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Journal articles on the topic 'Bible – John – Commentaries'
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1
Sulastri, Elisabeth. "Double Predestination View By John Calvin, In His Commentaries And Institutio Book." Journal Kerugma 4, no. 1 (April 27, 2021): 49–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.33856/kerugma.v4i1.220.
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This article discusses the teaching view of John Calvin about Double Predestination. Any Bible verses that are the basis of explaining this teaching. The explanation of these verses can be the basis for understanding the teaching of John Calvin about Double Predestination. There are three topic discussions in this article, First Double Predestination View by John Calvin, second in His Commentaries, and third institution book. May this article provide new insight and enlightenment for every reader.
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Nguyen, V. Henry T. "Review of John Riches,Galatians through the Centuries. Blackwell Bible Commentaries." Bible and Critical Theory 6, no. 1 (March 2010): 15.1–15.3. http://dx.doi.org/10.2104/bc100015.
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Williams, Benjamin. "The 1525 Rabbinic Bible and How to Read It: A Study of the Annotated Copy in the John Rylands Library." Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 92, no. 1 (March 2016): 53–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/bjrl.92.1.3.
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Daniel Bombergs 1525 edition of the Rabbinic Bible is a typographical masterpiece. It combines the text of the Hebrew Bible with Aramaic Targumim, medieval Jewish commentaries and the Masoretic textual apparatus. As testified by the numerous copies in the libraries of Jewish and Christian readers, this was a popular edition that remained in demand long after its publication. This article examines why and how readers studied the 1525 Rabbinic Bible by analysing the annotated copy now in the John Rylands Library (shelfmark: R16222). This particular copy furnishes detailed information about the reading habits of past owners, including early-modern Ashkenazi Jews and nineteenth-century English Hebraists. Studying how it has been used sheds light on why readers selected this edition and how they studied the apparatus and exegetical resources that Daniel Bomberg placed alongside the biblical text.
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Park, Hyung Shin. "A Historical Study of John Ross’s Chinese Bible Commentaries and Their Korean Translations." 韓國敎會史學會誌 58 (May 1, 2021): 133–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.22254/kchs.2021.58.04.
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de Boer, Erik. "Harmonia Legis: Conception and Concept of John Calvin's Expository Project on Exodus-Deuteronomy (1559–63)." Church History and Religious Culture 87, no. 2 (2007): 173–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187124207x189749.
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AbstractJohn Calvin's plan to study Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, and Deuteronomy in the form of a Harmony was conceived in the congrégations, the Bible studies of the ministers of Geneva and its surrounding villages. A surviving manuscript of Calvin's introductory exposition to the series, studied here for the first time since the sixteenth century, reveals intriguing details on the conception of this plan. It also sheds light on the history of the congrégations, this fascinating example of concentration on the Bible in Geneva, on the co-operation of the ministers, and on Calvin's role as the Moderator of the Company of Pastors. The origin of the Harmony idea is an adaptation of the Gospel Harmonies. Calvin's approach is highly original in the history of exegesis. The text of the congrégation points to Calvin's reading of the commentaries of the Lutheran scholars Martin Borrhaus and, possibly, Johannes Brenz.
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Tovey, Derek. "Review of John: Blackwell Bible Commentaries by Mark Edwards and review of Revelation: Blackwell Bible Commentaries by Judith Kovacs and Christopher Rowland." Journal for the Academic Study of Religion 19, no. 2 (February 25, 2007): 254–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/jasr.v19i2.254.
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Czyżewski, Bogdan. "Ecclesio-Mariological Interpretation of Rev 12:1–6 in Early Christian Writings." Verbum Vitae 41, no. 4 (December 19, 2023): 935–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vv.14805.
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Early Christian literature contains numerous commentaries on the books of the Holy Scripture, including the Revelation of St. John. Among the many symbols it contains, we can find an intriguing theme related to the sign of a Woman clothed with the sun (cf. Rev 12:1–6). Nowadays, the above-mentioned passage is most often interpreted in the Mariological spirit. An ecclesiological explanation is provided frequently too. It turns out that in the writings of the early Church authors, the reference to the Church was decidedly the dominant one, while the interpretation favoring Mary was almost marginal. A mixed interpretation was formulated too, for example, by Quodvultdeus. It features three images: ecclesial, Christological, and Mariological. This paper will present the statements made by early Christian authors, representing both the Eastern and the Western Church, on the meaning of the sign of the Woman in the Revelation, and on the ways they interpreted it in commentaries on this book of the Bible.
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Farmer, Craig S. "Changing Images of the Samaritan Woman in Early Reformed Commentaries on John." Church History 65, no. 3 (September 1996): 365–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169935.
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Medieval Christians were fascinated by the character of the Samaritan woman, whose story is presented in the fourth chapter of the Gospel of John. Numerous legends celebrating her life history recounted in imaginative detail the heroic deeds of this convert to Christ. The Bible itself, of course, gives no information about her following her encounter with Jesus, nor does it even mention her name. But medieval hagiographers named her Photina and recounted her brave witness to the gospel, leading to her ultimate martyrdom. One legend reports that she converted the daughter of Nero and was martyred in Rome. Another places her in Carthage, where she preached the gospel and died in prison. Although ancient and medieval commentaries on the fourth Gospel do not commemorate these extracanonical accomplishments, they portray the Samaritan woman's personality and discipleship in equally flattering ways. Not only does she beautifully model the sinner's conversion to Christ, but she also demonstrates admirable zeal in bearing witness to Christ among her fellow Samaritans. On the basis of her testimony, a host of the citizens of Sychar come to faith in Christ, a feat matched by none of Jesus' disciples in the pages of the Gospels.
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ANDRÉE, ALEXANDER. "PETER COMESTOR'S LECTURES ON THE GLOSSA “ORDINARIA” ON THE GOSPEL OF JOHN THE BIBLE AND THEOLOGY IN THE TWELFTH-CENTURY CLASSROOM." Traditio 71 (2016): 203–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tdo.2016.2.
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The traditional account of the development of theology in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries is that the emerging “academic” discipline of theology was separated from the Bible and its commentary, that the two existed on parallel but separate courses, and that the one developed in a “systematic” direction whereas the other continued to exist as a separate “practical” or “biblical-moral” school. Focusing largely on texts of an allegedly “theoretical” nature, this view misunderstands or, indeed, entirely overlooks the evidence issuing from lectures on the Bible — postills, glosses, and commentaries — notably the biblical Glossa “ordinaria.” A witness to an alternative understanding, Peter Comestor, master and chancellor of the cathedral school of Paris in the second half of the twelfth century, shows that theology was created as much from the continued study of the Bible as from any “systematic” treatise. Best known for his Historia scholastica, a combined explanation and rewrite of the Bible focusing on the historical and literal aspects of sacred history, Comestor used the Gloss as a textbook in his lectures on the Gospels both to elucidate matters of exegesis and to help him deduce doctrinal truth. Through a close reading of Comestor's lectures on the Gospel of John, this essay reevaluates the teaching of theology at the cathedral school of Paris in the twelfth century and argues that the Bible and its Gloss stood at the heart of this development.
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Toswell, M. J. "The Late Anglo-Saxon Psalter: Ancestor of the Book of Hours?" Florilegium 14, no. 1 (January 1996): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/flor.14.001.
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In the introduction to her book, The Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages, Beryl Smalley remarks that the Bible was “the most studied book of the middle ages,” and that “the language and the content of Scripture permeate medieval thought” (xi). This concern with the basic text of the Christian faith was felt in early medieval England as much as anywhere else in Christendom. Bede, for instance, highly prized his own commentaries on the books of the Bible, and at the end of his life was translating the gospel of St John into the vernacular. The Codex Amiatinus, the Lindisfarne and Rushworth gospels are all de luxe manuscripts, are all produced in insular scriptoria, and are all beautifully laid out and gloriously illustrated copies of these biblical texts. Perhaps more important, the latter two of these codices were copiously glossed in the vernacular, a process which, to the modern eye at least, disturbs the visual splendour of the manuscript, but which proves that study and understanding of the text was of great importance to the Northumbrian monks who used the manuscripts. Similarly, many of the psalters of Anglo-Saxon England were glossed, illustrated, or otherwise laid out in such a way as to suggest careful study of the text.
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Falluomini, Carla. "Overt subject pronoun in Gothic vs null subject in Greek." Historical Germanic morphosyntax 74, no. 2 (November 18, 2021): 155–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/nowele.00055.fal.
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Abstract The Gothic translation of the Bible is a word-for-word rendition of a lost Greek Vorlage (reconstructed by W. Streitberg in 1908; 2nd revised edition in 1919). As previous studies have pointed out, one of the most interesting features of this version is the presence of the overt subject pronoun in instances where there is a null subject in Greek. Considering that Gothic is a null subject language, how is it possible to justify this feature? Based on a new collation that uses biblical textual witnesses not considered by Streitberg (i.e. Greek majuscule and minuscule manuscripts, Church Fathers, commentaries, lectionaries, and Vetus Latina manuscripts), this paper analyses the Gothic-Greek divergences involving the presence of the overt subject pronoun in the Gospel of John, in order to verify previous hypotheses and shed new light on this debated topic.
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Hargreaves, Henry. "The Wycliffite Glossed Gospels as Source: Further Evidence?" Traditio 48 (1993): 247–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900012939.
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In a recent issue of Traditio, Sister M. Teresa Brady demonstrates clearly that the late fourteenth-century devotional work The Pore Caitif, which she is confident is wholly orthodox, has made extensive use of some of the material produced in the well-organized and well-financed centers of Lollardy which Anne Hudson has shown to have been active at the time. Her demonstration starts with, and is clearest for, the Glossed Gospels, a series of commentaries on the four Gospels consisting entirely of translations from the works of standard authorities, mostly patristic, and based on the Catena Aurea, but including also quotations from authors more nearly contemporary, such as Grosseteste, John of Abbeville, FitzRalph, and William Peraldus. In establishing so clearly the use of the Glossed Gospels (hereafter GG) Sister Teresa claims justly to have found the first stone in the metaphorical arch which I once suggested should link Bible translation and tract production, though her tracts are orthodox, not the Lollard ones the metaphor envisaged.
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Reinhartz, Adele. "Why Comment? Reflections on Bible Commentaries in General and Andrew Lincoln’s The Gospel According to Saint John in Particular." Journal for the Study of the New Testament 29, no. 3 (March 2007): 333–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0142064x07076314.
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Duclow, Donald F. "Meister Eckhart on the Book of Wisdom: Commentary and Sermons." Traditio 43 (1987): 215–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s036215290001254x.
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A common view of medieval thought focuses on the separation of speculative thought from biblical exegesis which occurs with the rise of the universities. Whereas in the patristic era and the early Middle Ages theology and exegesis formed a unity, the introduction of Aristotle and the techniques of quaestio and disputatio detached theology from the study of scriptural texts. The results were twofold: theology attained a new autonomy and a distinctive form in the summa, and exegesis — free of the demands of theological speculation — could pursue a more literal and historical style of interpretation. Whatever the historical accuracy of this view, it has certainly shaped modern scholarship on medieval thought. Theologians and philosophers have focused on summae and disputed questions to such an extent that the Leonine edition of Thomas Aquinas has yet to publish his major Commentary on the Gospel of John. Since Thomas is considered first of all a theologian, not an exegete, his biblical commentaries have been accorded less interest and attention than his systematic works. In contrast, students of medieval exegesis may so emphasize literal and historical interpretation that they exclude or dismiss commentaries that are speculative or mystical. Beryl Smalley's The Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages represents this trend, as it devotes little attention to Bernard of Clairvaux but concentrates on commentators like Guerric of St. Quentin, who gave ‘his attention to the literal sense first and foremost.’
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Христова-Шомова [Khristova-Shomova], Искра [Iskra]. "Небесният симпозиум. Коментарите към Йов 1:6 във византийската и славянската традиция." Slavia Meridionalis 16 (October 21, 2016): 67–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2016.006.
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Celestial symposium: Commentaries to the Book of Job 1:6 in the Byzantine and Slavic traditionsJob 1:6 is one of several places in the Bible where God’s sons (celestial beings) are mentioned: “One day the sons of God came to present themselves before the Lord, and Satan also came among them.” Numerous commentaries of the Church Fathers were included in the Greek catena to the Book of Job. Some of these were not written specially as commentaries to this passage but are extracts from works commenting the nature of the angels, their place in God’s providence and their role in human life. The author then goes on to discuss the two Slavic translations that were made of the catena. The first one comprises the majority of the texts included in the Greek catena, while the second one contains only two small passages from commentaries of Saint John Chrysostom and Olympiodoros. The article provides a comparison between Slavic texts, which were translated from Greek in the Balkans at the same time: in the late fourteenth or early fifteenth century. Several miniatures from medieval Greek manuscripts, which illustrate the Celestial symposium, are represented at the end of the article. Niebiańskie sympozjum. Komentarze do Księgi Hioba (1, 6) w bizantyńskiej i słowiańskiej tradycjiWerset 1,6 Księgi Hioba jest jednym z wielu miejsc w Biblii, w którym wspomina się synów Bożych: „Zdarzyło się pewnego dnia, gdy synowie Boży udawali się, by stanąć przed Panem, że i szatan też poszedł z nimi”. Ogromna liczba komentarzy Ojców Kościoła do Księgi Hioba została zawarta w greckiej katenie. Niektóre z nich nie zostały napisane jako bezpośredni komentarz do tego wersetu, lecz są wypisami z prac autorów, komentującymi naturę aniołów, ich miejsce w Bożej opatrzności, a także rolę w życiu ludzkim. Ponadto istniały dwa słowiańskie przekłady kateny. Pierwszy zawierał większość tekstów pochodzących z greckiej kateny, a drugi składał się zaledwie z dwóch passusów, będących wyimkami z komentarzy św. Jana Chryzostoma i Olimpiododrosa.W artykule porównano teksty słowiańskie, które zostały przetłumaczone z języka greckiego na Bałkanach w tym samym czasie: pod koniec wieku XIV lub na początku XV. W artykule przedstawiono również kilka miniatur pochodzących ze średniowiecznych greckich rękopisów, przedstawiających niebiańskie sympozjum.
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Gathercole, Simon. "Galatians through the centuries. By John Riches. (Blackwell Bible Commentaries.) Pp. xvi+336. Malden, MA–Oxford: Blackwell, 2008. £55. 978 0 631 23084 7." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 60, no. 2 (March 24, 2009): 318–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046908006702.
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Milán, Fernando. "Lena-Sofia TIEMEYER, Jonah Through the Centuries, Hoboken (NJ): John Wiley & Sons («Wiley Blackwell Bible Commentaries», X), 2022, 294 pp., 15,5 x 23, ISBN 978-1-118-97334-9." Scripta Theologica 54, no. 3 (October 10, 2022): 797–801. http://dx.doi.org/10.15581/006.54.3.801.
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Perkins, Pheme. "Book Review: Ephesiansby John Muddiman Black's New Testament Commentaries. Continuum, New York, 2001. 338 pp. $29.95. ISBN 0-8264-5203-5.; Ephesiansby Thomas R. Yoder Neufeld Believer's Church Bible Commentary. Herald, Waterloo, 2002. 397 pp. $24.99. ISBN 0-8361-9167-6." Interpretation: A Journal of Bible and Theology 57, no. 2 (April 2003): 219–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002096430005700223.
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Weisberg, Alexander M., and Ariel Evan Mayse. "As the Deep River Rises." Worldviews: Global Religions, Culture, and Ecology 26, no. 1-2 (November 26, 2021): 55–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685357-20211008.
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Abstract The present essay seeks to offer a conceptual framework for grappling with climate change from within the sources of Jewish law (halakhah), a discourse rooted in the Hebrew Bible but developed in the rabbinic literature of Late Antiquity and then in medieval and modern codes and commentaries. Halakhah reflects deeply-held intellectual, theological, ontological, and sociological values. As a modus vivendi, rabbinic law—variously interpreted by Jews of different stripes—remains a vital force that shapes the life of contemporary practitioners. We are interested in how a variety of contemporary scholars, theologians, and activists might use the full range of rabbinic legal sources—and their philosophical, jurisprudential, and moral values—to construct an alternative environmental ethic founded in a worldview rooted in obligation and a matrix of kinship relationships. Our essay is thus an exercise in decolonizing knowledge by moving beyond the search for environmental keywords or ready analogies to contemporary western discourse. We join the voices of recent scholars who have sought to revise regnant assumptions about how religious traditions should be read and interpreted with an eye to formulating constructive ethics.
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Michelsen, William. "Introduktion til Danne- Virke. I." Grundtvig-Studier 37, no. 1 (January 1, 1985): 67–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/grs.v37i1.15942.
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Introduction to Danevirke IBy William MichelsenGrundtvig never wished to give a systematic presentation of his philosophy. He was a historian, and as such he realised that we only know the development of human life up to our own time and that no man has experienced its origin. A systematic presentation of human life would presuppose a knowledge which we do not possess. However, in his periodical Danevirke (1816-19) he does offer a number of “considerations of human life in general”, as he writes in the preface to its final volume, and it is on this foundation that his later thoughts rested.These considerations, which at first he called “papers”, were not republished in full until 1983. The beautifully-photographed reproduction of the entire work, published in the bicentenary year by J.rn Bergmann (AKA-print, .rhus), is thus the most important document for Grundtvig research of all the many publications in 1983.The periodical, which includes both poetry and prose of various content, was written by Grundtvig alone, in the same period which saw the publication of Prospect of World Chronicle Especially in the Age of Luther and the start of his translation of the medieval historians, Saxo and Snorri. Danevirke contains his first contributions to Beowulf research, his evaluation of the poets Baggesen and Oehlenschl.ger, and his dramatic poem, The Easter Lily, on the resurrection of Jesus. It is worth noting that Grundtvig’s criterion for true Christianity in the period 1810-25 is still the same as Luther’s: the holy scripture. His assessment of the relationship between religion, politics and scholarship (“Church, State and School”) changed in 1832 to a demand for “Freedom in Spiritual Things”. This did not, however, alter his view of man as it appears in Danevirke. The present and future articles contribute to an understanding of this.In preparation for these reflections Grundtvig wrote Grenzen der Menschheit, which was published in Grundtvig Studies 1984. An interpretation of this manuscript relates Grundtvig to Schelling’s philosophy. Grundtvig here asks the questions: What is my I? and: Is the true answer idealistic or materialistic? Grundtvig rejects both possibilities. Man cannot apprehend absolute being. In contrast to an idealistic view of man Grundtvig presents the Christian view: man is created from dust, and animated by God’s spirit - not a philosophical view but a religious one, interpreted in the gospel of John. Jesus’s appearance as the Son of Man was a repetition of the creation of man as depicted in Genesis 1 - 2. According to the Bible man is eternal and divine through the power of the living word, which is God’s creative Word. It is therefore untrue of Schelling to assert that man is created by “the idea everlasting”, which to him means, by man’s idea of God. This is a refusal to see man created in God’s image but only God created in man’s image, “an image of what is Nothing”. Without the divine creative Word, man is no more than transient body. Yet Schelling has understood the relationship between the temporal and the eternal. He has presented the riddle of human life, but he has not solved it. It is an illusion to believe that natural philosophy has solved it, and foolish to regard the gospel as a prophecy of natural philosophy. If that were so, then one would have to demand that it had as great an effect as the gospel of Jesus has actually had. But in Grundtvig’s opinion it has had as little effect as the philosophy of the gnostics in antiquity.It was not Grundtvig’s intention, however, to take part in the contemporarydebate on philosophy. By 1816 Schelling’s ideas were no longer dominant in German philosophy, and Hegel’s were not introduced to Danish philosophy until 1825 by J. L. Heiberg. Grundtvig’s aim was rather to formulate his alternative to the idealist German philosophy. That was the purpose of Danevirke. But it also had another purpose.To be Danish without being Norwegian was a new feeling for Grundtvig in 1816. In his programme On Danish Poetry, Language and History he refers to the Danes’ love of their language and their unwillingness to extend their country beyond its ancient borders. He thus deduces the concept of Danishness from the language and the historical sources. He sets out to spread knowledge of these by publishing works from the middle ages with commentaries and by translating Icelandic manuscripts. He protests against a human philosophy that ignores linguistic and national differences in literature and history. But in so doing he does not deny either his Christianity or his love for the rest of the North. On the other hand, he rejects the cosmopolitan human philosophy of the 18th century as derived from the century’s philosophical systems from Christian Wolf to Schelling. Schelling clearly belongs to the philosophers he rejects, and Kant and Fichte must now be counted alongside.
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Spierling, Karen E. "R. Ward Holder. John Calvin and the Grounding of Interpretation: Calvin’s First Commentaries. Studies in the History of Christian Tradition. Leiden: Brill Academic Publishers, 2006. x + 312 pp. index. bibl. $134. ISBN: 90-04-14926-0." Renaissance Quarterly 59, no. 4 (2006): 1236–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ren.2008.0544.
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Berglund, Carl Johan, LarsOlov Eriksson, Stefan Green, Gunnar Haaland, Mikael Larsson, Hans Leander, Torsten Löfstedt, et al. "Book Reviews." Svensk Exegetisk Årsbok 80, no. 1 (August 6, 2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.58546/se.v80i1.15424.
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The following books are reviewed:
Heinrich Assell, Stefan Beyerle och Christfried Böttrich (red.), Beyond Biblical Theologies, (Hanna Stenström)
Jean-Dominique Barthélemy, Studies in the Text of the Old Testament: An Introduction to the Hebrew Old Testament Text Project (LarsOlov Eriksson)
Brennan W. Breed, Nomadic Texts: A Theory of Biblical Reception History (Mikael Larsson)
Walter Brueggemann och William H. Bellinger Jr, Psalms (David Willgren)
Sean Burt, The Courtier and the Governor: Transformation of Genre in the Nehemiah Memoir (Lena-Sofia Tiemeyer)
Chrys C. Caragounis, New Testament Language and Exegesis: A Diachronic Approach (Dan Nässelqvist)
Cavan W. Concannon, “When You Were Gentiles”: Specters ofEthnicity in Roman Corinth and Paul's Corinthian Correspondence (Adam Sabir)
Ovidiu Creangă (red.), Men and Masculinity in the Hebrew Bible and Beyond (Mikael Larsson)
Ovidiu Creangă och Peter-Ben Smit (red.), Biblical Masculinites Foregrounded (Mikael Larsson)
Roland Deines, Acts of God in History: Studies Towards Recovering a Theological Historiography (Tobias Ålöw)
Anders Ekenberg, Jonas Holmstrand och Mikael Winninge (red.), 2000 år med Paulus (Hans Leander)
Magnus Evertsson, Liknelser och läsningar: Reception av liknelseberättelser ur Lukasevangeliet, kapitel 10–15, i predikoutkast för Svenska kyrkan 1985–2013 (Karl Olav Sandnes)
Josef Forsling, Composite Artistry in Numbers: A Study in Biblical Narrative Conventions (Ola Wikander)
Ida Fröhlich and Erkki Koskenniemi (eds.), Evil and the Devil (Torsten Löfstedt)
Susan Gillingham, A Journey of Two Psalms: The Reception of Psalms 1 and 2 in Jewish and Christian Tradition (David Willgren)
Raimo Hakola, Nina Nikki and Ulla Tervahauta (eds.), Others and the Construction of Early Christian Identities (Cecilia Wassén)
Thomas Hieke and Tobias Nicklas (eds.), The Day of Atonement: Its Interpretation in Early Jewish and Christian Traditions (Lena-Sofia Tiemeyer)
Yulin Liu, Temple Purity in 1–2 Corinthians (Martin Wessbrandt)
Peter W. Martens, Origen and Scripture: The Contours of the Exegetical Life (Carl Johan Berglund)
Gerson Lameck Mgaya, Spiritual Gifts: A Sociorhetorical Interpretation of 1 Cor 12–14 (Mikael Tellbe)
Takayoshi Oshima, Babylonian Poems of Pious Sufferers (Lena-Sofia Tiemeyer)
Stanley E. Porter och Eckhard J. Schnabel (red.), On the Writing of New Testament Commentaries: Festschrift for Grant R. Osborne on the Occasion of His 70th Birthday (LarsOlov Eriksson)
Jacques T. A. G. M. van Ruiten, Abraham in the Book of Jubilees: The Rewriting of Genesis 11:26–25:10 in the Book of Jubilees 11:14–23:8 (Stefan Green)
C. A. Strine, Sworn Enemies: The Divine Oath, the Book of Ezekiel, and the Polemic of Exile (Lena-Sofia Tiemeyer)
Michel Tuval, From Jerusalem Priest to Roman Jew: On Josephus and the Paradigms of Ancient Judaism (Gunnar Haaland)
Markus Vinzent, Marcion and the Dating of the Synoptic Gospels (Martin Wessbrandt)
Georg A. Walser, Old Testament Quotations in Hebrews: Studies in their Textual and Contextual Background (Tommy Wasserman)
Ellen White, Yahweh’ s Council: Its Structure and Membership (Lena-Sofia Tiemeyer)
Al Wolters, Zechariah (Lena-Sofia Tiemeyer)
Lorne R. Zelyck, John among the Other Gospels: The Reception of the Fourth Gospel in the Extra-Canonical Gospels (Carl Johan Berglund)
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Salles, Vince Henry. "Mapagmalasakit/ Matapobre: Two Different Ways of Looking at the Poor in the Parable of the Good Samaritan in the light of the COVID-19 Pandemic." Scientia - The International Journal on the Liberal Arts 11, no. 2 (September 30, 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.57106/scientia.v11i2.5.
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This study rereads the Parable of the Good Samaritan in the context of the coronavirus pandemic. It explores the two ways of looking that the passers-by did when they encountered the man who was robbed and abused by the wayside. I termed these two ways of looking in Filipino as malasakit and matapobre. The priest and the Levite were matapobre (mata: eye/ to look; pobre: poor – literally looking down on the poor) in their reaction in that they saw the man but ignored to aid him. The Good Samaritan showed malasakit (malasin: to look; sakit: pain – looking at pain, being compassionate) because he saw the man and helped him in his misery. In this study, I appropriated the experience of the abused man by the wayside to the experiences of people who suffered the effects of the pandemic. I also enumerated the different displays of the matapobre and the malasakit attitudes of people during this pandemic. The three characters in the Parable all looked down on the poor, yet this looking down should be nuanced. The priest and the Levite looked down with contempt and indifference since they did not do anything for the man they saw. The Samaritan, on the other hand, looked down with his eyes of mercy. I cited Scriptural passages of God and Jesus Christ looking down on humanity, which serves as examples for Christians in their duty to help the poor. Our look of mercy on the poor will obtain for us God’s look of mercy and the privilege of looking at his face forever in heaven.
References
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