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Journal articles on the topic 'Biblia pauperum'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 30 July 2024

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1

Cieślińska-Lobkowicz, Nawojka. "Żydowska Biblia pauperum." Zagłada Żydów. Studia i Materiały, no. 11 (December 1, 2015): 743–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.32927/zzsim.509.

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„Ogromna, powalająca, zrobiona z wielkim rozmachem” – pisano zgodnie w kraju i za granicą po otwarciu w październiku 2014 r. wystawy stałej Muzeum Historii Żydów Polskich w Warszawie, zwanym krótko Polin. Dalej jej oceny już nie były tak jednomyślne. Niemniej wszyscy piszący chylili głowy przed monumentalną panoramą ponadsiedemsetletniej obecności Żydów na polskich ziemiach. Także większość pierwszych zwiedzających była pod jej wrażeniem. Muzeum zaś uczciło ją autotematyczną wystawą czasową. Podzielam szacunek dla imponującej historycznej bazy materiałowej, na której oparto osiem następujących w porządku chronologicznym galerii, składających się na liczącą ponad 4500 m kw. prezentowaną całość. Uwagi te nie dotyczą jednak zawartości treściowej i interpretacji zaproponowanych przez autorów poszczególnych galerii. Ich przedmiotem jest przyjęta przez organizatorów programowa formuła wystawiennicza i sposób, w jaki ją zrealizowano. Budzą one moje zasadnicze wątpliwości, które być może wydadzą się czytelnikom w świetle powszechnego podziwu towarzyszącego otwarciu wystawy przesadne. Pocieszam się, że bynajmniej nie trzeba się z nimi zgadzać; nadto najważniejszym celem tych uwag jest zaproszenie do wnikliwego zapoznania się z nią na miejscu.

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2

Cieślińska-Lobkowicz, Nawojka. "The Jewish Biblia Pauperum." Zagłada Żydów. Studia i Materiały, Holocaust Studies and Materials (December 6, 2017): 521–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.32927/zzsim.737.

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3

Jelonek, Tomasz. ""Biblia pauperum" katechezą średniowiecza." Ruch Biblijny i Liturgiczny 55, no. 1 (March 31, 2002): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.21906/rbl.1722.

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4

Azanza López, José Javier. "Conectando testamentos: Números como tipo en Biblia Pauperum y Speculum Humanae Salvationis." IMAGO. Revista de Emblemática y Cultura Visual, no. 11 (January 28, 2020): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/imago.11.16064.

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ABSTRACT: In the close typological relationship established in the Middle Ages between the Old and New Testaments, the Book of Numbers becomes an exemplary Christological and Mariological prefigurative example. The episodes of the Murmuring of Miriam and Aaron, the Spies from Canaan, the Rebellion of Korah, Dathan, and Abiram, the Brazen Serpent, the Budding of Aaron’s Rod and the Prophecy of Balaam, constitute types of New Testament passages collected in the Biblia Pauperum and the Speculum Humanae Salvationis, whose repercussion will be felt in Medieval and Modern Art as a theological visual synthesis present in stained glass windows, sculptures of portals, tapestries, goldsmith works and altarpieces. KEYWORDS Book of Numbers; Typological Method; Biblia Pauperum; Speculum Humanae Salvationis; Medieval and Modern Art. RESUMEN: En la estrecha relación tipológica establecida en la Edad Media entre Antiguo y Nuevo Testamento, el libro de los Números se convierte en exepcional ejemplo prefigurativo cristológico y mariológico. Los episodios de la murmuración de Miriam y Aarón, los exploradores de Canaán, la rebelión de Coré, Datán y Abirón, Moisés y la serpiente de bronce, la vara florida de Aarón y la profecía de Balaam, constituyen otros tantos tipos anunciadores de pasajes neotestamentarios recogidos en Biblia Pauperum y Speculum Humanae Salvationis, cuyo eco se dejará sentir en el arte medieval y moderno como síntesis visual teológica plasmada en vidrieras, portadas, tapices, piezas de plata y retablos.

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5

Rosa, Cintia Maria Falkenbach. "A Adoração dos magos na Biblia Pauperum." Revista VIS: Revista do Programa de Pós-Graduação em Arte 15, no. 2 (November 7, 2016): 301–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.26512/vis.v15i2.20200.

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Nos séculos XIV e XV circulavam livremente duas Bíblias na Europa: a Vulgata, uma bíblia em Latim e a Bíblia Pauperum, uma edição ilustrada, com pouco texto, destinada aos que não sabiam ler; um dos primeiros incunábulos ilustrados impressos na Europa, de autoria anônima e data de aparecimento estimada por volta de 1460. Este livro foi impresso artesanalmente na técnica da Xilogravura. Grande divulgador da Doutrina Cristã na Idade Média, cópias permaneceram conservadas até a atualidade. Nosso objeto de estudo é a página da Epifania que se encontra nessa Bíblia.

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6

Vidalin, Antoine. "Quand l’exégèse passe par les yeux. Typologie, imitatio Christi et anti-judaïsme." Nouvelle revue théologique Tome 146, no. 1 (January 2, 2024): 134–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/nrt.455.0134.

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7

Wataghin, Gisella Cantino. "Biblia pauperum ? A proposito dell’arte dei primi cristiani." Antiquité Tardive 9 (January 2002): 259–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.at.2.300602.

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8

Przybyłok, Arkadiusz. "Karchowicka Biblia Pauperum źródłem dla poznania kultury materialnej." Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Archaeologica, no. 31 (September 27, 2017): 145–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/0208-6034.31.08.

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9

Friedman, John B. "Bald Jonah and the Exegesis of 4 Kings 2.23." Traditio 44 (1988): 125–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900007030.

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In recent years, a good deal of attention has been paid to the place of typology in late medieval art. This way of thought so characteristic of the Middle Ages, in which Old Testament persons and events are seen to have a prefigurative relationship to those of the New, was a popular teaching device. It is nowhere better seen than in the Biblia pauperum or picture Bible, which originated in a mid-thirteenth-century Dominican milieu and was probably inspired by the altar piece of Nicholas of Verdun, made in 1181. The pages of these books contain drawings that show the typological relationship between Old and New Testament events by means of a center roundel depicting some episode of Christ's life, known as the anti-type, flanked by two Old Testament scenes, the types, which were thought to prefigure it. Appropriate Bible prophecies in banners heightened the visual impact of the drawings for the literate. From its inception, the Biblia pauperum was of enormous importance for northern European art, and its influence can be seen well into the Reformation.

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10

Bastock, Michelle, and David W. Jardine. "Children's Literacy, the Biblia Pauperum and the Wiles of Images." Journal of Curriculum and Pedagogy 2, no. 2 (December 2005): 65–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15505170.2005.10411547.

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11

Hoekema, Alle. "P.Solomon Raj: Biblia Pauperum. The Poor Man's Bible. A Book Review." Exchange 38, no. 4 (2009): 381–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157254309x449890.

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12

Lenković, Mirela. "The Danse Macabre of the Beram Frescoes in the Chapel of sv. Marija na Škrilinah." Obnovljeni život 73., no. 3 (November 23, 2018): 409–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.31337/oz.73.3.7.

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The Danse Macabre as an iconographic theme appears in the Middle Ages across all of Europe carrying within it a message of the equality among people regardless of their station in life. Medieval artists used the various templates available to them: Biblia pauperum, Meditationes Vitae Christi, Legenda aurea, artistic templates, woodcuts, illuminated manuscripts, and the like. Scenes of the dying and death of ordinary people were not a theme of iconographic content prior to the Late Middle Ages, but rather begin to appear in the 14th century. There emerge at that time several categories of iconographic deaths. The Danse Macabre of the Beram frescoes (in the Chapel of sv. Marija na Škrilinah, 1474) contributes immeasurably to the artistic heritage of the Middle Ages as well as to Croatian cultural heritage.

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13

Shapovalova, Elena V. "THE “CORONATION OF ESTHER” IN THE INTERIOR OF THE REIMS CATHEDRAL: THE MARIOLOGICAL CYCLE OF TAPESTRIES IN THE RELIGIOUS AND POLITICAL CONTEXT OF THE 16TH CENTURY." Studia Religiosa Rossica: Russian Journal of Religion, no. 3 (2023): 125–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2658-4158-2023-3-125-138.

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The article analyzes the peculiarities of the iconography of the “Coronation of Esther” in the cycle of the “Life of the Virgin Mary”, created for the Reims Cathedral at the beginning of the 16th century. While the composition of the tapestries is obviously influenced by such an important textual source as Biblia Pauperum, the master depicts the scene in his own way, finding himself closer to the interpretation of Bible moralisée. The polemic with Protestants increased attention to the image of the Virgin Mary in Catholic art. At the same time, French foreign policy and relations of Paris and Saint-Siège may have been a factor in the additional visualization of the monarch’s status as “the most Christian king,” which led to an increased politicization of French art and an emphasis on the coronation theme.

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14

Barral Rivadulla, María Dolores, and Xosé M. Sánchez Sánchez. "La pluma y el cincel. Animales reales y fantásticos en la Galicia medieval: dónde encontrarlos y cómo entenderlos." Cuadernos del CEMyR, no. 31 (2023): 43–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/j.cemyr.2023.31.03.

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In the Middle Ages, the presence of animals, both real and fantastic, on written and sculptural holders, has the generic purpose of transmitting values considered of necessary knowledge or compliance. This article will examine the fundamental uses in which they materialize, taking the society of medieval Galicia as a general framework of study and paying attention both to the sources in which they appear –stone and parchment– as well as to the issues they convey. To do this, we will define two spheres and we will read them from different perspectives: the written one, for an individual receiver with some training in literacy, an image intended to suggest certain content to a specific and interested person that unravels the text; and the sculptural one, more designed for a collective audience that nevertheless assumes the concepts in a particular way, in the exemplary functionality of a biblia pauperum more appropriate to the new Romanesque portico and with a more intimate and allegorical projection of the private.

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15

Camille, Michael. "Biblia Pauperum: A Facsimile Edition. By Avril Henry. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1987. x + 178 pp. $69.50." Church History 58, no. 1 (March 1989): 140. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3167726.

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16

Range, Joan A. "The Bible of the Poor [Biblia pauperum]: A Facsimile and Edition of the British Library Blockbook C.9 d.2." Manuscripta 35, no. 1 (March 1991): 66–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.mss.3.1363.

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17

Palmer, Nigel F. "Junius's blockbooks: copies of the Biblia pauperum and Canticum canticorum in the Bodleian Library and their place in the history of printing." Renaissance Studies 9, no. 2 (June 1995): 137–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-4658.1995.tb00307.x.

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18

Palmer, Nigel F. "Junius's Blockbooks: Copies of the Biblia Pauperum and Canticum Canticorum in the Bodleian Library and their Place in the History of Printing." Renaissance Studies 9, no. 2 (June 1995): 137–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-4658.00172.

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19

Hendricks, William L. "Book Review: III. Historical-Theological, the Bible of the Poor [Biblia Pauperum]: A Facsimile and Edition of the British Library Blockbook C. 9 d2." Review & Expositor 89, no. 1 (February 1992): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003463739208900127.

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20

Besserman, Lawrence. "The Bible of the Poor [Biblia Pauperum]: A Facsimile and Edition of the British Library Blockbook C.9.d.2 ed. by Albert C. Labriola, John W. Smeltz." Studies in the Age of Chaucer 15, no. 1 (1993): 222–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sac.1993.0028.

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21

Farkas Gábor, Farkas, Mária M. Horváth, Kinga Körmendy, and Zsolt Szebelédi. "Andrássy Ignác Biblia Pauperuma." Művészettörténeti Értesítő 66, no. 2 (December 2017): 321–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/080.2017.66.2.8.

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22

Biłka OP, Tomasz. "Piękno Krzyża. Spór o zachodnią możliwość obrazowania." Karto-Teka Gdańska, no. 2(11) (December 22, 2022): 53–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.26881/kg.2022.2.04.

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Artykuł stanowi próbę teologicznego namysłu nad różnicami estetycznymi między obrazami Kościołów wschodniego i zachodniego. Wychodząc od stwierdzenia, że podstawą dotychczasowej teologii ikony jest chrystologia odgórna, autor dowodzi następnie, że potrzebne jest wprowadzenie chrystologii oddolnej, aby móc mówić właściwie o ikonach Jerzego Nowosielskiego. Wprowadzenie chrystologii oddolnej do teologii ikony pozwala z kolei spojrzeć na zachodnie obrazy sakralne bez ich deprecjonowania, wyjść poza model „biblii pauperum”. Ukazano również treść i znaczenie oddolnej chrystologii ikony dla praktyki duchowej i malarskiej.

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23

Hufton, Olwen. "The Widow's Mite and Other Strategies: Funding the Catholic Reformation The Prothero Lecture." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 8 (December 1998): 117–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679291.

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It is perhaps more usual for the giver of the Prothero lecture to choose a subject which has been a part of his intellectual baggage for a long time. In contrast, what I am about to offer falls more honesdy into the category of work in progress. I am presendy at a very preliminary stage in a project that may both take me a long time and lead me up many alleyways. I am concerned to understand how the Catholic Reform of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries was funded. In the term ‘Cadiolic Reform’ are included charitable and educative initiatives, the funding of missions, the conversion of die heathen, the expansion of religious orders, die provision of books and images (biblia pauperurm) to improve and elevate the minds of the simple into mysteries they could not otherwise conceptualise, and die erection and furnishing of new churches. I would argue that taken as a package this funding process, about which I will be presently more specific, represents one of the largest private money-raising processes ever undertaken. It has, perhaps, a particular interest today when attempts are being made to reinvigorate die spirit of private philanthropy and to dismande or cause to wither away public commitment to assistance or subsidy.

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24

Eckmann, Augustyn. "Obraz ludzi starszych w pismach świętego Augustyna." Vox Patrum 56 (December 15, 2011): 313–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4225.

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Disputatiuncula ex tribus partibus constat. Pars prima de senibus, quibus Augustinus occucurrit et deinde cognovit, narrat. Qui sunt: Vindicianus – medicus excellens, sapiens et humilis; Symplicianus – senex sanctus; Victorinus – artis orandi professor; tutelaris vetus famula nomine vacans, atque Florentius – homo religiosus et pauper. Qui omnes bono exemplo fuerunt Augustino. Pars altera de senibus, quos Augustinus in litteris antiquis cognovit, dicit. Gaium Marium Regulo opponit, Mario malo res fuerunt secundae, Regulus nobilis aequo animo dolorem tulit. Constantinus Magnus pro bonis actis iam in terra vita longa prosperatus est , duo senes in opere Terentii Heautontimorumenos Menedemus et Chremes exprimunt diversos patres. Pars tertia exempla biblica ostendit. Primi parentes optima valetudine morituri non essent, nisi peccassent, Abraham et Sarra virtutem ad emissionem seminis acceperunt, Senectus Isaac vetustatem Veteris Testamenti significat, Simeon senex et Anna vidua in Spiritu Sancto Dominum infantem cognoverunt.

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25

Marciniak-Kajzer, Anna. "Not for the Poor. The Biblia Pauperum on Medieval and Renaissance Tiled Stoves in Poland." Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Archaeologica, December 30, 2022, 271–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/0208-6034.37.11.

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As Biblia pauperum, we define not only books with an abbreviated text of Sacred Scripture, which were dominated by illustrations, but also cycles of artistic representations, e.g. painted on the walls of churches or decorating window stained-glass windows. However, other iconographic sources, such as stove tiles, are much less known. As archaeological monuments, most often preserved in fragments, they have not yet been thoroughly analysed. The article discusses medieval and Renaissance tiles with figural scenes with biblical motifs. As the archaeological sites most often feature several tiles decorated with similar thematic motifs, they should be treated as evidence of a conscious decision to show the cycle of events described in the Bible on the stove.

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26

"De bijzondere iconografie van Rembrandts Bileam." Oud Holland - Quarterly for Dutch Art History 121, no. 4 (2008): 197–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187501708788426684.

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AbstractThe iconography of the biblical story of Balaam and the she-ass, told in Numbers 22-24, dates right back to the early Christian era. It depicts the confrontation of Balaam with the angel, whom he did not see blocking his way until his donkey opened his eyes by speaking to him. The simple scene, composed of a donkey rider beating his mount with raised club opposite an angel with raised sword, never before included a pouch containing papers and a kind of stick. From the fact that Rembrandt added this motif to the traditional image and gave it a prominent place in his composition (fig. 1) one may conclude that he meant to convey by this something very significant.Balak, king of Moab, induced the famous magician Balaam to come and curse the Israelites who had entered the plains of Moab. God, using Balaam as his temporary prophet, allowed him to go, provided that he would speak His words and bless Israel instead of cursing it. It was to this stringent condition that the angel reminded him halfway his journey. Upon his arrival Balaam blessed Israel three times. Beside himself with anger Balak sent him home without paying him. Before he went the prophet cursed the king, speaking the famous words: "I shall see him, but not now: I shall behold him, but not nigh: there shall come a Star out of Jacob, and a Sceptre shall rise out of Israel, and shall smite the corners of Moab, and destroy all the children of Seth" (Numbers 24:17). This enunciation has always been taken as a Messianic prophecy.During the middle ages the sheer image of Balaam and the she-ass sufficed to evoke the Messianic prophecy. However, in some versions of the fifteenth-century Speculum Humanae Salvationis and Biblia Pauperum a star is added to the scene (fig. 2), obviously in order to remind one of the true meaning of the image.Depictions of Balaam and the she-ass had always been statical and emotionless but in the sixteenth century the dramatic potential of the story was recognized and fully exploited (fig. 3). At the same time the meaning of the scene was confined to the miracle of the speaking donkey, like any other miracle a sign of God's omnipotence. Moralistic interpretations were also possible. Maerten van Heemskerck, for instance, focussed on Balaam's reputation as being a miser (fig. 5). By the time Pieter Lastman painted Balaam and the she-ass (fig. 4) in 1622, the subject had become polyinterpretable.By adding a pouch with papers and a kind of stick Rembrandt indicated how his Balaam picture had to be understood. The leather pouch is an interesting object in itself, which Rembrandt and some of his contemporaries used several times in their work between 1615 and 1635 (figs. 7 and 8a-g). The papers with illegible writing in quasi-Hebrew letters represent Balaam's prophecies, one may assume, and the stick, in point of fact a commander's baton (figs. 9-11), metaphorically indicates which prophecy exactly is at issue. Unquestionably the Messianic one about the star coming out of Jacob and the sceptre rising out of Israel. In the late middle ages the star had been used occasionally as reference mark but this was no option for Rembrandt, because Balaam travelled by day. The alternative was the sceptre. The fact that Rembrandt depicted a commander's baton instead of a sceptre proves that he did not use a reformatory bible translation but either a catholic one or the Vulgata itself. Reformatory translations (all based on Luther's translation in German, which has 'Zepter') have 'scepter' (sceptre), whereas catholic translations (based on the Vulgata) have 'roede' (baton). The Vulgata has not 'sceptrum' but 'virga', i.e. verge, baton.Why did Rembrandt revive the Messianic meaning of the Balaam story? Most probably because his commissioner wanted him to do so. For Alfonso López, up to now known only as the first owner of the painting and who is supposed to have purchased it directly from Rembrandt, may very well have ordered it from him. Recent research has shown that he, a financial agent of Richelieu in Holland, was a 'morisco', a Spanish Muslim converted to Christianity. A convert may be interested in speaking donkeys but certainly more so in the coming of Christ.

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