Relevant bibliographies by topics / Bihar. Legislature. Legislative Assembly

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Academic literature on the topic 'Bihar. Legislature. Legislative Assembly'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 15 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Bihar. Legislature. Legislative Assembly"

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Saxena, Stuti. "Re-using Open Government Data (OGD) published by the Election Commission of India (ECI)." foresight 20, no. 5 (September 10, 2018): 507–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/fs-12-2017-0082.

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Purpose The paper aims to “re-use” the Open Government Data (OGD) published by the Election Commission of India (ECI). Bihar’s performance across General Elections, 2014, and Bihar Legislative Assembly Elections, 2015, is compared, wherein the role of contestants’ demographic profiles in determining their vote share is being investigated. Design/methodology/approach Hypotheses are derived based on the impact of contestants’ demographic profiles (age, marital status, social category, political party affiliation, educational qualification, availing telephone and email facility, criminal antecedents) on their vote share. Following a quantitative approach, multiple regression and logistic regression are used to draw inferences from the data contestants’ affidavits – sourced from the ECI website. Findings Results show that contestants’ demographic profiles impact their vote share in the elections. While the ECI website is a viable source for re-using the data available there, data are not available in a user-friendly format and this leads to difficulty in being re-used by different stakeholders. Originality/value Academic research on OGD re-use is negligible, and the present study seeks to contribute towards extant literature by underlining the significance of re-using OGD by drawing inferences from the data accessible via ECI.
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Ellickson, Mark C., and Donald E. Whistler. "Legislative Success in the Arkansas General Assembly: A Causal Perspective." American Review of Politics 12 (July 1, 1991): 62–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1991.12.0.62-76.

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This study employs recursive path analysis techniques to develop a causal model of legislative success in the “one party-no party” state legislature of Arkansas. Utilizing a unique five-step process to measure bill-passage through the Arkansas House, four direct paths to legislative success were identified: educational level, age, race, and seniority. The final model suggests a legislative body in transition from amateur status and exclusivity to one more autonomous and competitive.
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OLURO, Mayowa Joseph, and Johnson Olawale BAMIGBOSE. "Legislative Cross-carpeting, Multiparty System and the Challenges of Democratic Good Governance in Nigeria." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 11, no. 1 (January 3, 2021): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v11i1.18151.

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The legislature is unarguably the fulcrum upon which democracy rests. Democracy, in this context, is representative government. Thus, the institution of the legislature as an assembly of elected representatives becomes the engine room of the structural framework upon which democratic governance is built. As history has shown, the beauty of legislature is greatly enhanced by a healthy multi-party system wherein elected representatives from different party backgrounds engage one another alongside party ideological positions with a view to deliberating on issue of governance and socio-economic well-being of the people. Legislative cross-carpeting in Nigeria is becoming a norm rather than exigency, and is taking a negative toll on the capacity of legislatures to fulfill their mandates as against functioning as merely rubber-stamp annexes of the executive/ruling party. This study examines the impacts of the wanton cross-carpeting, often times bereft of any ideological underpinning, that have characterized legislative assemblies in Nigeria and its implications on good governance. Among others, it concludes that concrete legal and political frameworks must be developed to check the direction of cross-carpeting in Nigeria’s legislative houses if good governance is to be entrenched.
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Awotokun, Kunle. "The Legislative and Executive Institutions and the Challenge of Governance in Contemporary Nigeria." Journal of Politics and Law 14, no. 2 (December 22, 2020): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v14n2p19.

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The article examines the efforts of the executive and the legislature, i.e. the National Assembly at providing good governance against the backdrop of daunting challenge of insecurity in contemporary Nigeria. The paper employs secondary data to elicit necessary information to assist in its analysis and findings. Such data includes textbooks, journals, newspapers, magazines, periodicals etc. The findings are that both executive and legislative institutions pay lip service to quality governance. The two arms of government are tendentious towards kleptocracy. This development has compromised their efforts at fostering good governance. The work concludes on the need to convocate extra executive and legislature bodies (Sovereign National Conference) to discuss and analyse the contemporary questions with the aim of finding lasting solutions to the issues. The prognosis will not only be helpful to Nigeria but serves as a template for other African countries with similar issues.
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Greenberg, Daniel. "Welsh Devolution." Legal Information Management 13, no. 3 (September 2013): 134–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1472669613000364.

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AbstractThe emergence of the National Assembly for Wales as a devolved legislature producing first Measures and now Acts, together with the establishment of a Welsh Government with a range of powers to make secondary legislation, has added a new layer of complication to the already over-complicated legislative landscape of the United Kingdom. This article, written by Daniel Greenberg, examines briefly some of the resulting complications.
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Ejumudo, Kelly Bryan Ovie, and Francis Ayegbunam Ikenga. "The Problematic of Legislative Oversight in Nigeria: A Study of Delta State." Indonesian Journal of International Clinical Legal Education 3, no. 2 (June 30, 2021): 125–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/ijicle.v3i2.45572.

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This study examines the problem of legislative oversight in Nigeria using Delta State as a case study. Four research questions were raised to guide the study and four null hypotheses were formulated for the study. The design of the study was a descriptive survey. The population of the study comprised 600 staff in the Delta State House of Assembly. The sample of the study consisted of 245 staff drawn from nine (9) departments using stratified and simple random techniques. The instrument used for data collection was the legislative oversight questionnaire and the collated data were analyzed using mean rating and chi-square. The findings of the study revealed that there is a significant relationship between politics of trade-off and pay-off between the legislators and the executive as well as poor commitment to oversight functions by the legislators and legislative oversight in Delta State. The study equally showed that there is a significant relationship between the culture of corruption as well as perceptual legislative subservience to the executive and legislative oversight in Delta State. The study recommended that that the legislature in Nigeria, particularly in Delta State, should be truly independent rather than operate and seen as a subservient extension of the executive arm of government, a new culture that is void of the politics of trade-off and pay-off between the legislature and the executive, as well as corruption, should be established.
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Okafor, Obiora Chinedu. "Remarkable returns: the influence of a labour-led socio-economic rights movement on legislative reasoning, process and action in Nigeria, 1999–2007." Journal of Modern African Studies 47, no. 2 (May 12, 2009): 241–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x09003826.

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ABSTRACTDuring 1999–2007, a labour-led but broad-based socio-economic rights movement, which focused on a pro-poor (and therefore highly popular) anti-fuel price hike message, persuaded and/or pressured Nigeria's federal legislature, the National Assembly, to: mediate between it and the Executive Branch of Government; take it seriously enough to lobby it repeatedly; re-orient its legislative processes; explicitly oppose virtually all of the Executive Branch's fuel price hikes; and reject key anti-labour provisions in a government bill. Yet the movement did not always succeed in its efforts to influence the National Assembly. This article maps, discusses, contextualises and analyses these generally remarkable developments. It also argues that while many factors combined to facilitate or militate against the movement's impact on legislative reasoning, process and action during the relevant period, this movement's ‘mass social movement’ character was the pivotal factor that afforded it the necessary leverage to exert considerable, if limited, influence on the National Assembly.
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GRAHAM, AARON. "JAMAICAN LEGISLATION AND THE TRANSATLANTIC CONSTITUTION, 1664–1839." Historical Journal 61, no. 2 (October 17, 2017): 327–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x1700022x.

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AbstractBetween its first meeting in January 1664 and the final session held under unfree labour in December 1838, the volume of legislation passed by the house of assembly in Jamaica increased exponentially. As in Britain and Ireland, this reflected the growing administrative capacity and political power of the legislature and also the enormous demand for laws and law-making among local interest groups. The rise and fall of slavery and the slave society in the island was therefore underpinned in a large part by the power of its colonial legislature, which also operated within the broader transatlantic constitution structured by imperial politics and law. There was very little though to distinguish the house of assembly from others in British North America, at least in legislative terms, and even after the traumatic imperial disjuncture of 1783 the reformed transatlantic constitution continued to provide a supportive environment for the expansion of legislation within the island of Jamaica.
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Suzuki, Nobutaka. "Upholding Filipino nationhood: The debate over Mindanao in the Philippine Legislature, 1907–1913." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 44, no. 2 (April 22, 2013): 266–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463413000076.

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Christian Filipino legislators in the bicameral US civil administration played a hitherto unacknowledged role in pushing for the colonisation of Mindanao, as part of the Philippines, by proposing a series of Assembly bills (between 1907 to 1913) aimed at establishing migrant farming colonies on Mindanao. This legislative process was fuelled by anger over the unequal power relations between the Filipino-dominated Assembly and the American-dominated Commission, as well as rivalry between resident Christian Filipino leaders versus the American military government, business interests and some Muslim datus in Mindanao itself for control over its land and resources. Focusing on the motives and intentions of the bills' drafters, this study concludes that despite it being a Spanish legacy, the Christian Filipino elite's territorial map — emphasising the integrity of a nation comprising Luzon, the Visayas and Mindanao — provided the basis for their claim of Philippine sovereignty over Mindanao.
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Spirou, Mary Eve. "The challenges of political representation: gender in a US State legislature." International Journal of Public Leadership 13, no. 1 (February 13, 2017): 13–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijpl-10-2016-0037.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to investigate the role of women in the Georgia General Assembly and determines the impact of gender on the activities of state legislators, specifically in the areas of committee assignments and sponsored legislation from 2003 to 2014. Design/methodology/approach The approach set forth in this analysis seeks to answer four research questions employing quantitative data regarding female legislator involvement in activities of the state legislature and compare these findings with their male colleagues over a ten-year period. Findings Some of the key findings include that female representative sponsor fewer bills and participate in fewer committees than their male counterparts. The only legislative area female representatives exercise greater involvement is in government committees. The paper concludes with policy recommendations on how to address the current standing of women in the Georgia General Assembly. Originality/value A value of this analysis is that its content can support comparative work that can prove helpful to future research goals. As the most comprehensive analysis of its kind in Georgia, this paper contributes to a better understanding of the state legislature.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Bihar. Legislature. Legislative Assembly"

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Centurione, Danilo de Pádua. "Cooperação e controle: o papel do legislativo em 20 estados da federação na legislatura 2007-2010." Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-18062013-092708/.

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A ciência política brasileira produziu explicações consistentes no que se refere ao funcionamento da democracia pós-1988. Os mecanismos de governabilidade e o processo decisório do sistema político brasileiro encontram-se amplamente discutidos pela literatura sob a rubrica do presidencialismo de coalizão. No entanto, duas agendas de pesquisa sobre nosso sistema político não foram suficientemente testadas, quais sejam: o estudo sobre as relações Executivo-Legislativo nas unidades subnacionais e os mecanismos de checks and balances em nossa democracia. O objetivo desta dissertação é analisar o ponto de toque ou mesmo a junção entre estas duas agendas: a dimensão de fiscalização e o controle nas unidades subnacionais brasileiras. Para isso, o desenho de pesquisa é composto pelo balanço do estado da arte das respectivas literaturas relevantes, juntamente à análise dos dados de 20 Estados da Federação Brasileira, na legislatura 2007-2010.
The Brazilian political science produced consistent explanations about the functioning of democracy in the post-1988 period. The mechanisms of governability and decision-making of the Brazilian political system are widely discussed in the literature under the rubric of coalition presidentialism. However, two research agendas on our political system have not been sufficiently tested, namely: the study of the Executive-Legislative relations in subnational units and mechanisms of checks and balances in our democracy. The goal of this dissertation is to analyze the touch point or even the junction between these two frameworks: the dimension of supervision and control in the Brazilian subnational units. To accomplish these objectives, the research design consists in the review of the relevant literature, along with the analysis of data from 20 states of the Brazilian Federation - from 2007 to 2010.
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Hicks, Bruce M. "Societal cleavages and institutional change in Canada : retention, reform and removal of nominee councils." Thèse, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/6258.

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En concevant que toute société a deux clivages dominants, l’un social et l’autre partisan, cette thèse développe une théorie sur le changement institutionnel. L’hypothèse initiale, selon laquelle les groupes sociaux créés par le premier clivage agiront pour restreindre le changement institutionnel et que le changement aura lieu lors de l’émergence d’un groupe partisan capable de croiser le clivage social, fut testée par les processus traçant les changements qui furent proposés et qui ont eu lieu au sein des conseils nominés en Amérique du Nord britannique. Ces conseils furent modifiés un bon nombre de fois, devenant les chambres secondaires de législatures provinciales avant d’être éventuellement abolies. La preuve supporte l’hypothèse, bien qu’il ne soit pas suffisant d’avoir un groupe partisan qui puisse croiser le clivage qui mène le changement : un débat partisan sur le changement est nécessaire. Ceci remet aussi en cause la théorie prédominante selon laquelle les clivages sociaux mènent à la formation de partis politiques, suggérant qu’il est plus bénéfique d’utiliser ces deux clivages pour l’étude des institutions.
By conceiving of any society as having two dominant cleavages, one ‘social’ and one ‘partisan’, this dissertation develops a theory on institutional change. The initial hypothesis that social groups created by the former will act to restrain institutional change and that change will occur when a partisan group emerges that can cross the social cleavage was tested by processes tracing the changes which were proposed and which occurred to the appointed councils established in British North America. These councils were modified a number of times, becoming second chambers in the provincial legislatures, and were eventually each abolished. The evidence found supports the hypothesis, though it is not sufficient to have a partisan group that can cross the cleavage drive change, a partisan debate over the change was necessary. This also challenges the prevailing theory that social cleavages lead to political party formation, suggesting the benefit of using these two cleavages for the study of institutions.
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Books on the topic "Bihar. Legislature. Legislative Assembly"

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Singh, Kamal Kumar. Political socialisation: A case study of Bihar Legislative Assembly. Delhi: Capital Pub. House, 1987.

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Kalim, Zahra. Down memory's lane: A pot-pourri of reminiscences in B flat minor. Patna: Kalim Publications, 1986.

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Varma, Vishwanath Prasad. Study report on assembly elections in Bihar in 1985. Patna: Jagjivan Ram Institute of Parliamentary Studies & Political Research, 1986.

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Bihar election watch (BEW) 2005 assembly: Background of candidates contesting the 2005 assembly elections in Bihar. Ahmedabad: Association for Democratic Reforms, 2005.

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Bihar (India). Legislature. Legislative Assembly. Daśam Bihāra Vidhāna Sabhā ke sadasyoṃ kā saṅkshipta jīvana paricaya. Paṭanā: Bihāra Vidhāna Sabhā, 1993.

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Watch, Bihar Election, and National Election Watch (India), eds. Bihar election watch 2010: Analysis of criminal and financial details of candidates and MLAs from Bihar : based on 2010 assembly elections. Delhi: Association for Democratic Reforms, 2010.

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author, Siṃha Vinodānanda Prasāda, Caudharī Vijaya Kumāra editor, and Kashi Prasad Jayaswal Research Institute, eds. Mr̥tyuñjaya, Sūraja Nārāyaṇa Siṃha. Paṭanā: Kāśī Prasāda Jāyasavāda Śodha Saṃsthāna, 2011.

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Bibhutinath, Jha, and Jagjivan Ram Institute of Parliamentary Studies and Political Research, eds. Interest articulation in legislature: A study based on the questions put in the Bihar Vidhan Sabha. Patna: Jagjivan Ram Institute of Parliamentary Studies and Political Research, 2006.

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Bhāratīya, Santosha. Cunāva riporṭiṅga aura mīdiyā. Naī Dillī: Sāmayika Prakāśana, 2006.

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Bihāra kā cunāvī bhūgola: Lokasabhā-Vidhānasabhā kṣetroṃ kā saṅkṣipta itihāsa. Paṭanā: Novelṭī eṇḍa Kampaṇī, 2010.

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Book chapters on the topic "Bihar. Legislature. Legislative Assembly"

1

Aremu, Fatai Ayinde, and Adebola Rafiu Bakare. "The Place of Legislature in Democratic Governance: An Introduction." In Two Decades of Legislative Politics and Governance in Nigeria’s National Assembly, 1–7. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-33-4455-6_1.

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Chilaka, Chigozie Francis, Onyebuchi Ugochukwu Obianua, and Adewale Harrison Idowu. "The Legislature in Nigeria: Origin, Significance and Relationship with Other Arms of Government." In Two Decades of Legislative Politics and Governance in Nigeria’s National Assembly, 9–35. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-33-4455-6_2.

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Simaika, Samir, and Nevine Henein. "Education and Legislation." In Marcus Simaika. American University in Cairo Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5743/cairo/9789774168239.003.0006.

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This chapter discusses Marcus Simaika's career in the fields of education and legislation. Simaika was appointed to the Legislative Council in 1906—the year of his retirement from the Egyptian State Railways—to fill the vacancy for a Coptic member created by the death of Basili Pasha Tadrus, a former judge of the High Court of Appeal. He was chosen by the British Agency in preference to Scandar Fahmi. As a member of the Superior Council of Education, Simaika played a leading role in the promulgation of the law regarding government grants to private schools, subject to the supervision of the Ministry of Education. He also proposed the founding of a large Coptic college for girls, resulting in the establishment of the Coptic Girls College in Abbasiya in 1910. The chapter also considers Simaika's work in the Egyptian legislature, first at the Legislative Council and then at the Legislative Assembly.
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Loveland, Ian. "5. The House of Commons." In Constitutional Law, Administrative Law, and Human Rights. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/he/9780198804680.003.0005.

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This chapter examines the relationship between the government and the legislature, in order to develop arguments concerning the doctrines of parliamentary sovereignty and the separation of powers within the contemporary constitution. It argues that, for most of the modern era, the House of Commons has been a body in which party politics is the dominant determinant both in the legislative process and in respect of executive accountability. The house is manifestly now a factional rather than national assembly for most purposes. But it would be premature to conclude that the constitution permits factional concerns to determine both the content of legislation and the parliamentary accountability of government behaviour.
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King, Jason. "Fr. Bernard O’Reilly, testimony for Report of the Special Committee appointed to inquire into the management of the quarantine station at Grosse Isle, … on behalf of the Board of Health of the City of Montreal (23 july 1847). Canada. Legislature. Legislative Assembly. Special Committee appointed to inquire into the management of the quarantine station at grosse isle." In The History of the Irish Famine, 227–30. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315513690-19.

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