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Journal articles on the topic 'Biafra'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 10 February 2022

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1

Omaka, Arua Oko. "Conquering the Home Front: Radio Biafra in the Nigeria–Biafra War, 1967–1970." War in History 25, no. 4 (May 25, 2017): 555–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344516682056.

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Radio, as a modern communication technology, has played a revolutionary role in propaganda wars. Governments and revolutionaries find it indispensable because of its advantage in disseminating messages quickly across national borders. The Biafran government saw the enormous propaganda potential of radio and tactically exploited it. Despite this strategic role, scholars have failed to represent Radio Biafra as an important arm of the Biafran struggle for self-determination. Using archival documents, newspaper articles, and oral interviews, this article explores the role of Radio Biafra in the Nigeria–Biafra War. It argues that Radio Biafra not only sustained the support and loyalty of Biafrans but also created a community spirit that bolstered Biafrans’ confidence in the war.

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2

DALY, SAMUEL FURY CHILDS. "THE SURVIVAL CON: FRAUD AND FORGERY IN THE REPUBLIC OF BIAFRA, 1967–70." Journal of African History 58, no. 1 (February 8, 2017): 129–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853716000347.

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AbstractOver the course of the Nigerian Civil War (1967–70), many people in the secessionist Republic of Biafra resorted to forgery, confidence scams, and other forms of fraud to survive the dire conditions created by Nigeria's blockade. Forgery of passes and other documents, fraudulent commercial transactions, and elaborate schemes involving impersonation and racketeering became common in Biafra, intensifying as the Biafran government's ability to enforce the law diminished. Using long-neglected legal records from Biafra's courts and tribunals, this study traces the process by which deception emerged as a practice of survival in wartime Biafra – a process with important implications for the growth of fraud (known as ‘419’ after the relevant section of the Nigerian criminal code) in reintegrated postwar Nigeria.

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3

Neogy, Rajat, and Chinua Achebe. "On Biafra." Transition, no. 75/76 (1997): 222. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2935410.

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4

Gomba, Obari. "Biafra and Abuse of Power in I.N.C. Aniebo’s Rearguard Actions." Matatu 49, no. 2 (December 20, 2017): 280–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-04902003.

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Abstract The Nigerian civil war has left a lasting impact on the politics of Nigeria. It has also provided material for I.N.C. Aniebo’s Rearguard Actions. Given the prior success of his novel The Anonymity of Sacrifice, this collection of short stories expands his creative portfolio on the subject of war. Over and above the predilection of Biafran discourse for blaming others for Biafra’s failure, Aniebo’s depiction of the war calls attention to the failings of Biafra itself. On the strength of Aniebo’s stories, this paper seeks to examine the nature of the abuse of power in Biafra and to show how such abuse helped precipitate the collapse of the breakaway nation-state.

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5

Daly, Samuel Fury Childs. "“Hell was let loose on the country”: The Social History of Military Technology in the Republic of Biafra." African Studies Review 61, no. 3 (July 2, 2018): 99–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2018.41.

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Abstract:The problem of armed crime in late twentieth-century Nigeria was closely connected to the events of the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970). Legal records from the secessionist Republic of Biafra reveal how violent crime emerged as part of the military confrontation between Biafra and Nigeria. The wide availability of firearms, the Biafran state’s diminishing ability to enforce the law, and the gradual collapse of Biafra’s economy under the pressure of a Nigerian blockade made Biafran soldiers and civilians reliant on their weapons to obtain food and fuel, make claims to property, and settle disputes with one another. Criminal legal records illustrate how military technologies shape interactions and relationships in the places where they are deployed, and how those dynamics can endure after the war comes to an end. This speaks to larger theoretical questions about the symbolic and functional meanings of guns during and after wartime.

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6

Nwofe, Emmanuel Sunday, and Mark Goodall. "Pro-Biafran Activists and the call for a Referendum: A Sentiment Analysis of ‘Biafraexit’ on Twitter after UK’s vote to leave the European Union." Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 4, no. 1 (July 12, 2017): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/65.

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In a society bonded by a concatenation of diverse ethno-nationalism, the struggle for inclusion and exclusion becomes particularly unavoidable. Common among the findings of researchers of ethnic identities is the potential for conflicts when inequalities and injustices, rooted in ethnicity and religious identities are the basis for allocation of powers and resources. This is more threatening when a particular ethnic group is signposted as a threat to other group and targeted for ill-treatment. In Nigeria, the Igbo ethnic group is characterized as an endangered group and has risen at one point to challenge inequalities, injustices and state-orchestrated violence against the ethnic society that led to Nigeria-Biafra war between 1967 and 1970. Fifty years after the war, the Igbo ethnic society is still grappling to be included in the Nigeria nation-building project. The implication is a deep-rooted grievance among the Igbo ethnic group that the wave of campaigns and social movement for the restoration of Biafra continued to reverberate in recent times. After the UK’s ‘Brexit’ vote, the pro-Biafra activists launched ‘Biafraexit’ on Twitter in the style of ‘Brexit’ for a referendum to exit Nigeria. The purpose of this paper is to examine the major sentiment of the people about the Biafra restoration 50 years after the Biafran war. Through a sentiment analysis of ‘Biafraexit’, ‘free Biafra’ hashtags and the ‘Biafra’ search term on Twitter, the paper examines to what extent the perception of insecurity of lives of the Igbos constitute major concern of proponents of Biafran independent on Twitter? How have the human right abuses of pro-Biafra activists under President Buhari’s rule facilitated feelings of insecurity, religious cleansing and Islamization among pro-Biafra activists? The implications of this for cohesive nation-building are discussed.

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7

Daly, Samuel Fury Childs. "A Nation on Paper: Making a State in the Republic of Biafra." Comparative Studies in Society and History 62, no. 4 (September 29, 2020): 868–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417520000316.

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AbstractWhat role did law play in articulating sovereignty and citizenship in postcolonial Africa? Using legal records from the secessionist Republic of Biafra, this article analyzes the relationship between law and national identity in an extreme context—that of the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970). Ideas about order, discipline, and legal process were at the heart of Biafra's sense of itself as a nation, and they served as the rhetorical justification for its secession from Nigeria. But they were not only rhetoric. In the turmoil of the ensuing civil war, Biafra's courts became the center of its national culture, and law became its most important administrative implement. In court, Biafrans argued over what behaviors were permissible in wartime, and judges used law to draw the boundaries of the new country's national identity. That law played this role in Biafra shows something broader about African politics: law, bureaucracy, and paperwork meant more to state-making than declensionist views of postcolonial Africa usually allow. Biafra failed as a political project, but it has important implications for the study of law in postcolonial Africa, and for the nation-state form in general.

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8

ANTHONY, DOUGLAS. "‘RESOURCEFUL AND PROGRESSIVE BLACKMEN’: MODERNITY AND RACE IN BIAFRA, 1967–70." Journal of African History 51, no. 1 (March 2010): 41–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853710000022.

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ABSTRACTPropaganda from Biafra and pro-Biafran rhetoric generated by its supporters drew heavily on ideas of modernity. This continued a pattern of associations rooted in colonial-era policies and ethnic stereotypes, and also represented a deliberate rhetorical strategy aimed at both internal and external audiences. During the second half of the Nigeria–Biafra War, the concept of race assumed an increasingly prominent role in both Biafran and pro-Biafran discourse, in part because of the diminished persuasiveness of Biafran claims about Nigeria's genocidal intentions. Arguments about race dovetailed with established claims about modernity in ways that persist today.

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9

Diamond, Stanley. "Who Killed Biafra?" Dialectical Anthropology 31, no. 1-3 (June 29, 2007): 339–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10624-007-9014-9.

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10

Amiara Amiara, Solomon. "Nigerian−Biafra War: Re-interrogating Indiscipline and Sabotage among the Biafran Soldiers." Journal of Political Science and International Relations 2, no. 4 (2019): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.11648/j.jpsir.20190204.14.

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11

Ugochukwu, Françoise. "Portraits de femmes au Biafra." Cahiers d'études africaines 48, no. 191 (September 20, 2008): 437–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/etudesafricaines.11852.

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12

Desgrandchamps, Marie-Luce, Lasse Heerten, Arua Oko Omaka, Kevin O'Sullivan, and Bertrand Taithe. "Biafra, Humanitarian Intervention and History." Journal of Humanitarian Affairs 2, no. 2 (September 1, 2020): 66–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/jha.045.

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This roundtable took place on 16 January 2020, at the occasion of the fiftieth anniversary of the end of the war in Biafra. It brought together Marie-Luce Desgrandchamps, Lasse Heerten, Arua Oko Omaka and Kevin O’Sullivan. The roundtable was organised and chaired by Bertrand Taithe, University of Manchester.

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13

Tarantola, Daniel. "Unforgotten Biafra 50 Years Later." American Journal of Public Health 108, no. 3 (March 2018): 317–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2105/ajph.2017.304289.

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14

Bello, Taiwo O. "Writing the Nigeria–Biafra War." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 51, no. 2 (May 4, 2017): 324–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.2017.1340237.

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15

Ajiboye, Esther. "Polarisation and the Sustenance of Biafra Secessionist Discourses Online." Journal of Asian and African Studies 55, no. 4 (October 24, 2019): 475–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909619883403.

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This study examines polarisation in citizens’ online discourses about Biafra agitations in Nigeria. Using critical discourse analysis and the appraisal framework, it analyses 350 Biafra-related posts sampled from Nigerian digital communities. Analysis reveals that polarisation is discursively strengthened through labelling, ethnocentrism, generalisations, and historical allusions. This study concludes that the creation, consumption and unfettered distribution of such polarised discourses reflect Nigeria’s unitarist-federalism. It adds that the instigation of this socio-political fact about Nigeria can foster the cultivation/reinforcement of cognitive biases, harmful ideologies, and consequently, radicalisation/violence. It recommends that the minders of the Nigerian state should amicably address the Biafran agitations.

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16

Eze, Victor Chinedu. "Examining Selected Newspapers’ Framing of the Renewed Biafran Agitation in Nigeria (2016 – 2017)." Interações: Sociedade e as novas modernidades, no. 37 (December 30, 2019): 11–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31211/interacoes.n37.2019.a1.

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The renewed Biafran agitation headed by Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) has been in the news since 2016. This is surprising when one considers that the Nigerian-Biafran war was fought over 50 years ago with no victor and no vanquished stance. This research examines how selected newspapers framed the Biafran agitation from January, 2016 to December, 2017 – a period which recorded a spike in the activities of Biafran agitators who called for a referendum to carve out the Republic of Biafra. Framing theory is employed as the theoretical frame work for this research. Four hundred and twenty-one (421) issues of selected newspapers were sampled through purposive and critical case sampling techniques. The data were analysed through qualitative and quantitate content analysis. Findings of this research showed that selected newspapers framed the agitation from politi- cal, economic, separatist, human rights, conflict and hate speech frames. Findings also show that media correspondents were the primary frame source for stories on the renewed Biafran agitation. The print media perceived the agitation mainly from human rights crisis where the agitators are deprived of the free- dom to protest and are dehumanised by the Nigerian security operatives; and questioned the government over human rights abuses.

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17

Omenka, Nicholas, and Tony Byrne. "Airlift to Biafra: Breaching the Blockade." Journal of Religion in Africa 31, no. 2 (May 2001): 240. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1581520.

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18

Ojibara, Isa Ishaq. "Biafra : Why Igbo Want to Secede." Nigerian Chapter of Arabian Journal of Business and Management Review 4, no. 1 (February 2016): 53–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.12816/0031518.

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19

Smith, Karen E. "The UK and ‘genocide’ in Biafra." Journal of Genocide Research 16, no. 2-3 (July 3, 2014): 247–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14623528.2014.936703.

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20

Ejiogu, EC. "Book review: The Nigeria-Biafra War: Genocide and the Politics of Memory Chima J Korieh (ed.); Remembering Biafra: Narrative, History, and Memory of the Nigeria-Biafra War." Journal of Asian and African Studies 48, no. 3 (May 26, 2013): 387–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909613481950.

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21

Owen, Olly. "Biafran Pound Notes." Africa 79, no. 4 (November 2009): 570–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0001972009001077.

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This article examines the recent re-release of the Biafran pound currency, previously used by the breakaway Republic of Biafra between 1968 and 1970, by the separatist-revival group the Movement for the Actualization of a Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB) in south-eastern Nigeria. It briefly traces the circumstances of its re-release, contextualizes it in the light of MASSOB's aims and activities and in reference to the original Biafran currency, and then works through rationales for such an action. The article first explores and then dismisses economic justifications for releasing an alternative currency, then examines the more meaningful political case, before moving to an examination of cultural factors which lie behind the choice to challenge a state's sovereignty via its currency. The broad label of ‘cultural factors’ is then unpacked to open a window on a rich tradition of political history centred on currency in the south-east Nigerian context, which spans the pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial decades. The study also touches on contemporary studies of sovereignty and connects to wider debates on the nature of money as regards its ‘economic’ and ‘political’ functions as a token of value.

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22

Robie, David. "REVIEW: Independent news champion of the developing world." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 2, no. 1 (November 1, 1995): 161–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v2i1.561.

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Review of News on a Knife-edge: Gemini Journalism and a Global Agenda by Richard Bourne. London: John Libbey. 'Biafra is dying bloodily and terror stricken. The triumphant Nigerian Army is advancing into the chaotic heart of General Ojukwu's breakaway country. The demoralised Biafran Army has been stunned by the blitz-krieg onslaught mounted by the Federal forces and now offering little resistance and feeling.'

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23

Oyewole. "The Fracturing of Pro-Biafra Nationalist Movements." African Conflict and Peacebuilding Review 9, no. 1 (2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/africonfpeacrevi.9.1.01.

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24

Bolaji. "Biafra Revisted, Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe." Africa Today 58, no. 2 (2011): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/africatoday.58.2.159.

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25

Bradley, Miriam. "Airlifts, Aid and Armed Conflict in Biafra." International Studies Review 22, no. 3 (May 26, 2020): 725–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isr/viaa026.

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26

Ejiogu, EC. "Chinua Achebe on Biafra: An Elaborate Deconstruction." Journal of Asian and African Studies 48, no. 6 (October 8, 2013): 653–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909613506457.

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27

Ejiogu, EC. "On Biafra: Subverting Imposed Code of Silence." Journal of Asian and African Studies 48, no. 6 (December 2013): 741–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909613506486.

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28

Rothchild, Donald. "Unofficial mediation and the Nigeria‐Biafra war." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 3, no. 3 (September 1997): 37–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537119708428510.

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29

Chiluwa, Innocent, Rotimi Taiwo, and Esther Ajiboye. "Hate speech and political media discourse in Nigeria: The case of the Indigenous People of Biafra." International Journal of Media & Cultural Politics 16, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 191–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/macp_00024_1.

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The study adopts approaches in linguistics and critical discourse analysis to interpret media speeches and public statements of the Biafra secessionist movement leader, Nnamdi Kanu, as hate speech. The study shows that hate speech in discourses produced by the separatist Indigenous People of Biafra appears as language aggression, such as insults and verbal attacks, as well as threats. Discourse structures such as the use of interrogation and metaphor also appear in the hate narratives. Compared with the Rwandan case, the study argues that hate speech could result in similar incitement and violence. While hate speech caused genocide in Rwanda, it did not work in Nigeria, largely because of the division among the Biafra campaigners and the Igbo political elite about the Biafra independence campaign.

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30

Smith, Daniel Jordan. "Legacies of Biafra: Marriage, ‘Home People’ and Reproduction Among the Igbo of Nigeria." Africa 75, no. 1 (February 2005): 30–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2005.75.1.30.

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AbstractThis article examines the ways in which the legacies and collective memories of Biafra, the secessionist state established at the time of Nigeria's civil war from 1967 to1970, shape contemporary Igbo practices and experiences of marriage, rural–urban ties and reproduction. The importance of appropriate and permanent marriage and the perceived necessity of dependable affinal relations for contemporary Igbos are analysed in relation to recollections of marriage during the war. The intense identification of migrant Igbos with place of origin and the importance of ‘home’ and ‘home people’ are situated in the context of the legacy of Biafra. The importance of kinship relationships for access to patron–client networks is linked to the Igbo perception of marginalization in the wake of Biafra. Igbo ideas about the significance of reproduction and the vital importance of ‘having people’ are reinforced through collective memories of Biafra. Igbo people's conceptions of Nigerian politics, their understandings of the social and economic importance of kinship and community in contemporary Nigeria, and even their reproductive decisions can be better explained by taking into account the legacies of Biafra.

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31

Cook, Mark. "Revision of the genus Maliarpha (Lepidoptera: Pyralidae), based on adult morphology with description of three new species." Bulletin of Entomological Research 87, no. 1 (February 1997): 25–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007485300036324.

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AbstractWhat has previously been referred to in the literature as the African white rice borer Maliarpha separatella, is a complex of three closely related stemborers. These are described and the genus revised. The genera Biafra Ragonot and Ethitropa Hampson are synonymized with Maliarpha Ragonot. All primary types available have been examined. The revised genus Maliarpha is a monophyletic group defined by the apomorphic, tri-lobed form of the male gnathos. Six species of Maliarpha are treated, of which brunnella, fuscicostella and longisignumella are described as new. The species Biafra rhodinella (Ragonot), Singhalia haemocharis (Meyrick), Ethiotropa phromerella (Hampson) and Biafra taxiarcha Meyrick are synonymized with Maliarpha concinnella (Ragonot), and Biafra concinnella Ragonot and Saluria rosella (Hampson) are recombined with Maliarpha. The adult moths are illustrated and line drawings of the genitalia are provided for all species.

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32

Chiluwa, Innocent. "A nation divided against itself: Biafra and the conflicting online protest discourses." Discourse & Communication 12, no. 4 (March 14, 2018): 357–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750481318757778.

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This research analyses media and online discourses produced by the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), a Nigerian separatist/secessionist group that seeks a referendum for the independence of the Igbo ethnic group of Nigeria. The research examines discourse structures, such as language use that clearly or implicitly produces propositions of conflict and war, tribalism and hate-speech. Discursive strategies such as labelling, exaggeration, metaphor and contradiction applied by the group to produce ideological discourses of outrage are also analysed. Moreover, conflicting discourses produced by the Igbo politicians and factions of IPOB and other Biafra campaign groups are analysed in terms of their political implications to the overall self-determination efforts of the Biafra nation. The study concludes that the pragmatic implications of discourses that reflect opposing views, as well as varied ideological perspectives by group members, suggest that Biafra is a nation divided against itself and are a people incapable of the separate nation that they seek.

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33

Voeltz, Richard A., Paul Harrison, and Robin Palmer. "News out of Africa: Biafra to Band Aid." International Journal of African Historical Studies 21, no. 1 (1988): 148. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219907.

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34

AMOUR, CHARLES. "News out of Africa: Biafra to Band Aid." African Affairs 86, no. 344 (July 1987): 434–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a097928.

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35

Bakare-Yusuf, Bibi. "Scattered limbs, scattered stories: the silence of Biafra." African Identities 10, no. 3 (August 2012): 243–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14725843.2012.715453.

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36

Cookman, Claude. "Gilles Caron's Coverage of the Crisis in Biafra." Visual Communication Quarterly 15, no. 4 (October 2008): 226–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15551390802415063.

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37

Korieh, Chima J. "Biafra and the discourse on the Igbo Genocide." Journal of Asian and African Studies 48, no. 6 (October 22, 2013): 727–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909613506455.

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38

Nwaka, Jacinta C. "Reactions of the Governments of Nigeria and Biafra to the Role of the Catholic Church in the Nigeria–Biafra War." War & Society 34, no. 1 (January 26, 2015): 65–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/0729247314z.00000000047.

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39

Sunday Nwofe, Emmanuel, and Mark Goodall. "The Web as an Alternative Communication Resource for Pro-Biafra Independent Movements in Nigeria: The Case of Indigenous People of Biafra." Athens Journal of Mass Media and Communications 5, no. 1 (January 31, 2019): 51–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajmmc.5-1-4.

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40

David, Stephen. "Lack of Return in Nigeria-Biafra Civil War Literature." Matatu 50, no. 1 (June 14, 2018): 102–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-05001007.

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AbstractWhen the Nigeria-Biafra civil war ended in July 1970, the Commander in Chief of the Federal Army, General Yakubu Gowon, declared that there was “no victor no vanquished” and, consequently, drew an iron curtain on a painful historical moment. This closure foreclosed further engagements with the events of the war in a manner that imposed a “code of silence” on its historiography. However, in the face of this silence and the silencing of public remembrances, private remembrances have continued to bloom. And in recent times, these remembrance(s) have fertilized a virulent demand for secession. I argue that literary accounts of the conflict question its ‘closure’ through what I call ‘lack of return.’ Relying on Van der Merwe and Gobodo-Madikizela’s conception of narratives as spaces of healing, I engage in a close reading of one fictional account—Saro-Wiwa’s Sozaboy—and two memoirs—Achebe’s There Was a Country and Chukwurah’s The Last Train to Biafra—to examine how narratives of Biafra call attention to the persistent freshness of the wounds and trauma of the war by creating stories that lack denouement. I find that in these texts, the silencing of ordnance doesn’t herald a return home—whether spatially or mentally. Consequently, these stories could be read as palimpsests that reveal a need for spaces of narrative engagements, abreaction, and healing.

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41

Ojukwu, Chris C., and Ebenezer Oluwole Oni. "Re-Thinking Biafra Ideology of Self-Determination in Nigeria." Explorations in Ethnic Studies 39-40, no. 1 (January 1, 2018): 97–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/esr.2018.39-40.1.97.

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42

Hawley, John C. "Biafra as Heritage and Symbol: Adichie, Mbachu, and Iweala." Research in African Literatures 39, no. 2 (June 2008): 15–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/ral.2008.39.2.15.

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43

Njoku, Carol Ijeoma. "A Paradox of International Criminal Justice: The Biafra Genocide." Journal of Asian and African Studies 48, no. 6 (October 9, 2013): 710–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909613506453.

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44

UGOCHUKWU, FRANÇOISE. "A Lingering Nightmare: Achebe, Ofoegbu, and Adichie on Biafra." Matatu 39, no. 1 (2011): 253–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789401200745_014.

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45

Levey, Zach. "Israel, Nigeria and the Biafra civil war, 1967–70." Journal of Genocide Research 16, no. 2-3 (July 3, 2014): 263–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14623528.2014.936704.

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46

Barbosa de Jesus Santana, Rafael. "A Guerra de Biafra (1967-1970) como evento traumático." Revista de Ciências Sociais 52, no. 1 (November 13, 2020): 429–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.36517/10.36517/rcs.52.1.r01.

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47

OMENKA, NICHOLAS IBEAWUCHI. "BLAMING THE GODS: CHRISTIAN RELIGIOUS PROPAGANDA IN THE NIGERIA–BIAFRA WAR." Journal of African History 51, no. 3 (November 2010): 367–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853710000460.

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ABSTRACTThe consensus among many analysts of the Nigeria–Biafra War is that the conflict cannot be reduced to a mono-causal explanation. The tragedy that befell the West African country from 1966 to 1970 was a combination of many factors, which were political, ethnic, religious, social, and economic in nature. Yet the conflict was unduly cast as a religious war between Christians and Muslims. Utilizing newly available archival materials from within and outside Nigeria, this article endeavours to unravel the underlying forces in the religious war rhetoric of the mainly Christian breakaway region and its Western sympathizers. Among other things, it demonstrates that, while the religious war proposition was good for the relief efforts of the international humanitarian organizations, it inevitably alienated the Nigerian Christians and made them unsympathetic to the Biafran cause.

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Phillips, James F. "Biafra at 50 and the Birth of Emergency Public Health." American Journal of Public Health 108, no. 6 (June 2018): 731–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2105/ajph.2018.304420.

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Staunton, Enda. "The case of Biafra: Ireland and the Nigerian civil war." Irish Historical Studies 31, no. 124 (November 1999): 513–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400014395.

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In the 1940s and 1950s, irrespective of the government in power, Irish foreign policy faced strong domestic pressure to remain within parameters defined by religious sentiment, anti-communism and anti-colonialism. Yet two contrasting attitudes, corresponding to party allegiances, were nonetheless discernible: that of Fine Gael, which held constantly to a pro-Western line, and that of Fianna Fáil, which was capable of occasionally departing from it. By the 1960s the two approaches had converged, as Fianna Fáil under Seán Lemass repositioned itself more clearly in the American-led camp, a change most strikingly exemplified by Ireland’s response to the Cuban missile crisis of 1962. Yet before the end of the decade an issue was to arise in which Dublin’s Department of External Affairs was to find itself steering a course independent of forces both within the country and outside it.The war which erupted in Nigeria in the summer of 1967, when its Eastern Region seceded, was to reverberate across the world, causing a response in Ireland unequalled by the reaction to any foreign civil conflict between that of Spain in the 1930s and that of Yugoslavia in the 1990s. It was to bring about the greatest emotional involvement with an African problem since Ireland’s participation in the Congo conflict, leading directly to the foundation of the Africa Concern and Gorta organisations and marking a turning-point in the nature of Irish overseas aid.

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Rafiqul Islam, M. "Secessionist Self-Determination: Some Lessons from Katanga, Biafra and Bangladesh." Journal of Peace Research 22, no. 3 (September 1985): 211–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002234338502200303.

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