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Journal articles on the topic 'Biafra separatism'

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1

Uwaegbute, Kingsley Ikechukwu, Stanley Ndubuisi Nweze, and Onyekachi Gift Chukwuma. "“May God Bless Nnamdi Kanu Wherever He Is”: Biafran Separatist Nationalism in Nigeria and the Emerging Roles of Igbo Christian Leaders." African Studies Quarterly 21, no. 3 (2022): 21–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/asq.21.3.135953.

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The Biafran separatist calls of Nnamdi Kanu and IPOB have spread like bush fire over the years among Igbo people. Presently, it is one of the most discussed topics among Igbo people and Nigerians. The narrative of both Kanu and IPOB operate is that Igbo people are marginalized in Nigeria and therefore need freedom. This article examines how some Christian leaders of Igbo extraction now fit into the picture as regards Biafra separatist cause. Utilizing oral interviews and the theory of marginalization, the article illustrates how some Igbo Christian leaders are now supporting the Biafran separa
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Orji, Nkwachukwu. "Why Biafran struggle persists: A study in conflict termination and recurrence." IKENGA International Journal of Institute of African Studies 23, no. 2 (2022): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.53836/ijia/2022/23/2/005.

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This article examines the reasons for the resurgence, persistence and recent intensification of the Biafran separatist struggle in Nigeria. It argues that three key contextual issues account for the resurgence of Biafra separatism, namely identity politics, political economy, and state-society relations. While the level of feeling of exclusion and collective victimisation by the separatists explain the persistence of Biafra separatism, the current momentum and escalation of the struggle can be linked to the perceived decline in the capacity of the state and certain government actions and inact
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Denisova, Tatyana S., and Sergey V. Kostelyanets. "International Aspects of Separatism in Contemporary Biafra." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 4 (2021): 747–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-4-747-757.

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In the 21st century, the world at large and Africa in particular have encountered the rise of separatism, which has become one of the major challenges to stability. In Africa, over 20 countries face separatist movements, some of which demand full secession, while the rest - greater autonomy within the existing state. Most of Africas secessionist projects remain insignificant in scope and ineffectual, largely due to the absence or weakness of external support for separatists and to the commitment of the international community to preserve, with rare exceptions, the territorial integrity of stat
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Kostelyanets, Sergey V. "Biafra: the Revival and Proliferation of Separatism." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 5 (2021): 180. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080015110-8.

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The weak cohesion of African societies, predetermined by their ethnic, linguistic and religious heterogeneity, leads to a great propensity for the spread of separatist sentiments in Africa. The overwhelming majority of existing scholarly works note the continent's tendency towards separatism and irredentism. Indeed, the number of separatist movements in Africa is constantly growing; currently there are more of them than there were in the first postcolonial decades, although only a few of them have been “successful”. The present paper analyzes the reasons for the revival of a secession
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Nwangwu, Chikodiri, Freedom C. Onuoha, Bernard U. Nwosu, and Christian Ezeibe. "The political economy of Biafra separatism and post-war Igbo nationalism in Nigeria." African Affairs 119, no. 477 (2020): 526–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adaa025.

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Abstract The past two decades that coincide with the return of civil rule in most African countries have witnessed the reinforcement of ethnic nationalism and separatist agitations. While scholarly attention has focused on ethnicity to explain the revival of ethnic nationalism, how ethnic and class discourses conflate in the pursuit of ethnic nationalism remains understudied. Using a qualitative-dominant approach, this article interrogates how the Igbo petty bourgeoisie use ethnicity to mask the underlying differences in their material conditions in relation to the alienated masses. It also ex
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Latenko, Volodymyr. "The Problem of Separatism in Sub-Saharan Africa of the 1960's on the Example of Congo and Nigeria." International Relations: Theory and Practical Aspects, no. 5 (May 22, 2020): 170–81. https://doi.org/10.31866/2616-745x.5.2020.203698.

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The  article  deals  with  the  issue  of  separatism  in  the  sub-Saharan  world of Africa in the 1960's, on the example of two countries – the Democratic Republic of the Congo (more – Congo)  and  Nigeria.  Emphasis is  placed  on  the  emergence  of separatist movements that move into the format of quasi-state and the struggle of central governments for territorial unity. In the framework of the proposed article, the research methodology is mainly based on the method of comparativ
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Onuoha, Godwin. "Contesting the Space: The “New Biafra” and Ethno-Territorial Separatism in South-Eastern Nigeria." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 17, no. 4 (2011): 402–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2011.622646.

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8

Oko Omaka, Arua. "“Biafrans Are Not Nazis:” The Biafran Humanitarian Disaster and Trudeau’s Analogies." Canadian Journal of History 57, no. 2 (2022): 220–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh-57-2-2021-0115.

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During the Nigeria-Biafra War, the Nigerian government employed shooting and economic blockade as powerful instruments of uniting the country and defending its territorial integrity. Starvation as a potent weapon was of a magnitude that arguably made it the worst catastrophe since the Second World War. The tension was between sovereignty and human rights. Public opinion in Canada strongly favored humanitarian support for Biafra, but the Canadian government argued that humanitarian aid for Biafra might be offensive to the Nigerian government. This article examines the attitude of Pierre Trudeau
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9

Eze, Victor Chinedu. "Examining Selected Newspapers’ Framing of the Renewed Biafran Agitation in Nigeria (2016 – 2017)." Interações: Sociedade e as novas modernidades, no. 37 (December 30, 2019): 11–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31211/interacoes.n37.2019.a1.

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 The renewed Biafran agitation headed by Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) has been in the news since 2016. This is surprising when one considers that the Nigerian-Biafran war was fought over 50 years ago with no victor and no vanquished stance. This research examines how selected newspapers framed the Biafran agitation from January, 2016 to December, 2017 – a period which recorded a spike in the activities of Biafran agitators who called for a referendum to carve out the Republic of Biafra. Framing theory is employed as the theoretical frame work for this research. Four h
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Akano, R. D. "Online Resistance in Nigeria: Legitimising the Oduduwa Nation Separatist Mandate Through Language." Professional Discourse & Communication 6, no. 1 (2024): 12–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2687-0126-2024-6-1-12-25.

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This article explores the online discourse of the Oduduwa nation secessionist movement in Nigeria, which seeks the independence of the Yoruba ethnic group from the Nigerian state. Using critical stylistics as a framework, the study analyzes how online participants use language to express their resistance and legitimize their cause. The empirical data consists of Oduduwa nation-related posts from Nairaland, a popular Nigerian online forum, collected between September 2020 and September 2021. The study adopts a qualitative approach and identifies the dominant themes and linguistic strategies tha
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Kłosowicz, Robert. "Problem państw de facto w stosunkach międzynarodowych w okresie dekolonizacji w Afryce." Politeja 21, no. 2(89) (2024): 5–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.20.2024.89.01.

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THE PROBLEM OF DE FACTO STATES IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS DURING THE DECOLONISATION IN AFRICA: THE CASE OF KATANGA AND SOUTH KASAI In modern history of Sub-Saharan Africa there have been several attempts of secession, most of which failed. Some of them were successful, such as Eritrea or South Sudan, others were close to success, such as Katanga in the Belgian Congo or Biafra in Nigeria, and some others never had any practical chances of success, such as Cabinda, aiming to separate from Angola, or South Kasai from Congo. The Republic of Congo, one of the largest countries in Sub Saharan Africa
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12

Owen, Olly. "Biafran Pound Notes." Africa 79, no. 4 (2009): 570–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0001972009001077.

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This article examines the recent re-release of the Biafran pound currency, previously used by the breakaway Republic of Biafra between 1968 and 1970, by the separatist-revival group the Movement for the Actualization of a Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB) in south-eastern Nigeria. It briefly traces the circumstances of its re-release, contextualizes it in the light of MASSOB's aims and activities and in reference to the original Biafran currency, and then works through rationales for such an action. The article first explores and then dismisses economic justifications for releasing an alterna
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Mazov, Sergey V. "“We Are from Biafra”. Igbo Students in the USSR during the Civil War in Nigeria, 1967-1970." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 4 (2021): 822–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-4-822-834.

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Drawing on the Russian archival documents the article examines the Soviet policy towards Igbo students who studied in the USSR during the civil war in Nigeria (1967-1970). They sided the self-proclaimed Republic of Biafra, Eastern Nigeria, seceded from Nigeria in May 1967. The USSR supported the territorial integrity of Nigeria, provided military and other assistance for the Federal Government in its confrontation with Biafra. However, the Soviet authorities took neutrality in the conflict between Nigerian Embassy in Moscow and Igbo students. They did not expel students at the requests of the
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Mazov, Sergei V. "The Peacekeeping Role of the Organization of African Unity During the Nigerian Civil War, 1967-1970." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 23, no. 2 (2023): 372–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2023-23-2-372-392.

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This study examines the peacekeeping activities of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in resolving the Nigerian crisis. On May 30, 1967 the eastern part of Nigeria, the self-proclaimed Republic of Biafra, tried to secede from Nigeria. This led to a civil war that lasted from July 6, 1967 to January 15, 1970. Biafra’s army was defeated and capitulated. The reference to the history of the OAU peacekeeping experience is relevant, because it can be applied to the settlement of contemporary crises and conflicts in Africa. The author was guided by the principles of historicism, scientific objec
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Adeforiti, Rotimi, and Sunday Owen Abang. "No Victor, No Vanquish in the Nigerian Civil War: Analysis of the Recurrent Biafra Separatist Agitation in Southeastern Nigeria." Pan-African Journal of Education and Social Sciences 5, no. 2 (2024): 28–37. https://doi.org/10.56893/pajes2024v05i02.03.

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This paper examined the factors sustaining separatist agitation in southeastern Nigeria. This study sourced information from secondary materials. Twenty articles published between 2018 and 2023 were purposively and randomly selected from peer-reviewed and open-access journals through the Google search engine using the phrase Biafra separatist agitation in Nigeria. The Greed and grievance, and elite theories were synthesized to analyze the agitation. The study argued that the factors sustaining Biafra separatist agitation in Nigeria can be classified as internal and external. While the internal
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16

Chiluwa, Innocent, Rotimi Taiwo, and Esther Ajiboye. "Hate speech and political media discourse in Nigeria: The case of the Indigenous People of Biafra." International Journal of Media & Cultural Politics 16, no. 2 (2020): 191–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/macp_00024_1.

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The study adopts approaches in linguistics and critical discourse analysis to interpret media speeches and public statements of the Biafra secessionist movement leader, Nnamdi Kanu, as hate speech. The study shows that hate speech in discourses produced by the separatist Indigenous People of Biafra appears as language aggression, such as insults and verbal attacks, as well as threats. Discourse structures such as the use of interrogation and metaphor also appear in the hate narratives. Compared with the Rwandan case, the study argues that hate speech could result in similar incitement and viol
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17

Chiluwa, Innocent. "A nation divided against itself: Biafra and the conflicting online protest discourses." Discourse & Communication 12, no. 4 (2018): 357–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750481318757778.

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This research analyses media and online discourses produced by the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), a Nigerian separatist/secessionist group that seeks a referendum for the independence of the Igbo ethnic group of Nigeria. The research examines discourse structures, such as language use that clearly or implicitly produces propositions of conflict and war, tribalism and hate-speech. Discursive strategies such as labelling, exaggeration, metaphor and contradiction applied by the group to produce ideological discourses of outrage are also analysed. Moreover, conflicting discourses produced by
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18

Lizak, Wiesław. "Separatyzmy w stosunkach międzynarodowych w Afryce." Politeja 21, no. 2(89) (2024): 139–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.20.2024.89.07.

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SEPARATISMS IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN AFRICADespite the acceptance by African states of the principle of respect for post‑colonial borders (adopted at the Organisation of African Unity in 1964), the post-colonial period saw more than a dozen cases of separatist movements forming in Africa, seeking to create new states. In two cases, this resulted in a real change of borders – in 1993, Eritrea was created through secession from Ethiopia, and in 2011, the southern provinces of Sudan proclaimed the creation of South Sudan. Effectively, though without international legal recognition, there is
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19

Onu, Godwin, Amobi P. Chiamogu, and Uchechukwu P. Chiamogu. "Governance challenges and resurgence of Igbo nationalism in Nigeria: Dissecting Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB)." Journal of Governance and Accountability Studies 2, no. 2 (2022): 133–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.35912/jgas.v2i2.1443.

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Purpose: The remote and immediate causes of the Nigerian civil war are rather deepening in the psyche of Ndi-Igbo in contemporary Nigerian politics and administration. Amidst the introduction of the Reconciliation, Reconstruction, and Rehabilitation (3Rs) policy over four (4) decades ago, the Ndi-Igbo are not just marginalized but alienated and separated from political power and its benefits in an ethnically and religiously deeply divided federation. More divesting wounds are flagrantly being inflicted upon the Igbo nation. The course pursued by secessionist Biafra between 1967-70 has continue
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20

M.C., Onyemaobi, Chris-Sanctus O.E., and Ngwu E.C. "State Repression and Militarization of Secessionist Movement in Southeast Nigeria." African Journal of Law, Political Research and Administration 6, no. 1 (2023): 77–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.52589/ajlpra-win1436w.

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The advent of democratic regime in Nigeria coupled with its principles of freedom of speech, expression, and association, spark up the rebirth of the Biafra secessionist movements in the southeast geopolitical zone. Such groups like the Movement or Actualisation of Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB), the Biafra Zionist Federation (BZF), and the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) have stepped up struggles for the actualization of the sovereign state of Biafra through protests and other forms of social mobilization. The protests have triggered tension and heightened insecurity, with the security
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Obi-Ani, Ngozika Anthonia. "Unforgotten shadows: exploring the dynamics of Biafra agitation in south-east Nigeria." Africa 94, no. 4 (2024): 532–55. https://doi.org/10.1017/s0001972024000561.

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AbstractSince 2015, the south-eastern region of Nigeria has experienced sporadic outbursts of aggression spearheaded by Biafran separatist agitators. However, the latter part of the 2010s has witnessed a marked increase in the fervent endeavours of Indigenous Peoples of Biafra (IPOB) activists within the same area as they passionately pursue their aspirations for self-determination. Central to their approach is enforcing a compulsory weekly ‘sit-at-home’ policy, effectively establishing a quasi-sovereign enclave within the region. The prevalence of social media has provided a prominent platfor
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Kamalu, Ikenna, and Orowo Precious Atoma. "The construction of tenor, identities and power relations in online discourses on indigenous people of Biafra (Ipob)." Journal of Gender and Power 12, no. 2 (2019): 97–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/jgp.2019.12.006.

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Previous studies on ethnic, religious and political expressions and activities in Nigeria have examined issues such as religious and political intolerance between and among groups. In particular, the activities of pro-Biafra groups such as that of the Movement for the Actualisation of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB), Biafra Zionist Movement (BZM), Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) and Biafra Independent Movement (BIM) among others in real life and in online forums have also been studied by scholars from different ideological and theoretical standpoints. However, none of these studies e
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23

Salihu, Mohammed Niworu. "Nigerian Federalism and the Clamour for Restructuring: Is It the Structures or the Leadership." Journal of Social and Political Sciences 1, no. 2 (2018): 205–14. https://doi.org/10.31014/aior.1991.01.02.14.

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Restructuring is a topical issue that is making news headlines in Nigeria. The restructuring debate has divided the Nigerian political elites into two groups. First, the proponents of State and Local Government creation. The second are those advocating for devolution of powers to the component units. Dialectically opposed to the above two groups, is the separatist agitation by the Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB) and the Indigenous Peoples of Biafra (IPOB) with divergent strategies for actualizing their intention of seceding from the Nigerian federation.
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Okpong, Dennis Edet, and Godswill Owoche Antai. "Addressing the Separatist Movement in Eastern Nigeria: Intelligence-Driven Approaches to Mitigating Civil Unrest and Promoting National Unity." NEWPORT INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF CURRENT ISSUES IN ARTS AND MANAGEMENT 5, no. 2 (2024): 9–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.59298/nijciam/2024/5.2.91700.

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The separatist movement in Eastern Nigeria advocating for the creation of the state of Biafra, remains one of the serious challenges to national stability, unity, and security within the region and Nigeria. The movements have sparked off civil unrest, violent clashes, and socio-political tensions, thus intensifying the set of accrued and unattended grievances in the region and aspersions on the sovereignty of Nigeria. The research explores intelligence-driven strategies as a veritable way of stemming the increasing civil unrest and fostering national unity. This study makes use of a doctrinal
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Madubuegwu, Chibuike, Uchenna Ogbuagu, and Chidubem Nwoye. "Nigerian Government and Resurgence of Biafra Agitation: A Systemic Analysis." Journal of Policy and Development Studies 16, no. 1 (2024): 209–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/jpds.v16i1.12.

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The Nigeria state is currently embroiled in crisis of insurrectional campaigns by separatist movements. The resurgent agitation for Biafra state five decades after Nigerian civil war has remained loud, fervent and torrential. From this indication, this study examined issues and events underlying recent campaign of regional resentment in systemic perspective of Nigerian government dispositions. The methodology of the study is qualitative design which relied on documentary and observational sources of data collection as scholarly submissions and observed events were textually analyzed to embelli
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Mbah, Peter O., Thaddeus C. Nzeadibe, Chikodiri Nwangwu, Ambrose O. Iheanacho, Christopher Okonkwo Eze, and Christian C. Ezeibe. "Separatist Threat, Militarization and Voter Turnout: Exploring the Dynamics of the 2017 Governorship Election in Anambra State, Nigeria." Journal of Asian and African Studies 55, no. 8 (2020): 1093–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909620907934.

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Using the qual-dominant mixed methods approach, this study analysed the impact of the separatist threat and the militarization of elections on voter turnout during the 2017 governorship election in Anambra State, Nigeria. Findings indicate that perceived and real marginalization of the Igbo in Nigeria’s state-building is largely driving the neo-Biafra separatist threat to boycott elections in Anambra State. This does not only account for the state militarization of elections in order to guarantee security; it also inadvertently engendered fear among citizens, undermined voter turnout and exace
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Mezie-Okoye and Charles Chukwurah. "The State and Separatist Agitations in Nigeria: An Analysis of The Dynamics of The Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB)." International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science 06, no. 06 (2022): 833–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2022.6627.

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Consequently, this study examined the connection between the separatist actions of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) and their effects on the continuing existence of the Nigerian state. It also studied how the IPOB’s use of provocative language exacerbated ethnic tensions and how the amount of government persecution hindered the IPOB’s separatist objectives in Nigeria. Documentary methodology was employed in the study, and secondary sources and content analysis were allegedly used to collect data. The frustration-aggression theory offered an adequate theoretical foundation for this study’
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Odubajo, Tola. "Post-transitional Justice in Nigeria and the Igbo Nationalism Question." Africa Insight 51, no. 1 (2023): 54–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ai.v51i1.4.

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The 1990s saw the resurgence of transitional justice as a mechanism for reconciling groups and individuals in hitherto authoritarian and undemocratic states. The former military-governed states and post-conflict states in Africa adopted a truth commission approach to transitional justice and latched on to the window of opportunity that could engender new beginnings. Nigerians generally applauded the initiative of the Obasanjo civilian administration (1999-2007) of setting up a Truth Commission to investigate the human rights violations against individuals and groups between 1966 and 1999. With
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Ekefre, Edidiong. "Hosting Biafran Child Refugees: the Inter-African Refugee and International Humanitarian Network System During the Nigerian Civil War, 1967 and Beyond." Journal of Migration History 9, no. 3 (2023): 269–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-09030002.

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Abstract The Nigerian civil war (1967–1970) was one of the post-independence conflicts in Africa that called for the separation of children from their mothers for treatment and rehabilitation outside their home country. Using archival data, the article investigates the workability of the inter-African Refugee Network System and international humanitarian organisations in the evacuation of Biafran children for recuperation and rehabilitation. The article argues that it was through a collaborative network involving the Catholic Church, the World Council of Churches and the International Committe
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Justin, Amaechi, and Jackson Jack. "From Civil to 'Uncivil' Society? Separatist Social Movements and the Shrinking Civic Space in South-East, Nigeria." International Journal of Comparative Studies in International Relations and Development 10, no. 1 (2024): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.48028/iiprds/ijcsird.v10.i1.01.

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Despite the availability of extensive literature on factors accounting for the shrinking civic space in Nigeria, it is still unclear what roles social movements play, particularly as it concerns the southeast region. This paper relying on review of secondary data collected from newspapers, and journals examined the activities of separatist social movements in the southeast and the forms of threats they pose to civic space in the region. With specific focus on the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), the paper argued that the civic space in the southeast is rapidly shrinking due to some identifi
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Obiukwu, Christopher I., and Ekeledirichukwu C. Njoku. "Social Movements and National Security in Nigeria: A Study of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB)." African Quarterly Social Science Review 1, no. 3 (2024): 95–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.51867/aqssr.1.3.9.

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Nigeria has been engulfed in crises of national question regarding its corporate existence as a sovereign state entity by the emergence and agitators of groups such as the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB). The ability of the separatist movement to mobilise actions has increased the volatility of insecurity in Nigeria’s South East/South-South zones. The study aims to examine the nexus between IPOB threat and national security so as to identify the factors behind IPOB movement. Based on the descriptive study design, the study adopted the opportunity structure perspective as its theoretical fra
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Hale, Henry E. "Cause without a Rebel: Kazakhstan's Unionist Nationalism in the USSR and CIS." Nationalities Papers 37, no. 1 (2009): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990802373603.

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Why would elites or masses in an ethnically distinct region ever opt for “alien rule” over national independence? While separatist movements tend to create the most drama and make the most headlines, mass media and most scholarly accounts pay far less attention to ethnic groups opting to stay in a union state dominated by other groups. Yet such unionist groups are surely more numerous than the separatist ones. Indeed, in the neighborhood of almost every separatist region in a given multi-ethnic state, one can find one or more unionist groups, such as the Yoruba during Nigeria's Biafran Civil W
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Chiluwa, Innocent, and Isioma M. Chiluwa. "Separatists or terrorists? Jews or Nigerians?" Journal of Language and Politics 19, no. 4 (2020): 583–603. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.19041.chi.

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Abstract This study adopts a discourse analytical approach to examine the contested identity of the Igbos of the southeast of Nigeria. It analyses the significance of the social and political discourses in the media and the Internet about their claim to the Jewish ancestry and as “Biafrans” rather than Nigerians. The study highlights the implications of these claims and their larger political implications for Nigeria. The study also shows that ideological construction of group identity by IPOB consistently portrays them as the victim and the marginalized. And their claim to Jewish ancestry is
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Obinna Johnkennedy Chukwu. "Parametric Assessment of Social media’s role in IPOB Secessionist’s Agitations in Nigeria." Journal of Management and Science 14, no. 4 (2024): 43–50. https://doi.org/10.26524/jms.14.37.

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Improvement in internet capacity had led to the creation of various social media platforms. The various social media platforms influenced how individuals, groups and communities interacted with each other and events in their environment. Therefore, this study assessed the influence of social media on secessionist agitations in Nigeria. The study is anchored on the cultivation theory, and adopts the survey research as the suitable methodology. The study found out that consumers of Biafra social media contents, apart from interacting with the contents, also interrogate the contents. The study al
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Ezemenaka, Kingsley Emeka. "Minority rights and violence: A comparative analysis of the conflict in Southern Cameroon and Biafran separatism in Nigeria." Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism 21, no. 1 (2021): 81–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/sena.12343.

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Denisova, Tatyana S. "Nigeria’s 2023 Election: A Change in Political Leadership." Asia and Africa Today, no. 6 (2023): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750026133-8.

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At the beginning of 2023, the second (and last) term of Muhammadu Buhari’s presidency came to an end. On February 25, there took place a general election, as a result of which Bola Tinubu, the candidate of the ruling All Progressives Congress, was elected as the new head of state. The election was held against the backdrop of a marked polarization of the country along ethnic and religious lines, exacerbated by the divisive rhetoric of certain presidential conten-ders. The new leader will face a host of challenges ranging from a security crisis to a mismanaged economy. Political instability per
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Rosemary Ogomegbunam Anazodo, Uche Ezenwile, and Ezenwegbu Nchedochukwu Chinwendu. "The effects of insecurity on think home philosophy in the South East: The issues, challenges and problems." World Journal of Advanced Research and Reviews 19, no. 3 (2023): 506–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.30574/wjarr.2023.19.3.1786.

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Insecurity in Nigeria has assumed a weird situation to the extent that no region of the country is immune from the nauseating experience that has led to the death of hundreds of thousands of people. For instance, a total of 1,486 people in the country were victims of insecurity in January 2022 – 915 of whom were killed and 571 were kidnapped. The south east which hitherto was a peaceful zone has turned to a theatre of killings occasioned by the intolerable activities of the unknown gunmen who take delight in the forceful sit-at home that has turned the south east into a fearful zone devoid of
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Rosemary, Ogomegbunam Anazodo, Ezenwile Uche, and Nchedochukwu Chinwendu Ezenwegbu. "The effects of insecurity on think home philosophy in the South East: The issues, challenges and problems." World Journal of Advanced Research and Reviews 19, no. 3 (2023): 506–15. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.11667972.

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Insecurity in Nigeria has assumed a weird situation to the extent that no region of the country is immune from the nauseating experience that has led to the death of hundreds of thousands of people. For instance, a total of 1,486 people in the country were victims of insecurity in January 2022 – 915 of whom were killed and 571 were kidnapped. The south east which hitherto was a peaceful zone has turned to a theatre of killings occasioned by the intolerable activities of the unknown gunmen who take delight in the forceful sit-at home that has turned the south east into a fearful zone devo
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Pugach, Sara. "Agents of dissent: African student organizations in the German Democratic Republic." Africa 89, S1 (2019): S90—S108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000197201800092x.

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AbstractAfrican students in the German Democratic Republic (GDR) often belonged to national student clubs (NHG) that were arranged for them by the East German government. Many were also members of an umbrella organization for all African students and workers in the GDR (UASA). While the GDR authorities thought that the NHG and UASA would adopt political positions that reflected those of the GDR, this article demonstrates that the students instead used them to criticize both their own governments and their host country. It shows that the students often held positions contrary to the GDR's, and
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Eka, Miracle, and Dickson Ogbonnaya. "Terrorism and institutional soft target attacks in Nigeria: the way forward." Reality of Politics 27, no. 1 (2024): 38–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/rop2024103.

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Almost five decades have passed since after the Nigerian civil war that claimed closed to five million lives between Nigerian and Biafran separatists. Yet, rather than learn lessons learnt to forestall peace, it is worrisome that the escalation of terror against state and its institutions has taken heightened dimensions at various times. It is this worry that gave vent to this theoretical paper that utilizes content analysis to explore relevant parameters that are factorial to this dangerous escalation of terror in Nigeria particularly targeting its institutions as helpless soft targets for at
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Oluka, Nduka Lucas. "Covid-19, Global Crisis and the Challenges of Human Security Management in Nigeria." Indonesian Journal of Advocacy and Legal Services 4, no. 1 (2022): 161–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/ijals.v4i1.56427.

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As Nigeria reels under the security challenges causes by the insurgency of the Boko Haram Islamic sect, and Islamic State West African Province, ISWAP in the North East region, as well as banditry, armed robbery, kidnappings for ransom, ritual killings, separatist movement of the Indigenous People of Biafra, IPOB and the menace of the Fulani Herdsmen, the unprecedented killer COVID-19 pandemic and its concomitant global crisis changed the pattern of the security challenges and greatly undermined human security in the country. It is within this premise that this study made concerted effort to r
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Ilnitskaya, E. T., M. V. Makarkina, S. V. Tokmakov, and L. G. Naumova. "DNA-marker based identification of the RPV3 gene determining downy mildew resistance in grapevines." Vavilov Journal of Genetics and Breeding 22, no. 6 (2018): 703–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.18699/vj18.413.

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Downy mildew is one of the most common fungal diseases of the vine, caused by Plasmopara viticola. An effective way to control the spread of the pathogen is to cultivate resistant varieties. Cultivars of Vitis vinifera, being the basis of high-quality viticulture, practically do not possess genetic resistance to P. viticola, so screening for resistance donors is an important stage in breeding. One of the major resistance loci to downy mildew, the Rpv3 gene, was identified in the genotype of a complex interspecific hybrid of grapes Bianca. Later, it was found that this gene had seven haplotypes
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Rolfsen, Avenel. "FlorenceBernault, Colonial Transactions: Imaginaries, Bodies and Histories in Gabon (Durham: Duke University Press, 2019)Jacqueline‐Bethel TchoutaMougoué, Gender, Separatist Politics, and Embodied Nationalism in Cameroon (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2019)Lynn M.Thomas, Beneath the Surface: A Transnational History of Skin Lighteners (Durham: Duke University Press, 2020)Ndubueze L.Mbah, Emergent Masculinities: Gendered Power and Social Change in the Biafran Atlantic Age (Athens: Ohio University Press, 2019)T. JTallie, Queering Colonial Natal: Indigeneity and the Violence of Belonging in Southern Africa (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2019)." Gender & History 34, no. 1 (2022): 282–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0424.12602.

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Ejiofor, Promise Frank. "In pursuit of statehood: An exploration of the contentious repertoires of Biafran separatists in Nigeria." Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism, June 26, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/sena.12438.

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AbstractSince Nigeria’s return to democratic governance in 1999, there have been renewed calls―predominantly amongst ethnic Igbos in southeast Nigeria―for the restoration of the defunct secessionist state of Biafra. The resurgent Biafran separatism has been explored through the prisms of relative marginalisation and material deprivation. However, some scholars have drifted away from dominant discussions on the rationale behind the re‐emergence of the secessionist agitations and instead focused on the myriad media that Biafran separatist movements utilise to make claims of self‐determination fo
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Ejiofor, Promise Frank. "Dread in the Homeland: Symbolic Politics and Ethnonationalist Struggles for Self‐Determination in Nigeria." Nations and Nationalism, May 31, 2025. https://doi.org/10.1111/nana.13139.

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ABSTRACTThe revival of Biafran separatism in contemporary Nigeria is often explained with three leading theoretical frameworks: relative deprivation, political economy and state repression. Whereas relative deprivation and political economy perspectives posit that the resurgent separatism derives from the perception and empirical reality of socioeconomic deprivation amongst Igbos, the state repression perspective maintains that the state's repression of dissent is linked to the resuscitation of separatist agitations in the southeast region. Although these three frameworks elucidate varied face
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Onuoha, Isaac Jonah, Okam Ochuba Ochuba, Ifeanyi Jonah Onuoha, and Paul Ani Onuh. "Biafra separatism and national security in Nigeria." December 31, 2021. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.5812374.

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One of the greatest threats confronting the continued unity of Nigeria currently is the issue of Biafra separatism. This movement has been re-enforced, particularly with the separatist agitation of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), in such a way that Nigeria’s security environment appears to have become more volatile than ever before. This resulted in the proscription of IPOB which has also generated more national questions than answers, especially because the action was hurriedly taken, and that federal government of Nigeria (FGN) failed to consider it necessary to include other v
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Ossai, Emmanuel Chiwetalu, and Malachy Ikechukwu Okwueze. "Biafran Separatism in Post-War Nigeria: Religious Identity, Intergroup Threats, and the (In)compatibility of Christianity and Islam." African and Asian Studies, December 3, 2024, 1–31. https://doi.org/10.1163/15692108-bja10045.

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Abstract The Republic of Biafra was created out of Nigeria on May 30, 1967. Consisting mainly of Igbo Christians, Biafra officially ceased to exist on January 15, 1970, following a 30-month war. Most studies of the contemporary demand among some Igbo people for Biafra’s restoration do not examine its religious dimension, and the minimal research on its religious drivers has paid less attention to the Igbo Christian identity, despite the significant position of Christianity in Igboland and Eastern Nigeria more broadly. Data obtained from July to October 2020 through 21 key informant interviews
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Onyemechalu, Stanley Jachike, and Promise Frank Ejiofor. "Long-distance nationalism, diaspora mobilisation, and the struggle for Biafran self-determination in Nigeria." Ethnicities, October 18, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14687968231208307.

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Existing works on the sources of secessionist agitations in postcolonial Africa tend to be methodologically nationalist but also circumvent the diasporic dimension. Particularly, the resurgent ethnic separatism amongst Igbos in southeastern Nigeria has been predominantly analysed from the theoretical standpoints of relative marginalisation and material deprivation that focus on domestic politics in post-war Nigeria. We broaden this literature by underscoring the diasporic dimension of this secessionist conflict. Drawing on the literature on diaspora nationalism with a focus on the case of the
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Lewis, Jacob S. "What drives support for separatism? Exposure to conflict and relative ethnic size in Biafra, Nigeria." Nations and Nationalism, November 22, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/nana.12907.

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Isiaka, Adeiza. "Framing victimhood, making war: A linguistic historicizing of secessionist discourses." Open Linguistics 10, no. 1 (2024). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/opli-2022-0247.

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Abstract As separatist yearnings resurge and gain traction in Nigeria, the agency of language and digitality in spreading dissident discourses has come under scrutiny. In this study, I investigate the linguistic-historical dimension of the Biafran movements, exploring the rhetorical frames by which the actors curate ethnic victimhood and sustain the secessionist struggle. Drawing on a corpus of memoiristic narrative of the Biafra war and digitally mediated discourses from a new Biafran movement – Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), I identify and discuss the central topoi of warspeak in both n
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