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Journal articles on the topic 'Bible and politics – Zimbabwe'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 5 February 2022

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1

Rugwiji, Temba T. "REREADING TEXTS OF MUSIC AND DANCE IN THE HEBREW BIBLE: THE SPIRITUALITY OF MUSIC AND DANCE IN ZIMBABWE." Journal for Semitics 25, no. 1 (May 9, 2017): 72–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/1013-8471/2527.

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The Hebrew Bible depicts that music and dance formed part of worship and reverence of Yahweh in which various musical instruments were played during ancient biblical times. In the modern post-biblical world, music and dance characterise every context of human existence either in moments of love, joy, celebration, victory, sorrow or reverence. In Zimbabwe, music — which is usually accompanied by dance — serves various purposes such as solidarity towards or remonstration against the land reform, despondency against corruption, celebration, giving hope to the sick, worship as in the church or appeasing the dead by those who are culturally-entrenched. Two fundamental questions need to be answered in this article: 1) What was the significance of music and dance in ancient Israel? 2) What is the significance of music and dance in Zimbabwe? In response to the above questions, this essay engages into dialogue the following three contestations. First, texts of music, musical instruments and dance in the Hebrew Bible are discussed in view of their spiritual significance in ancient Israel. Second, this study analyses music and dance from a faith perspective because it appears for the majority of Gospel musicians the biblical text plays a critical role in composing their songs. Third, this article examines music and dance in view of the spirituality which derives from various genres by Zimbabwean musicians in general. In its entirety, this article attempts to show that the Zimbabwean society draws some spirituality from music and dance when devastated by political, cultural or socio-economic crises.

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2

Thomas, Norman. "Authentic Indigenization and Liberation in the Theology of Canaan Sodindo Banana (1936–2003) of Zimbabwe." Mission Studies 22, no. 2 (2005): 319–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338305774756540.

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AbstractAfrican theologies are most often classified as either theologies of inculturation, or of liberation. Canaan Banana was one of few African theologians who combine authentic indigenization and liberation in their thought. The author, who knew Rev. Banana personally, based his analysis on Banana's writings and on interpretations by other scholars. Banana's theology was influenced by his ecumenical leadership as a Methodist minister, studies in the United States, involvement in the liberation struggle, and national leadership as the first President of Zimbabwe. Banana's liberation perspective, in contrast to those of most South African black theologians, dealt with issues of class rather than of color. His political theology, articulated when he was president of Zimbabwe, focused on the relation of socialism and Christianity. For him liberation involved struggle and even armed struggle. In his last decade former President Banana began to articulate a prophetic "Combat Theology." Banana stimulated a heated discussion on biblical hermeneutics in southern Africa by proposing deletion from the Bible of passages used to justify oppression. Believing that God is revealed also through creation and African culture, he found creative myths and images of Jesus in the cultures of his own Shona and Ndebele peoples. His contribution is a theology that can help Christianity to be both indigenous and socially relevant in 21st century Africa.

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3

Togarasei, Lovemore. "The Bible, the Bullet and the Ballot: Zimbabwe: The Impact of Christian Protest in Sociopolitical Transformation, ca. 1900-ca. 2000, by Fabulous Moyo. Cambridge: The Lutterworth Press, 2015. Pp. 212, $27 (pbk)." Journal of Modern African Studies 56, no. 3 (August 6, 2018): 525–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x18000253.

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4

Stavely, Keith W. F. "Roger Williams: Bible politics and Bible art." Prose Studies 14, no. 3 (December 1991): 76–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440359108586447.

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5

Nicholas, Sheila M., and Jeffrey Herbst. "State Politics in Zimbabwe." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 26, no. 2 (1992): 358. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485887.

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6

Ingham, Kenneth. "State politics in Zimbabwe." International Affairs 67, no. 2 (April 1991): 380–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620934.

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7

STONEMAN, COLIN. "State Politics in Zimbabwe." African Affairs 90, no. 360 (July 1991): 475–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a098457.

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8

Thomson, Alex. "Power politics in Zimbabwe." Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 55, no. 2 (March 8, 2017): 238–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662043.2017.1290728.

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9

Thompson, Thomas L. "Politics and the Bible." Holy Land Studies 13, no. 2 (November 2014): 223–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2014.0091.

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10

HENDERSON, IAN. "Zimbabwe. Politics, economics and society." African Affairs 89, no. 354 (January 1990): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a098268.

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11

Smyth, Dion. "Politics and palliative care: Zimbabwe." International Journal of Palliative Nursing 25, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 50. http://dx.doi.org/10.12968/ijpn.2019.25.1.50.

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12

TOGARASEI, LOVEMORE. "The Shona Bible and the Politics of Bible Translation." Studies in World Christianity 15, no. 1 (April 2009): 51–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e1354990109000343.

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13

Kent, John. "Book Reviews : Bible in Politics." Expository Times 97, no. 3 (December 1985): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452468509700326.

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14

Alexander, Jocelyn, and JoAnn McGregor. "Wildlife and Politics: CAMPFIRE in Zimbabwe." Development and Change 31, no. 3 (June 2000): 605–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-7660.00169.

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15

Zeilig, Leo. "Student Politics and Activism in Zimbabwe." Journal of Asian and African Studies 43, no. 2 (April 2008): 215–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00219096080430020501.

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16

Cohn-Sherbok, Dan. "Book Review: The Bible in Politics." Theology 92, no. 748 (July 1989): 343. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x8909200441.

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17

Harvey, Charles. "The politics of economic reform in Zimbabwe." International Affairs 72, no. 3 (July 1996): 632–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2625657.

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18

Ranchod-Nilsson, Sita. "Gender Politics and Gender Backlash in Zimbabwe." Politics & Gender 4, no. 04 (November 25, 2008): 642. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x08000524.

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19

Moyo, Jonathan N. "State Politics and Social Domination in Zimbabwe." Journal of Modern African Studies 30, no. 2 (June 1992): 305–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00010739.

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Few can doubt the proposition that there is an important difference between information and knowledge, and that more of the former does not necessarily lead to the latter. Whereas a great deal has been written from all manner of perspectives about the situation in Africa both before and since independence, the resulting corpus of literature has seldom yielded a mainstream understanding of basic aspects of state politics. Doubtless many feel that the more they read about the continent, the less they known about what is going on and why.

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20

Alexander, Jocelyn, and JoAnn McGregor. "Introduction: Politics, Patronage and Violence in Zimbabwe." Journal of Southern African Studies 39, no. 4 (December 2013): 749–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2013.862100.

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21

Bourne, Richard. "Power Politics in Zimbabwe. By Michael Bratton." International Affairs 91, no. 2 (March 2015): 437–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2346.12266.

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22

Kirkman, Bill. "Mugabeism? History, Politics, and Power in Zimbabwe." Round Table 105, no. 3 (April 25, 2016): 342–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2016.1175081.

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23

Mutonodzo-Davies, Charity, and Douglas Magunda. "The Politics of Seed Relief in Zimbabwe." IDS Bulletin 42, no. 4 (June 28, 2011): 90–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1759-5436.2011.00239.x.

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24

Zimudzi, Tapiwa B. "Power politics in Zimbabwe, by Michael Bratton." Democratization 25, no. 8 (February 19, 2018): 1542–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2018.1439925.

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25

Dzimiri, Patrick, Tawanda Runhare, Christina Dzimiri, and Washington Mazorodze. "Naming, Identity, Politics and Violence in Zimbabwe." Studies of Tribes and Tribals 12, no. 2 (December 2014): 227–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0972639x.2014.11886703.

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26

Kadenge, Maxwell, and Patson Kufakunesu. "The Politics of “Minority” Languages in Zimbabwe." Language Matters 49, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 65–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10228195.2018.1439994.

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27

Gent, Peter. "The social power of the Bible in culture and politics." Theology 124, no. 2 (March 2021): 108–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x21991748.

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Biblical texts hold social power, acting in and through the religious traditions that hold the Bible authoritative, with far-reaching impact on culture and politics. Work by Bruno Latour and others on the agency and action of artefacts provides a set of concepts that make possible analysis of how social power is delegated to the Bible and how the Bible in turn holds power over its readers and broader society. Tracing the action of the Bible in this way enables reflection on the performative impact of how the Bible is read and interpreted.

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28

Thomas, Barbara P. "Development Politics and the Politics of Development in Zimbabwe and Ethiopia." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 15 (1987): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1166925.

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29

Thomas, Barbara P. "Development Politics and the Politics of Development in Zimbabwe and Ethiopia." Issue 15 (1987): 60–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700506040.

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To the casual observer and the experienced scholar alike, the complexity of the African continent defies imagination. Two of the complicated-and troubled-areas are Southern Africa and the Horn. These two regions with their extraordinary mix of ethnic groups, races, political loyalties, new states, varying colonial experiences, economic concerns and environmental problems challenge the most astute analyst of African affairs. Recently, I had an opportunity to return to Zimbabwe and Ethiopia for a brief visit after a three-year absence. I was intrigued with the possibiltiy of looking more closely at some of the pieces of the Southern Africa and Horn puzzles. I wondered what changes there would be in these two countries since I had last visited them in the summer of 1982.

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30

Kadenge, Maxwell, and Victor Mugari. "The current politics of African languages in Zimbabwe." Per Linguam 31, no. 2 (September 22, 2015): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5785/31-2-658.

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31

JENKINS, CAROLYN. "The Politics of Economic Policy-Making in Zimbabwe." Journal of Modern African Studies 35, no. 4 (December 1997): 575–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x97002589.

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There are two remarkable features of post-independence economic policy-making in Zimbabwe: the very limited nature of the changes made by the new government in 1980, and the complete reversal of policy announced in 1990. It was surprising that a more radical transformation had not been introduced soon after independence, since this had been achieved by a civil war prompted not only by the denial of even basic rights to the majority of the population, but also by an extremely inequitable distribution of economic resources. The volte-face in 1990 was also unexpected, because it required a repudiation of governmental rhetoric at a time when the economy was by no means in a state of crisis, even though under stress. This article attempts to understand these policy shifts.

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32

Gonye, Jairos. "Mobilizing Dance/Traumatizing Dance:Kongonyaand the Politics of Zimbabwe." Dance Research Journal 45, no. 1 (April 2013): 65–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0149767712000277.

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The article analyzeskongonyadance as it occurs in everyday Zimbabwean spaces. Tracing its origins, utility, and metamorphosis, I studiedkongonyadance in its performed world; observedkongonyabeing danced at a pungwe, a gala, and a political function; and watchedkongonyabeing performed on state television. Through participant-observations, respondent testimonies, and personal interviews of dancers and nondancers for all these contexts, pertinent data onkongonyawere collected. The article contends thatkongonyahas both a human and inhuman face, having been transformed from a dance for the people into a dance against the people—a phenomenon at the mercy of political manipulators. Despitekongonyahaving creatively promoted the nationalist cause of the 1970s Zimbabwean liberation party,kongonyahas been abused in the postcolonial state in an attempt to placate citizens, suppress dissension, and (also) in the hopes of reinvigorating the waning fortunes of the ruling party, ZANU PF. Initially,kongonyareflected an apparently more national outlook than an ethnic one, but lately it has revealed rather hegemonic traits. Regrettably, politicians sought to manipulate the malleability of dance and harnesskongonya's national character to an exclusionist political agenda.

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33

Bosch, Tanja Estella, Mare Admire, and Meli Ncube. "Facebook and politics in Africa: Zimbabwe and Kenya." Media, Culture & Society 42, no. 3 (April 2020): 349–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443719895194.

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The potential for the Internet to play a role in political life, and the extension of the public sphere, has been widely documented. More specifically, social media has emerged as an arena of political communication, widely used by political parties for campaigning, and also by citizens to choreograph various forms of protest. In the African context, the growth of the mobile Internet has resulted in the rise of social media platforms, most notably Facebook and Twitter. These social networking sites are used for a range of purposes, from personal connectivity, to various citizenship practices, including political debate and activism. It has subsequently been argued that the Internet has contributed to the formation of alternate public spheres, in which citizenship can be practiced in different ways. This article explores the use of Facebook for political discussion in Africa, focusing on Zimbabwe and Kenya, two countries at the forefront of developments with regard to Internet connectivity and digital activism. We explore Facebook as a communicative platform for political discourse, through an analysis of the Facebook pages of two prominent politicians. The article uses Netvizz, a data collection and extraction tool, to extract quantitative data from Facebook pages, and conducts a thematic qualitative content analysis of posts.

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34

Muchadenyika, Davison, and John J. Williams. "Politics, Centralisation and Service Delivery in Urban Zimbabwe." Journal of Southern African Studies 44, no. 5 (September 3, 2018): 833–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2018.1500748.

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35

Hodgkinson, Dan. "The Mnangagwa Era? Periodisation and Politics in Zimbabwe." Journal of Southern African Studies 45, no. 5 (September 3, 2019): 981–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2019.1660572.

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36

Alexander, Jocelyn, and Kudakwashe Chitofiri. "The Consequences of Violent Politics in Norton, Zimbabwe." Round Table 99, no. 411 (December 2010): 673–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2010.530410.

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37

Johnson, David F. "The politics of literacy and schooling in Zimbabwe." Review of African Political Economy 17, no. 48 (September 1990): 99–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056249008703865.

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38

Kadenge, Maxwell, and Dion Nkomo. "The politics of the English language in Zimbabwe." Language Matters 42, no. 2 (November 2011): 248–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10228195.2011.581679.

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39

Chaumbra, Joseph, Ian Scones, and William Wolmer. "New politics, new livelihoods: agrarian change in Zimbabwe." Review of African Political Economy 30, no. 98 (December 2003): 585–608. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/05.

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40

Chuma, Wallace, Mbongeni J. Msimanga, and Lungile A. Tshuma. "Succession Politics and Factional Journalism in Zimbabwe: A Case of The Chronicle in Zimbabwe." African Journalism Studies 41, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 35–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23743670.2020.1731564.

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41

Pikirayi, Innocent. "Peter Garlake (1934–2011), Great Zimbabwe and the politics of the past in Zimbabwe." Azania: Archaeological Research in Africa 47, no. 2 (June 2012): 223–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0067270x.2012.682779.

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42

Tarusarira, Joram. "Religious Politics in Africa: Fasting for Politics, or Political Fasting in Zimbabwe?" Exchange 49, no. 1 (February 27, 2020): 31–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1572543x-12341548.

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Abstract In the post-colonial history of presidential aspirants in Zimbabwe, no politician has been as overtly religious as Nelson Chamisa, the current leader of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). Chamisa identifies himself as a politician and a pastor whose politics are guided by his Christian faith. However, he took religious rhetoric to mobilise support to an unprecedented level when he explicitly blurred the boundaries between functions by calling for and leading a week of fasting and prayer from 29th July to 4th August 2019. Through a digital ethnography of Chamisa’s Twitter posts and the direct responses to them posted by members of the public during the fasting and prayer week, this article investigates how this call was received by those who responded on Twitter and what this tells us about Zimbabweans’ perceptions of religious politics, that is, the deployment of dominant religions like Christianity in politics.

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43

Thompson, Professor Thomas L. "THE POLITICS OF READING THE BIBLE IN ISRAEL." Holy Land Studies 7, no. 1 (May 2008): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e1474947508000048.

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The biblical themes of exile, return, the blossoming of the desert and the promise of the land have been transformed to support Zionist nationalist policies of ethnic cleansing. Biblical and archaeological scholarship, itself, has contributed substantially to the de-Arabicisation of Palestinian toponymy, the understanding of the Bible's allegorical narratives as nationalist epic and an ethno-centric understanding of Palestine's ancient history.

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44

Werline, Rodney A. "Prayer, Politics, and Power in the Hebrew Bible." Interpretation: A Journal of Bible and Theology 68, no. 1 (December 20, 2013): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020964313508738.

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45

Thomas L. Thompson. "The Politics of Reading the Bible in Israel." Holy Land Studies: A Multidisciplinary Journal 7, no. 1 (2008): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hls.0.0004.

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46

Bhatasara, Sandra, and Manase Kudzai Chiweshe. "Women in Zimbabwean Politics Post-November 2017." Journal of Asian and African Studies 56, no. 2 (March 2021): 218–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909620986576.

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This article analyses the dynamics underpinning formal political institutions in relation to women’s participation in Zimbabwe, with a focus on the post November 2017 context. Patriarchal continuities and not changes characterize the post-November period. Under the “new dispensation”, patriarchy, intertwined with the increase in militarized masculinities, is producing exclusion with limited spaces for women’s participation. Simultaneously, Zimbabwean women at times have been destabilizing political spaces, while also being complicit in reproducing patriarchal practices and violence. The military-assisted transition is significant because of the fall of Grace Mugabe and the broader implications of this for women and politics in Zimbabwe.

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47

Nyanda, J. "Macbething Lear and the Politics of Succession in Zimbabwe." Shakespeare in Southern Africa 27, no. 1 (September 22, 2015): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/sisa.v27i1.5.

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48

Ndoro, Choice. "The Politics of the 2005 Parliamentary Elections in Zimbabwe." Journal of African elections 4, no. 2 (October 1, 2005): 74–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2005/v4i2a5.

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49

Mudavanhu, Selina Linda. "The politics of ‘patriots’ and ‘traitors’ on Radio Zimbabwe." Journal of African Media Studies 6, no. 3 (September 1, 2014): 327–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jams.6.3.327_1.

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50

Maringira, Godfrey. "Politics, Privileges, and Loyalty in the Zimbabwe National Army." African Studies Review 60, no. 2 (May 22, 2017): 93–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2017.1.

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Abstract:In postcolonial Africa, the military has become an actor in politics, often in ways that can be described as unprofessional. This paper focuses on the manner in which the Zimbabwean National Army (ZNA) has become heavily politicized since independence, directly supporting the regime of President Robert Mugabe while denigrating the opposition political party. The military metamorphosed, to all intents, into an extension of President Mugabe’s political party, the ZANU-PF. I argue that even though the military is expected to subordinate itself to a civilian government, the ZNA is highly unprofessional, in- and outside the army barracks. The ways in which politics came to be mediated by army generals, as “war veterans” serving in the military, directly influenced not only how soldiers who joined the army in postindependence Zimbabwe were promoted and demoted, but how they lived their lives as soldiers in the army barracks. This article is based on fifty-eight life histories of army deserters living in exile in South Africa.

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