Service has played a key role as a cultural broker in the political arena through what could be construed as “educational broadcasting” via the wider terrain of the arts: for example, literature, drama, poetry, and music. Over the years, Bush House has been a home-from-home for poets: internationalists, translators from classical and modern languages, and bohemians; a constituency that, for all its cosmopolitanism, was predominantly white and male in the early days. For example, in the 1930s and 1940s, Louis MacNeice was commissioning editor and surrounded by a friendship network of salaried poets, such as W. H. Auden, Dylan Thomas, C. Day Lewis, and Stephen Spender, who wrote and performed their work for the WS. The foreign language departments of the BBC WS, meanwhile, hired émigrés and exiles from their countries’ educated elites to do similar work. The biannual, book-format journal Modern Poetry in Translation (MPT), which was founded in 1965 by Daniel Weissbort and Ted Hughes, included a dedication in Weissbort’s final issue (MPT 22, 2003) to “Poets at Bush House.” This volume amounts to a celebration of the BBC WS and its creative culture, which extended beyond the confines of broadcasting spaces. The reminiscences in “Poets at Bush House” suggest an institutional culture of informal connections and a fluidity of local exchanges that is resonant of the fluidity of the flows and networks of diaspora (Cheesman). Music, too, has distinctive characteristics that mark out this terrain on the broadcast schedule and in the culture of the BBC WS. Music is differentiated from language-centred genres, making it a particularly powerful medium of cross-cultural exchange. Music is portable and yet is marked by a cultural rootedness that may impede translation and interpretation. Music also carries ambiguities as a marker of status across borders, and it combines aesthetic intensity and diffuseness. The Migrating Music project demonstrated BBC WS mediation of music and identity flows (Toynbee). In the production and scheduling notes, issues of migration and diaspora are often addressed directly in the programming of music, while the movement of peoples is a leitmotif in all programs in which music is played and discussed. Music genres are mobile, diasporic, and can be constitutive of Paul Gilroy’s “Black Atlantic” (Gilroy), which foregrounds the itinerary of West African music to the Caribbean via the Middle Passage, cross-fertilising with European traditions in the Americas to produce blues and other hybrid forms, and the journey of these forms to Europe. The Migrating Music project focused upon the role of the BBC WS as narrator of the Black Atlantic story and of South Asian cross-over music, from bhangra to filmi, which can be situated among the South Asian diaspora in east and south Africa as well as the Caribbean where they now interact with reggae, calypso, Rapso, and Popso. The transversal flows of music and lyrics encompasses the lived experience of the different diasporas that are accommodated in the BBC WS schedules: for example, they keep alive the connection between the Irish “at home” and in the diaspora through programs featuring traditional music, further demonstrating the interconnections between local and global attachments as well as points of disconnection and contradiction. Textual analysis—including discourse analysis of presenters’ speech, program trailers and dialogue and the BBC’s own construction of “world music”—has revealed that the BBC WS itself performs a constitutive role in keeping alive these traditions. Music, too, has a range of emotional affects which are manifest in the semiotic analyses that have been conducted of recordings and performances. Further, the creative personnel who are involved in music programming, including musicians, play their own role in this ongoing process of musical migration. Once again, the networks of people involved as practitioners become central to the processes and systems through which diasporic audiences are re-produced and engaged. Conclusion The BBC WS can claim to be a global and local cultural intermediary not only because the service was set up to engage with the British diaspora in an international context but because the service, today, is demonstrably a voice that is continually negotiating multi-ethnic audiences both in the UK and across the world. At best, the World Service is a dynamic facilitator of conversations within and across diasporas: ideas are relocated, translated, and travel in different directions. The “local” of a British broadcasting service, established to promote British values across the globe, has been transformed, both through its engagements with an increasingly diverse set of diasporic audiences and through the transformations in how diasporas themselves self-define and operate. On the BBC WS, demographic, social, and cultural changes mean that the global is now to be found in the local of the UK and any simplistic separation of local and global is no longer tenable. The educative role once adopted by the BBC, and then the World Service, nevertheless still persists in other contexts (“from Ambridge to Afghanistan”), and clearly the WS still treads a dangerous path between the paternalism and patriarchy of its colonial past and its responsiveness to change. In spite of competition from television, satellite, and Internet technologies which challenge the BBC’s former hegemony, the BBC World Service continues to be a dynamic space for (re)creating and (re)instating diasporic audiences: audiences, texts, and broadcasters intersect with social, economic, political, and cultural forces. The monologic “voice of empire” has been countered and translated into the language of diversity and while, at times, the relationship between continuity and change may be seen to exist in awkward tension, it is clear that the Corporation is adapting to the needs of its twenty-first century audience. ReferencesAnderson, Benedict. Imagined Communities, Reflections of the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London: Verso, 1983. Anderssen, Matilda. “Digital Diasporas.” 2010. 30 Nov. 2010 ‹http://www8.open.ac.uk/researchprojects/diasporas/cross-research/digital-diasporas›. Bhabha, Homi. The Location of Culture. London: Routledge, 1994. Briggs, Asa. 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