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Journal articles on the topic 'Biafran War'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Omaka, Arua Oko. "Conquering the Home Front: Radio Biafra in the Nigeria–Biafra War, 1967–1970." War in History 25, no. 4 (May 25, 2017): 555–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344516682056.

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Radio, as a modern communication technology, has played a revolutionary role in propaganda wars. Governments and revolutionaries find it indispensable because of its advantage in disseminating messages quickly across national borders. The Biafran government saw the enormous propaganda potential of radio and tactically exploited it. Despite this strategic role, scholars have failed to represent Radio Biafra as an important arm of the Biafran struggle for self-determination. Using archival documents, newspaper articles, and oral interviews, this article explores the role of Radio Biafra in the Nigeria–Biafra War. It argues that Radio Biafra not only sustained the support and loyalty of Biafrans but also created a community spirit that bolstered Biafrans’ confidence in the war.

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2

Daly, Samuel Fury Childs. "“Hell was let loose on the country”: The Social History of Military Technology in the Republic of Biafra." African Studies Review 61, no. 3 (July 2, 2018): 99–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2018.41.

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Abstract:The problem of armed crime in late twentieth-century Nigeria was closely connected to the events of the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970). Legal records from the secessionist Republic of Biafra reveal how violent crime emerged as part of the military confrontation between Biafra and Nigeria. The wide availability of firearms, the Biafran state’s diminishing ability to enforce the law, and the gradual collapse of Biafra’s economy under the pressure of a Nigerian blockade made Biafran soldiers and civilians reliant on their weapons to obtain food and fuel, make claims to property, and settle disputes with one another. Criminal legal records illustrate how military technologies shape interactions and relationships in the places where they are deployed, and how those dynamics can endure after the war comes to an end. This speaks to larger theoretical questions about the symbolic and functional meanings of guns during and after wartime.

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3

ANTHONY, DOUGLAS. "‘RESOURCEFUL AND PROGRESSIVE BLACKMEN’: MODERNITY AND RACE IN BIAFRA, 1967–70." Journal of African History 51, no. 1 (March 2010): 41–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853710000022.

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ABSTRACTPropaganda from Biafra and pro-Biafran rhetoric generated by its supporters drew heavily on ideas of modernity. This continued a pattern of associations rooted in colonial-era policies and ethnic stereotypes, and also represented a deliberate rhetorical strategy aimed at both internal and external audiences. During the second half of the Nigeria–Biafra War, the concept of race assumed an increasingly prominent role in both Biafran and pro-Biafran discourse, in part because of the diminished persuasiveness of Biafran claims about Nigeria's genocidal intentions. Arguments about race dovetailed with established claims about modernity in ways that persist today.

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4

Gomba, Obari. "Biafra and Abuse of Power in I.N.C. Aniebo’s Rearguard Actions." Matatu 49, no. 2 (December 20, 2017): 280–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-04902003.

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Abstract The Nigerian civil war has left a lasting impact on the politics of Nigeria. It has also provided material for I.N.C. Aniebo’s Rearguard Actions. Given the prior success of his novel The Anonymity of Sacrifice, this collection of short stories expands his creative portfolio on the subject of war. Over and above the predilection of Biafran discourse for blaming others for Biafra’s failure, Aniebo’s depiction of the war calls attention to the failings of Biafra itself. On the strength of Aniebo’s stories, this paper seeks to examine the nature of the abuse of power in Biafra and to show how such abuse helped precipitate the collapse of the breakaway nation-state.

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DALY, SAMUEL FURY CHILDS. "THE SURVIVAL CON: FRAUD AND FORGERY IN THE REPUBLIC OF BIAFRA, 1967–70." Journal of African History 58, no. 1 (February 8, 2017): 129–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853716000347.

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AbstractOver the course of the Nigerian Civil War (1967–70), many people in the secessionist Republic of Biafra resorted to forgery, confidence scams, and other forms of fraud to survive the dire conditions created by Nigeria's blockade. Forgery of passes and other documents, fraudulent commercial transactions, and elaborate schemes involving impersonation and racketeering became common in Biafra, intensifying as the Biafran government's ability to enforce the law diminished. Using long-neglected legal records from Biafra's courts and tribunals, this study traces the process by which deception emerged as a practice of survival in wartime Biafra – a process with important implications for the growth of fraud (known as ‘419’ after the relevant section of the Nigerian criminal code) in reintegrated postwar Nigeria.

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6

Eze, Victor Chinedu. "Examining Selected Newspapers’ Framing of the Renewed Biafran Agitation in Nigeria (2016 – 2017)." Interações: Sociedade e as novas modernidades, no. 37 (December 30, 2019): 11–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31211/interacoes.n37.2019.a1.

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The renewed Biafran agitation headed by Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) has been in the news since 2016. This is surprising when one considers that the Nigerian-Biafran war was fought over 50 years ago with no victor and no vanquished stance. This research examines how selected newspapers framed the Biafran agitation from January, 2016 to December, 2017 – a period which recorded a spike in the activities of Biafran agitators who called for a referendum to carve out the Republic of Biafra. Framing theory is employed as the theoretical frame work for this research. Four hundred and twenty-one (421) issues of selected newspapers were sampled through purposive and critical case sampling techniques. The data were analysed through qualitative and quantitate content analysis. Findings of this research showed that selected newspapers framed the agitation from politi- cal, economic, separatist, human rights, conflict and hate speech frames. Findings also show that media correspondents were the primary frame source for stories on the renewed Biafran agitation. The print media perceived the agitation mainly from human rights crisis where the agitators are deprived of the free- dom to protest and are dehumanised by the Nigerian security operatives; and questioned the government over human rights abuses.

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7

Nwofe, Emmanuel Sunday, and Mark Goodall. "Pro-Biafran Activists and the call for a Referendum: A Sentiment Analysis of ‘Biafraexit’ on Twitter after UK’s vote to leave the European Union." Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 4, no. 1 (July 12, 2017): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/65.

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In a society bonded by a concatenation of diverse ethno-nationalism, the struggle for inclusion and exclusion becomes particularly unavoidable. Common among the findings of researchers of ethnic identities is the potential for conflicts when inequalities and injustices, rooted in ethnicity and religious identities are the basis for allocation of powers and resources. This is more threatening when a particular ethnic group is signposted as a threat to other group and targeted for ill-treatment. In Nigeria, the Igbo ethnic group is characterized as an endangered group and has risen at one point to challenge inequalities, injustices and state-orchestrated violence against the ethnic society that led to Nigeria-Biafra war between 1967 and 1970. Fifty years after the war, the Igbo ethnic society is still grappling to be included in the Nigeria nation-building project. The implication is a deep-rooted grievance among the Igbo ethnic group that the wave of campaigns and social movement for the restoration of Biafra continued to reverberate in recent times. After the UK’s ‘Brexit’ vote, the pro-Biafra activists launched ‘Biafraexit’ on Twitter in the style of ‘Brexit’ for a referendum to exit Nigeria. The purpose of this paper is to examine the major sentiment of the people about the Biafra restoration 50 years after the Biafran war. Through a sentiment analysis of ‘Biafraexit’, ‘free Biafra’ hashtags and the ‘Biafra’ search term on Twitter, the paper examines to what extent the perception of insecurity of lives of the Igbos constitute major concern of proponents of Biafran independent on Twitter? How have the human right abuses of pro-Biafra activists under President Buhari’s rule facilitated feelings of insecurity, religious cleansing and Islamization among pro-Biafra activists? The implications of this for cohesive nation-building are discussed.

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8

Anthony, Douglas. "“What Are They Observing?”." Journal of African Military History 2, no. 2 (October 24, 2018): 87–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24680966-00202001.

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AbstractThree separate observer missions operated in Nigeria during the country’s 1967–1970 war against Biafran secession, charged with investigating allegations that Nigeria was engaged in genocide against Biafrans. Operating alongside UN and OAU missions, the four-country international observer group was best positioned to respond authoritatively to those allegations, but problems with the composition of the group and its failure to extend the geographical scope of its operations beyond Nigerian-held territory rendered its findings of limited value. This paper argues that the observer missions offer useful windows on several aspects of the war and almost certainly delivered some benefits to Biafrans, but also effectively abdicated their responsibility to Biafrans and the international community by allowing procedural politics to come before commitment to the spirit of the Genocide Convention.

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Amiara Amiara, Solomon. "Nigerian−Biafra War: Re-interrogating Indiscipline and Sabotage among the Biafran Soldiers." Journal of Political Science and International Relations 2, no. 4 (2019): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.11648/j.jpsir.20190204.14.

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OMENKA, NICHOLAS IBEAWUCHI. "BLAMING THE GODS: CHRISTIAN RELIGIOUS PROPAGANDA IN THE NIGERIA–BIAFRA WAR." Journal of African History 51, no. 3 (November 2010): 367–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853710000460.

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ABSTRACTThe consensus among many analysts of the Nigeria–Biafra War is that the conflict cannot be reduced to a mono-causal explanation. The tragedy that befell the West African country from 1966 to 1970 was a combination of many factors, which were political, ethnic, religious, social, and economic in nature. Yet the conflict was unduly cast as a religious war between Christians and Muslims. Utilizing newly available archival materials from within and outside Nigeria, this article endeavours to unravel the underlying forces in the religious war rhetoric of the mainly Christian breakaway region and its Western sympathizers. Among other things, it demonstrates that, while the religious war proposition was good for the relief efforts of the international humanitarian organizations, it inevitably alienated the Nigerian Christians and made them unsympathetic to the Biafran cause.

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11

Agu, Ogonna. "Songs and war: the mixed messages of Biafran war songs." African Languages and Cultures 4, no. 1 (January 1991): 5–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09544169108717723.

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12

Awuzie, Solomon. "Grief, resurrection, and the Nigerian Civil War in Isidore Diala’s The Lure of Ash." Tydskrif vir Letterkunde 58, no. 2 (June 21, 2021): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/tl.v58i2.6793.

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As part of the third generation of Nigerian poetry, Isidore Diala’s The Lure of Ash focuses on the Nigerian Civil War experience of 1967–1970, the grief associated with it, and the resurrection of the Biafran agitation. Being a collection that is derived from the rural world of the Igbo cosmology, Diala’s The Lure of Ash portrays the Nigerian Civil War in a sensuous and emotive tone. It accounts for the poet’s belief in the regeneration of the lives of the dead Biafran soldiers. The symbols of fire and ash are significant for interpreting the poet-speaker’s grief in the collection. The collection also succeeds in painting a picture of the Nigerian Civil War experience where the bitter memory of the war resonates, while representing poetry as the healer of the pain and wounds of the war.

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13

Astuti, Anjar Dwi. "A PORTRAYAL OF NIGERIAN AFTER CIVIL WAR IN CHINUA ACHEBE’S CIVIL PEACE (1971)." Journal of Culture, Arts, Literature, and Linguistics (CaLLs) 3, no. 2 (December 15, 2017): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.30872/calls.v3i2.875.

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African literature has strong relation with colonialism, not only because they had ever been colonized but also because of civil war. Civil Peace (1971), a short story written by Chinua Achebe, tells about how Nigerian survive and have to struggle to live after Nigerian Civil War. It is about the effects of the war on the people, and the “civil peace” that followed. The Nigerian Civil War, also known as the Nigerian-Biafran War, 6 July 1967–15 January 1970, was a political conflict caused by the attempted annexation of the southeastern provinces of Nigeria as the self-proclaimed Republic of Biafra. The conflict was the result of economic, ethnic, cultural and religious tensions among the various peoples of Nigeria. Knowing the relation between the story and the Nigerian Civil War, it is assured that there is a history depicted in Civil Peace. In this article, the writer portrays the history and the phenomenon of colonization in Nigeria by using new historical and postcolonial criticism approaches.Keywords: history, colonization, civil war

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14

Dodo-Williams, Toyin, and Enrico Milano. "Half of a Yellow Sun or the Quest for (and Repression of) New Boundaries in Post-Colonial Nigeria: An International Law Analysis." Pólemos 12, no. 2 (September 25, 2018): 251–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pol-2018-0016.

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Abstract Half of a Yellow Sun is a novel written by the Nigerian writer Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie. The title of the book takes its reference from the flag of the former, short-lived, Republic of Biafra, which consisted of a horizontal tricolour of red, black, and green, with a golden rising sun over a golden bar. The author unfolds to the reader the impact and the ugliness of the Biafran war of independence as it meanders through the lives of the interdependent main characters: Ugwu, Olanna, Kainene, Odenigbo and Richard. The events that climaxed into the civil war gradually tore apart the day-to-day routine serenity of the main characters, requiring continuous adjustment in the lives of each character to the reality of war. The harrowing experience of the war drastically changed their lives. The present contribution draws inspiration from thes novel to engage with the construction and definition of social, political and legal boundaries in post-colonial Nigeria, focussing in particular on the relevance and impact of international law norms and principles in the events that unfolded between 1967 and 1970.

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Morve, Roshan K. "Representation of History in Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie’s Half of a Yellow Sun (2006." Asian Journal of Humanity, Art and Literature 2, no. 1 (June 30, 2015): 23–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.18034/ajhal.v2i1.291.

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This study deals with the conflict of Nigerian Biafran War 6 July, 1960-15 January, 1967 as represented in Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie’s novel Half of a Yellow Sun (2006). The study attempts to address the following four questions: first, what are the causes-effects of Biafran/Civil war? Second, why Nigerians have been suffering during the wartime? Third, how does the representation of Nigerian history enable understanding of the post-colonial issues? And final, what is the role of conflict in Nigerian history? In order to understand this conflict, the study addresses the detailed analysis of war conflict, ethnic conflict, class conflict, military conflict and eco-political conflict. The post-colonial approach becomes one of the ways of engaging the theoretical understanding of the novel Half of a Yellow Sun. In sum up, the novel is located with the issues of marginality, history and conflict, which interrogates through post-colonial theoretical formations and the six-phase structure of war novels.

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16

Achebe, Christie. "Igbo Women in the Nigerian-Biafran War 1967-1970." Journal of Black Studies 40, no. 5 (January 12, 2010): 785–811. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934709351546.

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Sharman, Bill. "The Biafran War and Postcolonial Humanitarianism: Spectacles of Suffering." New Global Studies 14, no. 2 (July 8, 2020): 217–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ngs-2020-0008.

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18

Uche, Chibuike. "Money matters in a war economy: The Biafran experience." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 8, no. 1 (March 2002): 29–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537110208428652.

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19

Daly, Samuel Fury Childs. "The Biafran War and postcolonial humanitarianism: Spectacles of suffering." African Affairs 120, no. 479 (March 31, 2021): 329–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adab004.

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20

Onwuatuegwu, Ignatius Nnaemeka. "A RESEARCH REVIEW ON 50 YEARS AFTER THE BIAFRAN WAR." International Journal of Engineering Applied Sciences and Technology 5, no. 1 (May 31, 2020): 570–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.33564/ijeast.2020.v05i01.100.

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21

Taylor, Ian. "The Struggle for Modern Nigeria: The Biafran War 1967–1970." Round Table 101, no. 4 (August 2012): 381–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2012.707519.

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22

Okeke, Remi Chukwudi. "Relative Deprivation, Identity Politics and the Neo-Biafran Movement in Nigeria: Critical Issues of Nation-Building in a Postcolonial African State." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 66 (February 2016): 73–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.66.73.

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This study examines the linkages between relative deprivation and identity politics in a postcolonial state. It further investigates the relationship among these variables and nation-building challenges in the postcolony. It is a case study of the Nigerian state in West Africa, which typically harbours the attributes of postcoloniality and indeed, large measures of relative deprivation in her sociopolitical and economic affairs. The study is also an interrogation of the neo-Biafran agitations in Nigeria. It has been attempted in the study to offer distinctive explanations over the problematique of nation-building in the postcolonial African state of Nigeria, using relative deprivation, identity politics and the neo-Biafran movement as variables. In framing the study’s theoretical trajectories and in historicizing the background of the research, ample resort has been made to a significant range of qualitative secondary sources. A particularly salient position of the study is that it will actually be difficult to locate on the planet, any group of people whose subsequent generations (in perpetuity) would wear defeat on the war front, as part of their essential identity. Hence, relative deprivation was found to be more fundamental than identity politics in the neo-Biafran agitations in Nigeria. However, the compelling issues were found to squarely border on nation-building complications in the postcolony.

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Nimanthi Perera-Rajasingham. "“Work Is War”: The Biafran War and Neoliberalism in Ken Saro-Wiwa's Sozaboy." Research in African Literatures 48, no. 4 (2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/reseafrilite.48.4.02.

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Doron, Roy. "Marketing genocide: Biafran propaganda strategies during the Nigerian civil war, 1967–70." Journal of Genocide Research 16, no. 2-3 (July 3, 2014): 227–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14623528.2014.936702.

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25

Ibhawoh, Bonny. "Refugees, Evacuees, and Repatriates: Biafran Children, UNHCR, and the Politics of International Humanitarianism in the Nigerian Civil War." African Studies Review 63, no. 3 (September 2020): 568–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2020.43.

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Abstract:The Nigeria-Biafra war contributed to the rise of post-colonial moral interventionism, ushering in a new form of human rights politics. During the war, relief agencies evacuated 4,000 children from the conflict zones to Gabon and Côte d’Ivoire to protect them from the conflict. This was part of a broader international humanitarian airlift operation that brought relief supplies to the besieged Biafra territory. At the end of the war, most of the children were returned to their homes in Nigeria through an international humanitarian repatriation effort. Ibhawoh examines how state interests and the politics of international humanitarian interventionism manifested in debates about classifying and protecting displaced children, the most vulnerable victims of the conflict.

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Daly, Samuel Fury Childs. "A Nation on Paper: Making a State in the Republic of Biafra." Comparative Studies in Society and History 62, no. 4 (September 29, 2020): 868–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417520000316.

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AbstractWhat role did law play in articulating sovereignty and citizenship in postcolonial Africa? Using legal records from the secessionist Republic of Biafra, this article analyzes the relationship between law and national identity in an extreme context—that of the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970). Ideas about order, discipline, and legal process were at the heart of Biafra's sense of itself as a nation, and they served as the rhetorical justification for its secession from Nigeria. But they were not only rhetoric. In the turmoil of the ensuing civil war, Biafra's courts became the center of its national culture, and law became its most important administrative implement. In court, Biafrans argued over what behaviors were permissible in wartime, and judges used law to draw the boundaries of the new country's national identity. That law played this role in Biafra shows something broader about African politics: law, bureaucracy, and paperwork meant more to state-making than declensionist views of postcolonial Africa usually allow. Biafra failed as a political project, but it has important implications for the study of law in postcolonial Africa, and for the nation-state form in general.

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Chukwuorji, JohnBosco Chika, Mary Basil Nwoke, and Magnus Okechukwu Ebere. "Stressful life events, family support and successful ageing in the Biafran War generation." Aging & Mental Health 21, no. 1 (September 17, 2015): 95–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13607863.2015.1083946.

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Leaning, Jennifer. "Disasters and Humanitarian Crises: A Joint Future for Responders?" Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 23, no. 4 (August 2008): 291–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00005884.

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In the last 35 years, the disaster and humanitarian communities have evolved rapidly in two parallel cohorts. The disaster enterprise in the US and Latin America grew up in the 1970s in response to a series of major earthquakes, hurricanes, and forest fires, culminating with the nuclear disaster at Three Mile Island and the formation of the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) in 1979/80. The Disaster Program at the Pan-American Health Organization also took form in the 1980s.The humanitarian enterprise can be traced to the Biafran War of 1968/69, where a range of international, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) converged to respond to support a population that was fleeing a civil war and famine. In the years since, drawn to refugees and internally displaced persons in war circumstances as varied as Angola, Afghanistan, and Bosnia, the humanitarian community has expanded in numbers, reach, and budget.

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Matthew Lecznar. "“We all stand before history”: (Re)Locating Saro-Wiwa in the Biafran War Canon." Research in African Literatures 48, no. 4 (2017): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/reseafrilite.48.4.03.

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DALY, SAMUEL FURY CHILDS. "THE BIAFRAN WAR FIFTY YEARS LATER. Writing the Nigeria-Biafra War. Edited by Toyin Falola and Ogechukwu Ezekwem. Rochester, NY: James Currey, 2016. Pp. xx + 491. $90.00 (ISBN: 9781847011442)." Journal of African History 60, no. 01 (March 2019): 155–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853719000252.

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Lee, Min-Joo. "The Birth “Legend” of Doctors without Borders : Turbulent Changes in Contemporary France and the Biafran War." World History and Culture 45 (December 31, 2017): 323–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.32961/jwhc.2017.12.45.323.

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OBADARE, EBENEZER. "THE BIAFRAN WAR AND POSTCOLONIAL HUMANITARIANISM - The Biafran War and Postcolonial Humanitarianism: Spectacles of Suffering. By Lasse Heerten. Cambridge University Press, 2017. Pp. xiv + 398. $120, hardback (ISBN: 9781107111806); $36.99 paperback (ISBN: 9781107530423); $30.00, e-book (ISBN: 9781108515092)." Journal of African History 60, no. 3 (November 2019): 499–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853719000896.

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Jeffs, Nikolai. "Ethnic “Betrayal”, Mimicry, and Reinvention: the Representation of Ukpabi Asika in the Novel of the Nigerian-Biafran War." Revue LISA / LISA e-journal, Vol. X – n° 1 (March 13, 2012): 280–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/lisa.5051.

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Travis, Hannibal. "Ultranationalist Genocides: Failures of Global Justice in Nigeria and Pakistan." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 21, no. 3 (August 19, 2014): 414–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02103005.

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International law entered a period of accelerated change in the decade after the genocide of the Ibo people in Nigeria. By 1979, jurists had drafted much-needed reforms to international law in the areas of prohibited methods of war, the rights of refugees, and the infliction of severe pain to punish dissent or to discriminate on racial or religious grounds. These reforms, if implemented in good faith, provide a basis for international criminal tribunals to punish the widespread killing and abuse of civilians in non-international armed conflicts. International courts analysed few such conflicts in the decades after the Genocide Convention entered into force, despite the aim of the convention to prevent genocide by public or private actors, in time of war or peace, and by targeting a group in whole or in part. This article analyses the Ibo genocide in terms of the techniques used by the Nigerian army to destroy the Ibo ethnic group in substantial part, including massacres of Ibo civilians, imposition of widespread and disease epidemics on the Ibos, and rape of Ibos as a matter of policy. It surveys the influence of the Biafran genocide on the evolution of international norms relating to war crimes, refugees, and torture. The international community multiplied norms in lieu of enforcing them, in this case as in others.

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Dokotum, OO. "The Biafran War According to Hollywood: Militainment and Historical Distortion in Antoine Fuqua’s Tears of the Sun (2003)." Lagos Historical Review 12, no. 1 (August 16, 2013): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/lhr.v12i1.2.

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36

Vambe, Maurice Taonezvi. "Songs of Biafra: Contrasting Perspectives on the Igbo genocide in Chukwuemeka Ike'sSunset at Dawn: A novel of the Biafran War(1993) and Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie'sHalf of a Yellow Sun(2007)." Muziki 9, no. 2 (November 2012): 15–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/18125980.2012.742233.

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Hale, Henry E. "Cause without a Rebel: Kazakhstan's Unionist Nationalism in the USSR and CIS." Nationalities Papers 37, no. 1 (January 2009): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990802373603.

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Why would elites or masses in an ethnically distinct region ever opt for “alien rule” over national independence? While separatist movements tend to create the most drama and make the most headlines, mass media and most scholarly accounts pay far less attention to ethnic groups opting to stay in a union state dominated by other groups. Yet such unionist groups are surely more numerous than the separatist ones. Indeed, in the neighborhood of almost every separatist region in a given multi-ethnic state, one can find one or more unionist groups, such as the Yoruba during Nigeria's Biafran Civil War, the Ingush as Chechnya battled the Russian Federation, and the Kannadigas at the peak of Kashmir's struggle for independence from India. Sometimes, unionist groups advocate political integration despite seeming to have every reason to seek secession. Such groups are neglected by analysts only at great cost, because it is precisely these groups that are likely to hold the key to understanding how distinct groups can come to live together in peace.

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Cole, Jennifer. "Foreword: Collective Memory and the Politics of Reproduction in Africa." Africa 75, no. 1 (February 2005): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2005.75.1.1.

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When Bamileke women in urban Cameroon give birth, older women often recall the ‘troubles’, the period between 1955 and 1974 when the UPC (Union des Populations du Cameroun) waged a battle of national independence, as a way of teaching their daughters about the hazards of reproduction and threats to Bamileke integrity as a people (Feldman-Savelsberget al.). Slightly to the north-west, in the Nigerian city of Kano, Igbo talk constantly about their memories of the Biafran war, using them to forge a sense of Igbo ethnic distinctiveness that reinforces patterns of patron-client relations critical to the maintenance of transregional connections (Smith), while further to the south many Yoruba are reassessing the meaning of the old practice of pawning children (Renne). Meanwhile in Botswana, where the AIDS epidemic exacts a high death toll, members of an Apostolic church create distinctive practices of remembering what caused a person's death. In so doing, they counter the attenuation of care and support that often occurs when people interpret death as due to illnesses transmitted through blood and improper sexual relations (Klaits). By contrast in a Samburu community in Kenya, the cultural practice ofntotoi, a complex board game, reproduces a male-dominated history of kinship, while systematically erasing a female narrative of adulterous births and forced infanticide. And among rural Beng in Côte d'Ivoire, beliefs and practices that structure infant care serve as an indirect critique of the violence of French colonialism and of its aftermath that continues to interfere in Beng lives in the form of high rates of infant mortality (Gottlieb). As these examples taken from this volume indicate, the papers gathered together in this special issue examine the complex and often contradictory ways in which the reproduction of memories shapes the social and biological reproduction of people.

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Falola, Toyin, and Matthew Heaton. "The Works of A.E. Afigbo on Nigeria: an Historiographical Essay." History in Africa 33 (2006): 155–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2006.0012.

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Nigeria in the post-independence years has seen its share of hardship. Politically dominated by military dictatorships, economically dominated by the ravages of underdevelopment, and culturally dominated by internal ethnic tensions and external stereotyping, Nigeria certainly seems to have suffered from an overabundance of problems and a dearth of solutions in the last forty plus years. This period, full of scholarly debate on these issues, also closely parallels the academic career of A.E. Afigbo. Afigbo, who graduated with a Ph.D. in History from the University of Ibadan in 1964, was the first History doctorate produced on Nigerian soil. He is both a product and a victim of the Nigerian nation, and his scholarly writings deeply reflect these contradictions. From that point in 1964—the era of hope and anguish—to the present day—the era of anguish without hope—he has been among the vanguard of scholars in Nigerian history and African studies. He wanted to write about the past, but the present pressured him severely. Starting as a “Nigerian,” he became a “Biafran” during the Nigerian Civil War (1967-70), and again a “Nigerian” thereafter. These transitions provide some kind of “political charter” to some of his writings.It has been a remarkable career. He has authored or co-authored eight books, edited four more, and published well over a hundred journal articles. Afigbo has earned numerous prizes for his scholarship, has served on the editorial board of many acclaimed scholarly journals, including the Journal of African History and History in Africa, and has been inducted into many prestigious societies, including the Nigerian Academy of Letters. Nigeria has also honored him with its highest academic award, the National Order of Merit.

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Bello, Taiwo O. "Writing the Nigeria–Biafra War." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 51, no. 2 (May 4, 2017): 324–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.2017.1340237.

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Smith, Daniel Jordan. "Legacies of Biafra: Marriage, ‘Home People’ and Reproduction Among the Igbo of Nigeria." Africa 75, no. 1 (February 2005): 30–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2005.75.1.30.

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AbstractThis article examines the ways in which the legacies and collective memories of Biafra, the secessionist state established at the time of Nigeria's civil war from 1967 to1970, shape contemporary Igbo practices and experiences of marriage, rural–urban ties and reproduction. The importance of appropriate and permanent marriage and the perceived necessity of dependable affinal relations for contemporary Igbos are analysed in relation to recollections of marriage during the war. The intense identification of migrant Igbos with place of origin and the importance of ‘home’ and ‘home people’ are situated in the context of the legacy of Biafra. The importance of kinship relationships for access to patron–client networks is linked to the Igbo perception of marginalization in the wake of Biafra. Igbo ideas about the significance of reproduction and the vital importance of ‘having people’ are reinforced through collective memories of Biafra. Igbo people's conceptions of Nigerian politics, their understandings of the social and economic importance of kinship and community in contemporary Nigeria, and even their reproductive decisions can be better explained by taking into account the legacies of Biafra.

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HARNEIT-SIEVERS, AXEL. "MICHAEL GOULD , The Struggle for Modern Nigeria: the Biafran War 1967–1970. London and New York NY: I. B. Tauris (hb £56 – 978 1 84885 864 0; pb £14.99 – 978 1 78076 463 4). 2012, 258 pp." Africa 84, no. 2 (April 9, 2014): 343–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972014000114.

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Desgrandchamps, Marie-Luce, Lasse Heerten, Arua Oko Omaka, Kevin O'Sullivan, and Bertrand Taithe. "Biafra, Humanitarian Intervention and History." Journal of Humanitarian Affairs 2, no. 2 (September 1, 2020): 66–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/jha.045.

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This roundtable took place on 16 January 2020, at the occasion of the fiftieth anniversary of the end of the war in Biafra. It brought together Marie-Luce Desgrandchamps, Lasse Heerten, Arua Oko Omaka and Kevin O’Sullivan. The roundtable was organised and chaired by Bertrand Taithe, University of Manchester.

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Rothchild, Donald. "Unofficial mediation and the Nigeria‐Biafra war." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 3, no. 3 (September 1997): 37–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537119708428510.

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David, Stephen. "Lack of Return in Nigeria-Biafra Civil War Literature." Matatu 50, no. 1 (June 14, 2018): 102–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-05001007.

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AbstractWhen the Nigeria-Biafra civil war ended in July 1970, the Commander in Chief of the Federal Army, General Yakubu Gowon, declared that there was “no victor no vanquished” and, consequently, drew an iron curtain on a painful historical moment. This closure foreclosed further engagements with the events of the war in a manner that imposed a “code of silence” on its historiography. However, in the face of this silence and the silencing of public remembrances, private remembrances have continued to bloom. And in recent times, these remembrance(s) have fertilized a virulent demand for secession. I argue that literary accounts of the conflict question its ‘closure’ through what I call ‘lack of return.’ Relying on Van der Merwe and Gobodo-Madikizela’s conception of narratives as spaces of healing, I engage in a close reading of one fictional account—Saro-Wiwa’s Sozaboy—and two memoirs—Achebe’s There Was a Country and Chukwurah’s The Last Train to Biafra—to examine how narratives of Biafra call attention to the persistent freshness of the wounds and trauma of the war by creating stories that lack denouement. I find that in these texts, the silencing of ordnance doesn’t herald a return home—whether spatially or mentally. Consequently, these stories could be read as palimpsests that reveal a need for spaces of narrative engagements, abreaction, and healing.

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Chiluwa, Innocent. "A nation divided against itself: Biafra and the conflicting online protest discourses." Discourse & Communication 12, no. 4 (March 14, 2018): 357–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750481318757778.

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This research analyses media and online discourses produced by the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), a Nigerian separatist/secessionist group that seeks a referendum for the independence of the Igbo ethnic group of Nigeria. The research examines discourse structures, such as language use that clearly or implicitly produces propositions of conflict and war, tribalism and hate-speech. Discursive strategies such as labelling, exaggeration, metaphor and contradiction applied by the group to produce ideological discourses of outrage are also analysed. Moreover, conflicting discourses produced by the Igbo politicians and factions of IPOB and other Biafra campaign groups are analysed in terms of their political implications to the overall self-determination efforts of the Biafra nation. The study concludes that the pragmatic implications of discourses that reflect opposing views, as well as varied ideological perspectives by group members, suggest that Biafra is a nation divided against itself and are a people incapable of the separate nation that they seek.

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Desgrandchamps, Marie-Luce. "‘Organising the unpredictable’: the Nigeria–Biafra war and its impact on the ICRC." International Review of the Red Cross 94, no. 888 (December 2012): 1409–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383113000428.

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AbstractThis article analyses how the events of the late 1960s – and in particular the Nigeria–Biafra War – marked a turning point in the history of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). The Nigeria-Biafra conflict required the ICRC to set up and coordinate a major relief operation during a civil war in a post-colonial context, posing several new challenges for the organisation. This article shows how the difficulties encountered during the conflict highlighted the need for the Geneva-based organisation to reform the management of its operations, personnel, and communications in order to become more effective and professional. Finally, the article takes the examination of this process within the ICRC as a starting point for a broader discussion of the changing face of the humanitarian sector in the late 1960s.

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Akresh, Richard, Sonia Bhalotra, Marinella Leone, and Una Okonkwo Osili. "War and Stature: Growing Up during the Nigerian Civil War." American Economic Review 102, no. 3 (May 1, 2012): 273–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.102.3.273.

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The Nigerian civil war of 1967-70 was precipitated by secession of the Igbo-dominated south-eastern region to create the state of Biafra. It was the first civil war in Africa, the predecessor of many. We investigate the legacies of this war four decades later. Using variation across ethnicity and cohort, we identify significant long-run impacts on human health capital. Individuals exposed to the war at all ages between birth and adolescence exhibit reduced adult stature and these impacts are largest in adolescence. Adult stature is portentous of reduced life expectancy and lower earnings.

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Ejiogu, EC. "Book review: The Nigeria-Biafra War: Genocide and the Politics of Memory Chima J Korieh (ed.); Remembering Biafra: Narrative, History, and Memory of the Nigeria-Biafra War." Journal of Asian and African Studies 48, no. 3 (May 26, 2013): 387–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909613481950.

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Levey, Zach. "Israel, Nigeria and the Biafra civil war, 1967–70." Journal of Genocide Research 16, no. 2-3 (July 3, 2014): 263–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14623528.2014.936704.

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