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1
Saxena, Stuti. "Re-using Open Government Data (OGD) published by the Election Commission of India (ECI)." foresight 20, no. 5 (September 10, 2018): 507–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/fs-12-2017-0082.
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Purpose The paper aims to “re-use” the Open Government Data (OGD) published by the Election Commission of India (ECI). Bihar’s performance across General Elections, 2014, and Bihar Legislative Assembly Elections, 2015, is compared, wherein the role of contestants’ demographic profiles in determining their vote share is being investigated. Design/methodology/approach Hypotheses are derived based on the impact of contestants’ demographic profiles (age, marital status, social category, political party affiliation, educational qualification, availing telephone and email facility, criminal antecedents) on their vote share. Following a quantitative approach, multiple regression and logistic regression are used to draw inferences from the data contestants’ affidavits – sourced from the ECI website. Findings Results show that contestants’ demographic profiles impact their vote share in the elections. While the ECI website is a viable source for re-using the data available there, data are not available in a user-friendly format and this leads to difficulty in being re-used by different stakeholders. Originality/value Academic research on OGD re-use is negligible, and the present study seeks to contribute towards extant literature by underlining the significance of re-using OGD by drawing inferences from the data accessible via ECI.
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Ellickson, Mark C., and Donald E. Whistler. "Legislative Success in the Arkansas General Assembly: A Causal Perspective." American Review of Politics 12 (July 1, 1991): 62–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1991.12.0.62-76.
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This study employs recursive path analysis techniques to develop a causal model of legislative success in the “one party-no party” state legislature of Arkansas. Utilizing a unique five-step process to measure bill-passage through the Arkansas House, four direct paths to legislative success were identified: educational level, age, race, and seniority. The final model suggests a legislative body in transition from amateur status and exclusivity to one more autonomous and competitive.
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OLURO, Mayowa Joseph, and Johnson Olawale BAMIGBOSE. "Legislative Cross-carpeting, Multiparty System and the Challenges of Democratic Good Governance in Nigeria." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 11, no. 1 (January 3, 2021): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v11i1.18151.
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The legislature is unarguably the fulcrum upon which democracy rests. Democracy, in this context, is representative government. Thus, the institution of the legislature as an assembly of elected representatives becomes the engine room of the structural framework upon which democratic governance is built. As history has shown, the beauty of legislature is greatly enhanced by a healthy multi-party system wherein elected representatives from different party backgrounds engage one another alongside party ideological positions with a view to deliberating on issue of governance and socio-economic well-being of the people. Legislative cross-carpeting in Nigeria is becoming a norm rather than exigency, and is taking a negative toll on the capacity of legislatures to fulfill their mandates as against functioning as merely rubber-stamp annexes of the executive/ruling party. This study examines the impacts of the wanton cross-carpeting, often times bereft of any ideological underpinning, that have characterized legislative assemblies in Nigeria and its implications on good governance. Among others, it concludes that concrete legal and political frameworks must be developed to check the direction of cross-carpeting in Nigeria’s legislative houses if good governance is to be entrenched.
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Awotokun, Kunle. "The Legislative and Executive Institutions and the Challenge of Governance in Contemporary Nigeria." Journal of Politics and Law 14, no. 2 (December 22, 2020): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v14n2p19.
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The article examines the efforts of the executive and the legislature, i.e. the National Assembly at providing good governance against the backdrop of daunting challenge of insecurity in contemporary Nigeria.
The paper employs secondary data to elicit necessary information to assist in its analysis and findings. Such data includes textbooks, journals, newspapers, magazines, periodicals etc.
The findings are that both executive and legislative institutions pay lip service to quality governance. The two arms of government are tendentious towards kleptocracy. This development has compromised their efforts at fostering good governance.
The work concludes on the need to convocate extra executive and legislature bodies (Sovereign National Conference) to discuss and analyse the contemporary questions with the aim of finding lasting solutions to the issues. The prognosis will not only be helpful to Nigeria but serves as a template for other African countries with similar issues.
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Greenberg, Daniel. "Welsh Devolution." Legal Information Management 13, no. 3 (September 2013): 134–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1472669613000364.
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AbstractThe emergence of the National Assembly for Wales as a devolved legislature producing first Measures and now Acts, together with the establishment of a Welsh Government with a range of powers to make secondary legislation, has added a new layer of complication to the already over-complicated legislative landscape of the United Kingdom. This article, written by Daniel Greenberg, examines briefly some of the resulting complications.
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Ejumudo, Kelly Bryan Ovie, and Francis Ayegbunam Ikenga. "The Problematic of Legislative Oversight in Nigeria: A Study of Delta State." Indonesian Journal of International Clinical Legal Education 3, no. 2 (June 30, 2021): 125–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/ijicle.v3i2.45572.
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This study examines the problem of legislative oversight in Nigeria using Delta State as a case study. Four research questions were raised to guide the study and four null hypotheses were formulated for the study. The design of the study was a descriptive survey. The population of the study comprised 600 staff in the Delta State House of Assembly. The sample of the study consisted of 245 staff drawn from nine (9) departments using stratified and simple random techniques. The instrument used for data collection was the legislative oversight questionnaire and the collated data were analyzed using mean rating and chi-square. The findings of the study revealed that there is a significant relationship between politics of trade-off and pay-off between the legislators and the executive as well as poor commitment to oversight functions by the legislators and legislative oversight in Delta State. The study equally showed that there is a significant relationship between the culture of corruption as well as perceptual legislative subservience to the executive and legislative oversight in Delta State. The study recommended that that the legislature in Nigeria, particularly in Delta State, should be truly independent rather than operate and seen as a subservient extension of the executive arm of government, a new culture that is void of the politics of trade-off and pay-off between the legislature and the executive, as well as corruption, should be established.
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Okafor, Obiora Chinedu. "Remarkable returns: the influence of a labour-led socio-economic rights movement on legislative reasoning, process and action in Nigeria, 1999–2007." Journal of Modern African Studies 47, no. 2 (May 12, 2009): 241–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x09003826.
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ABSTRACTDuring 1999–2007, a labour-led but broad-based socio-economic rights movement, which focused on a pro-poor (and therefore highly popular) anti-fuel price hike message, persuaded and/or pressured Nigeria's federal legislature, the National Assembly, to: mediate between it and the Executive Branch of Government; take it seriously enough to lobby it repeatedly; re-orient its legislative processes; explicitly oppose virtually all of the Executive Branch's fuel price hikes; and reject key anti-labour provisions in a government bill. Yet the movement did not always succeed in its efforts to influence the National Assembly. This article maps, discusses, contextualises and analyses these generally remarkable developments. It also argues that while many factors combined to facilitate or militate against the movement's impact on legislative reasoning, process and action during the relevant period, this movement's ‘mass social movement’ character was the pivotal factor that afforded it the necessary leverage to exert considerable, if limited, influence on the National Assembly.
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GRAHAM, AARON. "JAMAICAN LEGISLATION AND THE TRANSATLANTIC CONSTITUTION, 1664–1839." Historical Journal 61, no. 2 (October 17, 2017): 327–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x1700022x.
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AbstractBetween its first meeting in January 1664 and the final session held under unfree labour in December 1838, the volume of legislation passed by the house of assembly in Jamaica increased exponentially. As in Britain and Ireland, this reflected the growing administrative capacity and political power of the legislature and also the enormous demand for laws and law-making among local interest groups. The rise and fall of slavery and the slave society in the island was therefore underpinned in a large part by the power of its colonial legislature, which also operated within the broader transatlantic constitution structured by imperial politics and law. There was very little though to distinguish the house of assembly from others in British North America, at least in legislative terms, and even after the traumatic imperial disjuncture of 1783 the reformed transatlantic constitution continued to provide a supportive environment for the expansion of legislation within the island of Jamaica.
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Suzuki, Nobutaka. "Upholding Filipino nationhood: The debate over Mindanao in the Philippine Legislature, 1907–1913." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 44, no. 2 (April 22, 2013): 266–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463413000076.
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Christian Filipino legislators in the bicameral US civil administration played a hitherto unacknowledged role in pushing for the colonisation of Mindanao, as part of the Philippines, by proposing a series of Assembly bills (between 1907 to 1913) aimed at establishing migrant farming colonies on Mindanao. This legislative process was fuelled by anger over the unequal power relations between the Filipino-dominated Assembly and the American-dominated Commission, as well as rivalry between resident Christian Filipino leaders versus the American military government, business interests and some Muslim datus in Mindanao itself for control over its land and resources. Focusing on the motives and intentions of the bills' drafters, this study concludes that despite it being a Spanish legacy, the Christian Filipino elite's territorial map — emphasising the integrity of a nation comprising Luzon, the Visayas and Mindanao — provided the basis for their claim of Philippine sovereignty over Mindanao.
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Spirou, Mary Eve. "The challenges of political representation: gender in a US State legislature." International Journal of Public Leadership 13, no. 1 (February 13, 2017): 13–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijpl-10-2016-0037.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to investigate the role of women in the Georgia General Assembly and determines the impact of gender on the activities of state legislators, specifically in the areas of committee assignments and sponsored legislation from 2003 to 2014. Design/methodology/approach The approach set forth in this analysis seeks to answer four research questions employing quantitative data regarding female legislator involvement in activities of the state legislature and compare these findings with their male colleagues over a ten-year period. Findings Some of the key findings include that female representative sponsor fewer bills and participate in fewer committees than their male counterparts. The only legislative area female representatives exercise greater involvement is in government committees. The paper concludes with policy recommendations on how to address the current standing of women in the Georgia General Assembly. Originality/value A value of this analysis is that its content can support comparative work that can prove helpful to future research goals. As the most comprehensive analysis of its kind in Georgia, this paper contributes to a better understanding of the state legislature.
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Malik, Rahat Zubair. "Parliament not-Parliaments: Legislature of Pakistan in the Hatching (1947-69)." Global Social Sciences Review II, no. I (June 30, 2017): 47–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2017(ii-i).03.
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The evolution of parliamentary system in an ideological state, with two major units; miles apart on the globe, having multiple social and regional identities, and claiming being a federation has been a unique experience. After getting independence from the British, Pakistan decided to opt for a parliamentary form of government. The process was based on single house i.e. legislative assembly which was entrusted with dual responsibilities of framing the constitution and making legislation to run the state system. Initially, its membership was based on indirect elections through the elected representative on provincial basis in the elections of 1946 conducted by the British government. This system of indirect elections for national legislature was kept in practice till 1970 general elections after twenty three years of independence of Pakistan. First and second decades experienced multiple changes of electoral process and that of the practices of the floor of the constituent assembly. Apparently it is claimed that there had been major changes in the parliament of Pakistan with reference to the system of elections, and membership but certain practices seem consistent till date. The present study is an effort to analyse the early phase of the parliament which provided the basis for the parliamentary system of Pakistan.
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Rousseau, Guillaume, and François Côté. "A Distinctive Quebec Theory and Practice of the Notwithstanding Clause: When Collective Interests Outweigh Individual Rights." Revue générale de droit 47, no. 2 (January 24, 2018): 343–431. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1042928ar.
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The fundamental human rights recognized by the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms and the Quebec Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms supersede other rules of law. As such, any legislative measure conflicting with their content can be invalidated by Canadian tribunals. Yet, to ensure parliamentary sovereignty, both Charters feature an override mechanism, the “notwithstanding clause,” that can be invoked by a legislator to withdraw a given law from judicial scrutiny under charter rights. Beyond formal and substantive requirements, according to Quebec prominent doctrinal trends and National Assembly, in what circumstances, and to what end, can the legislator invoke a notwithstanding clause? A review of leading academic conceptions of charter rights in Quebec reveals a distinctive theoretical approach to notwithstanding mechanisms than that of leading Anglo-Canadian authorities. Quebec leading doctrinal trends, distinctly, seem to conceive that legislative overrides can be legitimately made preemptively by a legislature when dealing with matters of collective interests, such as social objectives and national identity, which, in the name of greater good, should not be fettered by private interests. This distinctive reality is also sharply reflected in legislative practice: as Quebec invoked the notwithstanding clause of the Canadian Charter 61 times (in addition to 45 references to the notwithstanding clause of the Quebec Charter) compared to 3 times in the rest of Canada over the same period, overwhelmingly for considerations of social objectives or national identity. This situation could be explained by a distinctive conception of parliamentary sovereignty and of power dynamics between elected legislature and appointed judges in Quebec.
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Baba, Yahaya T. "Power Sharing and the Implications for Democratic Governance in Nigeria: The Case of National Assembly (1999–2011)." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 8, no. 4 (July 27, 2017): 111–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mjss-2017-0010.
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AbstractGiven the diverse nature of the Nigerian society and the tension associated with political contestations, particularly elective positions at various levels of government, some power sharing frameworks evolved in both formal and informal contexts. The ‘Federal Character Principle’ for instance, which is a constitutional provision that requires the sharing of major political and bureaucratic positions among the diverse people of Nigeria is meant to ensure fair representation, equitable distribution of political incentives and sense of belonging. This principle is also internalized by the major political parties in Nigeria in their candidates′ selection procedures and indeed by the legislature in determination of candidates for legislative leadership positions. Thus using the National Assembly of Nigeria from 1999-2011, the paper examined the extent to which formal and informal power sharing arrangements affects democratic governance in the country. The paper relied on secondary sources of data, which include official documents such as the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, constitutions of various political parties, newspaper and bulletins and some extant literature. Theoretically, Lijphart’s (1968; 1977; and 1990) consociational model of Proportional Representation (PR) provided the guide to understanding the power sharing arrangement in Nigeria’s democracy and particularly the informal arrangement within the National Assembly. This theoretical stance, though contradicts the broader theory of legislative institutionalization, is seen as an effective strategy for dousing tensions, curtailing upheavals and ensuring mutual trust among the diverse groups of Nigeria for democratic stability. The paper, however, argues that the informal power sharing arrangement in the Nigeria’s National Assembly undermines its autonomy, complexity and the principle of universal procedure of conducting legislative business. Essentially, the power sharing arrangement affects the stability of legislative leadership which is central to legislative autonomy and its institutionalization as well. The paper concluded that while the National Assembly in Nigeria is unlikely to institutionalize conventionally, the fragile nature of the informal arrangements of power sharing may also be a source of tension and conflict once it is obstructed.
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Kearns, Kevin. "The Property Tax Exemption in Pennsylvania: The Saga Continues." Nonprofit Policy Forum 6, no. 1 (April 1, 2015): 111–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/npf-2015-0011.
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AbstractThis case study briefly traces the evolution and current status of Pennsylvania’s property tax exemption debate. Over the past 30 years court cases and legislative initiatives in Pennsylvania have resulted in dramatic swings of power back and forth between nonprofits and their host taxing jurisdictions, generating confusion and growing acrimony among key stakeholders. As of this writing, a proposed Constitutional Amendment is working its way through the Pennsylvania General Assembly. The amendment seeks to give the legislature, not the courts, exclusive jurisdiction to define what constitutes a purely public charity. The case study concludes with some thoughts on overarching principles that should be considered in the debate.
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White, Graham. "Westminster in the Arctic: The Adaptation of British Parliamentarism in the Northwest Territories." Canadian Journal of Political Science 24, no. 3 (September 1991): 499–523. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900022666.
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AbstractGovernment in the Northwest Territories (NWT) of Canada is structured on the cabinet-parliamentary model and follows most of the principles of British-style “responsible government.” The territorial assembly, however, differs in two fundamental ways from the traditional parliamentary model: it has no political parties, and a majority of its members are natives, whose political culture is far removed from the tenets underlying British parliamentarism. This article examines the interplay of structure and culture in the NWT Legislative Assembly, through an evaluation of the so-called “consensus government” system. Although cabinet is clearly pre-eminent, private members have unusual influence in the NWT. More generally, distinctive Northern adaptations to the British model—unique parliamentary structures and procedures—are central to the workings of the legislature. In its internal operations, the NWT Assembly is found to have successfully adapted important elements of British parliamentarism to Northern circumstances, though its legitimacy within the native population remains problematic.
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Lauderdale, Benjamin E. "Unpredictable Voters in Ideal Point Estimation." Political Analysis 18, no. 2 (2010): 151–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpp038.
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Ideal point estimators are typically based on an assumption that all legislators are equally responsive to modeled dimensions of legislative disagreement; however, particularistic constituency interests and idiosyncrasies of individual legislators introduce variation in the degree to which legislators cast votes predictably. I introduce a Bayesian heteroskedastic ideal point estimator and demonstrate by Monte Carlo simulation that it outperforms standard homoskedastic estimators at recovering the relative positions of legislators. In addition to providing a refinement of ideal point estimates, the heteroskedastic estimator recovers legislator-specific error variance parameters that describe the extent to which each legislator's voting behavior is not conditioned on the primary axes of disagreement in the legislature. Through applications to the roll call histories of the U.S. Congress, the E.U. Parliament, and the U.N. General Assembly, I demonstrate how to use the heteroskedastic estimator to study substantive questions related to legislative incentives for low-dimensional voting behavior as well as diagnose unmodeled dimensions and nonconstant ideal points.
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Funk, Kendall D., Laura Morales, and Michelle M. Taylor-Robinson. "The Impact of Committee Composition and Agendas on Women's Participation: Evidence from a Legislature with Near Numerical Equality." Politics & Gender 13, no. 02 (August 18, 2016): 253–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x16000465.
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Previous studies of women's participation in legislative debates could not disentangle the possible effect of institutionalized gender discrimination from the effect of gendered patterns because of women lacking seniority and leadership posts. Costa Rica's Legislative Assembly offers an opportunity to control for seniority and leadership. The prohibition on immediate reelection means that no legislators have seniority. The country's successful gender quota, presence of an equal number of men and women committee presidents, and election of the first woman president in 2010 all point to women having relatively equal access to formal positions of power. In this context, unequal debate participation between men and women legislators would indicate that it is very difficult to change the gendered nature of an institution. We use multilevel modeling to analyze repeated observations of individual-level participation in three of six standing committees during the 2010–14 term (Agriculture, Economics, and Social Issues) to explore differences in patterns of participation under various conditions (sex ratios, discussion topics, sex of committee leaders). Findings indicate that women are active participants in committees with both stereotypically feminine and masculine policy jurisdictions, but also that women are more active when the gender composition of the committee is less skewed.
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AKUBO, Aduku A., and Kolapo Quadri ABAYOMI. "NIGERIAN NATIONAL ASSEMBLY’S LEGISLATIVE OVERSIGHT, THE POWERS OF SUMMONS AND APPOINTMENTS’ RATIFICATION." Caleb Journal of Social and Management Sciences 06, no. 01 (August 31, 2021): 26–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.26772/cjsms2021060102.
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The legislature as First Estate of the realm represents citizens and sovereignty. It makes the law, serve as checks on the activities of the executive (oversight) and represent the citizens in constituencies. The responsibility of the Parliaments is to guarantee that accountability and transparency of government activities are maintained in order to curb misuse of public funds, corruption, while effecting good practices. It also scrutinizes the nominees for top government positions by the executive arm while it ensures that the requests sent by the executive are properly examined in order to avoid inefficiency and non-performance. However, the paper relying on secondary research method and data gathering discover that limited political will by legislators, inadequate funds, deteriorating infrastructural facilities, pressure from the Executive, predominance of inexperience legislators in the art of lawmaking and the tendency to place a higher premium of personal and pecuniary interests at the expense of public interests are antithetical to the effective legislative power of summons and appointment ratification in the National Assembly. Therefore, the paper recommended that there is a need for legislators to shun mediocrity and rise above pecuniary, sectional and party interests in favour of the protection of democracy and its practices.
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Abdel-Samad, Mounah. "Legislators’ Need for Civil Society Expertise: Tunisian Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Opportunity." Nonprofit Policy Forum 8, no. 3 (December 20, 2017): 299–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/npf-2016-0027.
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AbstractThe primacy of the Tunisian revolution and the country’s successful democratic transition (Stepan 2012, “Tunisia’s Transition and the Twin Tolerations.”Journal of Democracy23:89–103) make Tunisia an exemplar for analyzing legislators’ demand for advocacy by civil society organizations or CSOs. Several researchers (Cavatorta 2012, “Arab Spring: The Awakening of Civil Society. A General Overview.”http://www.iemed.org/observatori-es/arees-danalisi/arxius-adjunts/anuari/med.2012/Cavatorta_en.pdf, Benoit 2011, “The Counter-Power of Civil Society and the Emergence of a New Political Imaginary in the Arab World.”Constellations: an International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory18:271–283. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8675.2011.00650.x, Kubba 2000, “Arabs and Democracy: The Awakening of Civil Society.”Journal of Democracy11:84–90) have explored the role of Tunisian civil society in the democratic transition; however, no study examined legislators’ demand for CSOs’ legislative advocacy in Tunisia. By exploring factors influencing legislators and their demand and need for legislative advocacy, this study sheds light on the inner works of policy makers and ways to influence them. This study finds that, contrary to the idea that governments in developing countries do not want civil society participation in politics, Tunisian legislators are open to and eager for legislative advocacy. Based on 40 survey conducted face to face with Tunisian legislators in the National Constituent Assembly, and archival analysis of the National Constituents Assembly sessions’ minutes from 2011 until 2014, this study finds that Tunisian legislators have a high level of trust in CSOs, want their expertise, and are influenced by them when voting in parliament. These results have several potential impacts on understanding of the relationship between CSOs and government and more specifically legislature.
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Steilen, Matthew. "The Legislature at War: Bandits, Runaways and the Emergence of a Virginia Doctrine of Separation of Powers." Law and History Review 37, no. 2 (March 26, 2019): 493–538. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248018000597.
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The politics of war severely divided the Virginia Southside during the American Revolution. Laborers, ship pilots and other landless men and women bitterly resented the efforts of the patriot gentry to stop trade with Great Britain and to establish a military force. Planters feared that the presence of the British Navy would encourage slaves to flee or attack their masters. What role did law play in the patriot response to these conditions? This essay uses the case of Josiah Philips, who led a banditti residing in the Great Dismal Swamp, to show how law intersected with class and race in patriot thinking. The gentry's view of the landless as dependent and lacking in self-control and its view of black slaves as posing a constant threat of violence supported the application of special legal regimes suited to these dangers. In particular, Philips was “attainted” by the General Assembly, a summary legislative legal proceeding traditionally employed against offenders who threatened government itself. While the attainder was uncontroversial when it passed, the significance of the Assembly's intervention changed over time. By the late 1780s, some among the state's legal elite regarded the Assembly as having unnecessarily interfered in the ordinary course of justice, which they were then seeking to reform. This opened the way to recharacterize the Assembly's extraordinary legal jurisdiction as an arbitrary exercise of lawmaking power.
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Nyewusira, Vincent, and Kenneth Nweke. "Anti-Corruption Crusade in Nigeria: An Assessment of the Disposition of the National Assembly (1999-2013)." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 8, no. 4-1 (July 1, 2017): 195–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/mjss-2018-0090.
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Abstract Corruption has inadvertently been elevated to a state or national policy with all the symptoms of a hemorrhaging system. While any aggressive and purposeful anti-corruption crusade will always generate popular support and acclaim in Nigeria, it is sure to provoke anger, frustration and resistance among the political class with vested interest in the status quo. Periodically, the National Assembly, whose members largely belong to the latter group, is one of the institutions vested with the constitutional responsibility of preventing and exposing corruption, inefficiency and waste in the management of public funds within its legislative competence. This is specifically stipulated in section 88 (2) (b) of the 1999 Constitution (as amended). The study adopts the institutional approach to interrogate the efforts, capacity and political will of the National Assembly to function as the watchdog of public funds via legislations, inquiries or investigations, oversights, appropriations and resolutions. Our treatise includes a general survey and analysis of the Acts passed by the National Assembly establishing anti-corruption agencies such as the Independent Corrupt Practices and other related offences Commission (ICPC) and the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). We shall also do an exposition of some highprofile investigations conducted by the National Assembly over some federal government agencies pursuant to sections 88 and 89 of the constitution. Unfortunately, controversies and revelations arising from these exercises gravitated, in some cases, to narratives of sleaze in the National Assembly. It is also argued that the opaque and jumbo salaries and allowances associated with members of the National legislature significantly detract from any anti-corruption posturing of that institution. We conclude that mere sloganeering and platitudes on the powers of the National Assembly in combating corruption will yield little or no results until operators of the legislative arm of government at the national level understand and perform their critical role as the ‘soul and conscience of good governance’.
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Williamson, Laakkuluk Jessen. "Inuit gender parity and why it was not accepted in the Nunavut legislature." Études/Inuit/Studies 30, no. 1 (August 1, 2007): 51–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/016149ar.
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Abstract In this article, the historical circumstances that led up to the 1997 non-binding plebiscite on gender parity in what was soon-to-be Nunavut are considered. Firstly, traditional gender egalitarianism and fluidity in Inuit culture are described and exemplified by the values instilled in language, naming system, gendered roles and sexuality. Then, the political circumstances around the establishment of Nunavut and the way gender is played out on a political level are taken into account. The barriers against women in the electoral system are analysed and the arguments made for and against creating gender parity are evaluated. The vote on gender parity and the reasons why gender parity was finally rejected are reflected on. In the second part, the manners in which various organisations outside of government interact in order to address gender issues are scrutinised. Political and artistic bodies that represent women within Nunavut are contrasted against an organisation that contains Inuit men's voices, but does not represent them. Paradoxically, Inuit men still garner far more representation in the Legislative Assembly of Nunavut while at the social level they suffer more than women who are themselves more economically stable. The article ends with a discussion on the future of gender issues in Nunavut including the views held amongst Inuit youth on the topic.
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Ngara, Christopher Ochanja, and Albert T. Sam-Tsokwa. "Executive-Legislative Relations in Nigeria’s Management of the Border Crisis between Nigeria and Cameroon: The Case of the ICJ Ruling on the Bakassi Peninsula." Journal of Politics and Law 11, no. 2 (May 31, 2018): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v11n2p61.
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This paper examines Executive-Legislative relations in Nigeria’s management of the border crisis between Nigeria and Cameroon with special focus on the ICJ ruling on the Bakassi Peninsula. Using both primary and secondary data, the paper traced the root cause of the border dispute between Nigeria and Cameroon on the Bakassi Pennisula to colonial legacy of arbitrary boundary demarcation by erstwhile colonial powers, namely; Britain, Germany and France. The border crisis resulted in a protracted litigation and eventually culminated in the ICJ ruling which awarded the Bakassi Peninsula to Cameroon in 2002. The executive and the National Assembly which share constitutional responsibilities in external relations could not forge a common policy agenda on the matter. In many instance, both arms of government appeared confused and bereft of ideas to handle situation. The lack of consistent and coherent policy framework on the matter stemmed from inexperience and lack of political will on the part of the National Assembly as well as frequent conflict and mistrust between the two arms of government. Consequently, the Executive arm of government handed over the disputed territory to Cameroon without the approval of the National Assembly. The paper concludes that the Executive and the Legislature in Nigeria should see their roles in government as complimentary and always put national interest above other considerations.
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Sugiantiningsih, Putu. "Effectiveness of Performance of the Regional People's Legislative Assembly in Supervision of Distribution of Social Aid Funds in Denpasar City Community." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 6, no. 3 (June 18, 2019): 225. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v6i3.811.
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This research is a qualitative research with the intention of obtaining a description of the evaluation of the working effectiveness of the DPRD in the distribution of social assistance funds to the community in Denpasar City. The data analysis technique used is by collecting data, compiling data, presenting data, drawing conclusions and suggestions. Finding the best conclusions is subsequently realized as input.The research allocation is at the Denpasar City DPRD office which is located at Jalan Melati Denpasar - Bali. With the following considerations: the number of problems that arise because the DPRD is where the people's voice is accommodated. DPRD is the supervisor of the performance of the executive. Because executives have the duty to channel grants and social assistance funds to the community. Human resources are championed and there are many there. The results of the study indicate that good cooperation between the executive and the legislature is very necessary.Because after all the fate of the community is in the hands of these two institutions. All obstacles must be found out because the problem is that social assistance is a very sensitive issue. Many problems often arise from channeling social assistance funds.
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Allan, T. R. S. "In Defence of the Common Law Constitution: Unwritten Rights as Fundamental Law." Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 22, no. 1 (January 2009): 187–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s084182090000463x.
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Alan Brudner’s closely-argued, richly-textured and wide-ranging work, Constitutional Goods, provides a striking and original account of the rule of law and its implications for legitimate government. Since the rule of law includes the enforcement of substantive principles ofjustice, it requires a clear separation of powers between court and legislature. The role of the court is chiefly confined to pure practical reason, determining what the public reason of the liberal consti-tution requires. It is the role of the legislative assembly to give its assent to governmental measures that apply the principles ofjustice to empirical circumstances, where the scope for reasonable disagreement provokes a transition from natural law to political judgment. Judicial review carries no anti-democratic implications because it defends the conceptual boundaries of popular decision-making: ‘Democracy is not defeated but protected if the court invalidates a law no free person could impose on himself, for the majority has no more authority to pass such a law than an autocrat nor any jurisdiction to decide by fiat a question to which there is a correct legal answer.’
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Bauer, Gretchen. "‘The Hand That Stirs the Pot Can Also Run the Country’: electing women to parliament in Namibia." Journal of Modern African Studies 42, no. 4 (November 3, 2004): 479–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x04000370.
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In early 2004, 29% of Namibian Members of Parliament were women, putting Namibia fourth in continental Africa and seventeenth worldwide in terms of women's representation in a national legislature. This article sets out to determine how such a high percentage of women has been elected to the National Assembly in Namibia since independence. It suggests that electoral gains have been achieved through a combination of factors: the use of a closed list proportional representation electoral system and voluntary quotas on the part of political parties at the national level, sustained pressure over the past three to five years from a nascent women's movement influenced by the global women's movement, and the active participation of women inside and outside the country in a protracted and violent struggle for independence that was only attained in 1990. The first two factors confirm past experience and accumulated knowledge on the significance of choice of electoral system and use of quotas, and the importance of women's organisations to elected women's legislative agendas and success. The last factor deviates from experience, and from a literature that suggests that women's active participation in political struggles has not always translated into tangible gains for women.
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Amsori, Amsori, and Jailani Jailani. "LEGISLASI QANUN JINAYAT ACEH DALAM SISTEM HUKUM NASIONAL." Ar Raniry : International Journal of Islamic Studies 4, no. 2 (January 1, 2018): 221. http://dx.doi.org/10.20859/jar.v4i2.138.
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<p><em>This research moved from the process and formulation mekanism of Jinayat Law into Positive Law in Aceh in Indonesia's legal system is influenced by a variety of legal systems and ideologies that developed there in. The object of this study is the Aceh Qanun No. 6 of 2014 on the law Jinayat that the legislative process takes place during two periods of provincial parliament. This study is qualitative, by combining the research literature (library reseacrh) with field research (field reseacrh). The approach used consisted of approach law (statute approach), normative-empirical approach and conceptual approaches. Type of research data in the form of descriptive analysis. The results showed the legal legislation jinayat Aceh is gradually taking into account the socio-cultural conditions of the community in accepting the substance of the law jinayah, adaptive law enforcement and crime rates are dominant in society. Parties involved in the formulation of the substance Raqan jinayah Aceh, among others: Ulama Consultative Assembly (MPU), law enforcement agencies (Syari'yyah Court, the Prosecutor, the Police and the WH) as well as the public through non-governmental organizations. The Aceh Government also involves the Expert Team Expert Team Executive and Legislature in the substance of the discussion on the draft jinayah. The dynamics of thought that emerged in the formulation of the substance of the criminal law (Jinayah) should be sought common ground in order Raqan jinayah be passed along between the legislative and the executive.</em></p>
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Silva Teixeira, Erica, and Alexandre Douglas Zaidan de Carvalho. "MULHERES NA ASSEMBLEIA LEGISLATIVA DA BAHIA NO PÓS-1988." Revista Eletrônica Direito e Política 16, no. 1 (May 4, 2021): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.14210/rdp.v16n1.p1-29.
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RESUMOO presente trabalho se propõe a analisar, sob a perspectiva da garantia constitucional da igualdade de gênero, a participação das mulheres na Assembleia Legislativa do Estado da Bahia - ALBA. Através de uma abordagem empírica fundada no levantamento quantitativo dos mandatos parlamentares exercidos por mulheres em cada legislatura da ALBA após 1988, pretende-se demonstrar como a participação feminina naquela instituição representativa ainda é incipiente e enfrenta uma série de obstáculos. Tal constatação confirma algumas das hipóteses da literatura feminista sobre gênero e política e também da teoria democrática contemporânea sobre a baixa representatividade feminina nos órgãos legislativos. Ao final, apresentam-se indicativos a serem avaliados como alternativas inclusivas enquanto as estruturas partidárias não conseguem promover maior equilíbrio de gênero na representação política. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Igualdade de gênero; Democracia; Representatividade Política Feminina. ABSTRACTThis paper analyses the female political representation in the Legislative Assembly in the State of Bahia - ALBA, under a perspective of the constitutional guarantee of gender equality. Through an empirical approach stablished in a quantitative research on parliamentary mandates from women in each legislature since 1988 it is intended to show how female participation in that institution is still incipient and faces several obstacles. The evidence confirms some of the hypotheses of feminist literature on gender and politics and also from contemporary democratic theory on low female representation in legislative bodies. In the end, there are suggestions to be evaluated as inclusive alternatives as long as party structures cannot promote greater gender balance in political representation. KEY WORDS: Gender equality; Democracy; Female Political Representation.
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Wiązek, Paweł. "Legislatywa we francuskich systemach konstytucyjnych pierwszej połowy XIX wieku." Prawo 330 (November 9, 2020): 41–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0524-4544.330.3.
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Legislation in French constitutional systems in the fi rst half of the 19th century after the fall of the First Empire
The author attempted to present and compare the formal and legal position of the legislature in three successive constitutions that were passed in France in the fi rst half of the 19th century. The subject of the researcher’s exploration has consequently become the provisions of two Bourbon Constitutional Charters (proclaimed in 1814 and 1830 respectively) and the Republican Constitution passed by the French National Assembly in 1848. The choice of the subject of interest allowed the author to use a variety of methodological instruments, among which the most extensive ones were the exegesis of the normative text and legal comparisons. This made it possible to formulate numerous comments, assessments and opinions, at least some of which can be considered polemical or directly debatable, which the Author not only avoided, but was undoubtedly aware of.
Die Legislative in den französischen verfassungsrechtlichen Systemen der ersten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts nach dem Fall des Ersten Kaiserreiches
Der Autor versuchte in seinem Beitrag die formal-rechtliche Position der Legislative in den drei nacheinander folgenden Verfassungen, die in der ersten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts in Frankreich beschlossen wurden, zu schildern und zu vergleichen. Erforscht wurden daher die Bestimmungen zweier bourbonischer Charte constitutionnelle (erlassen entsprechend in den Jahren 1814 und 1830) und der republikanischen Verfassung, die durch die französische Nationalversammlung im Jahre 1848 angenommen wurde. Der gewählte Forschungsgegenstand ermöglichte dem Autor, unterschiedliche methodologische Instrumente zu nutzen, die breiteste Anwendung fanden die Exegese des normativen Textes und die rechtliche Komparatistik. Folglich konnten zahlreiche Bemerkungen, Beurteilungen und Ansichten formuliert werden, einige davon sind polemisch andere sogar diskutabel. Der Autor hat es nicht nur nicht gemieden, sondern das war seine bewusste Wahl der Aussagemittel.
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Anumo, Felogene Gor, and Florence Okemwa Pacificah. "The Influence of Gender Quotas on Women’s Participation in Legislative Processes in the National Assembly of the 11th Parliament of Kenya (2013 -2017)." International Journal of Current Aspects 3, no. II (May 31, 2019): 260–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.35942/ijcab.v3iii.22.
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This study sought to explore whether indeed the increase in number of women occasioned by Affirmative Action principles in the 2010 Constitution of Kenya has enhanced women’s political participation in the National Assembly. The specific objectives were: to analyze the levels of women parliamentarians’ participation on agenda setting and policy output in the National Assembly; to assess the effectiveness of gender quotas as a political tool for ensuring pursuance of the gender agenda in the National Assembly and to discuss constraints faced by women parliamentarians as they seek to influence policy output and enact laws. The March 4, 2013 General Elections which ushered in the 11th Parliament were considered landmark owing to the fact this it was the first General Election to incorporate affirmative action seats. As the term of the 11th Parliament came to a close, it was highly important to find out how effective gender quotas have been in achieving meaningful change for women representatives. The study was guided by Hanna Pitkin’s (1967) framework that she employed in her work “Conception of Women’s Political Representation”. The study was additionally informed by Dahlerup (1988) “Critical Mass theory”. The study made use of cross-sectional descriptive study design. The study was done with members of KEWOPA from the National Assembly of the Parliament of Kenya. The membership of the association consists of all the women Members of Parliament from all the political parties both elected and nominated. The target population of the study were the 68 KEWOPA members from the National Assembly with a sample size of 40 respondents calculated using the Yamane model. Questionnaires were used as the main data collection tool alongside key informant interviews and in-depth interviews. Validity and reliability of the instruments were measured to ensure accuracy and consistency. The study data was analysed thematically. A descriptive approach was involved where direct quotes and selected comments from informants have been used to explain the trends. Triangulation of data was done by looking into complementary and divergent opinions across the key informant interviews and in-depth interviews. The findings of the study suggest that there is still need to create and expand opportunities for women parliamentarians to enable them become more active and effective participants in the legislative processes of the National Assembly. The findings raises the question on what current efforts are being put in place by political parties and the Registrar of Political parties to ensure that the Affirmative Action. The findings are useful to assess the gains of women political representation and inform the lessons; experiences and can be harnessed to strengthen effective women’s political participation in legislature and policy making. They will contribute to informed public debate and critique on the effectiveness of women’s affirmative action for increased participation and visibility on political platforms. Finally, legislators in parliament and policy makers in government will benefit from insights into what it takes to effectively support women’s participation in legislative processes and how to leverage their numbers in parliament to the country’s advantage. Women aspirants need to be made aware of the challenges they expect to face at the National Assembly. It is also critical to raise awareness among women aspiring politicians and other members of the community to create awareness and address the stereotypes that have continued to ensure only a handful of women succeed in the legislative space. As women and women’s organisations continue to agitate for an increase in number of women legislators, they should equally work to transform the ideology of patriarchy and retrogressive institutional culture in Parliament.
This is an open-access article published and distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License of United States unless otherwise stated. Access, citation and distribution of this article is allowed with full recognition of the authors and the source.
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Cahyaningsih, Nur, and Akhmad Khisni. "NETRALITAS NOTARIS SEBAGAI ANGGOTA LEGISLATIF: Studi Tentang Peran Notaris Cuti Sebagai Anggota Legislatif Terhadap Notaris Pengganti Terhadap Akta-akta Yang Dibuatnya." Jurnal Akta 4, no. 2 (June 10, 2017): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.30659/akta.v4i2.1781.
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The Regional People's Legislative Assembly, hereinafter referred to as the Regional People's Legislative Assembly (DPRD), is a representative institution of the regional people as an element of local government administration Legally and politically the DPRD has a strategic position in implementing development policies in the regions. The magnitude of the roles, functions and authorities of the legislature invites many elements of society to enter as members of the council, notary positions and many Land Acquisition Authorities who are left behind to follow the legislative election procession. As a first step, a notary and enter into the party membership, and follow all the procedures of scaling, to then be elected by the community to become members of the council. Notaries in exercising their right to sit on behalf of the community as members of the Council, also regulated in Law No. 7 of 2017 on General Elections, are said to have made a statement willing not to practice as notaries and officials of the land deed (hereinafter referred to as PPAT). From this it can lead to issues of provisions contained in Articles 3 and 17, namely dual positions. This study aims to determine the relationship of notary to leave with a substitute notary in the perspective of Law Number 30 Year 2004 regarding Position Notary. Article explaining, among other things, article 33, on this matter Notary, a Notary substitute has the same authority related to the making of authentic deeds made. The research approach used is normative juridical, which will be qualitatively analyzed normative against secondary data. The theory used by the author is the theory of authority, theory of responsibility and theoretical justice. If you look at the explanation and analyze from the articles of article regarding the Notary Substitute, the Article which explains, among others, article 33, regarding this Notary, the Notary substitute has the same authority regarding the making of authentic deeds made. The authority of notary and substitute notary is based on Article 15 of Law Number 2 Year 2014 concerning Notary Position. The authority of a substitute notary commences from the grant of a notary protocol until the expiry of the appointment period based on the decision of the Notary Supervisory Board. Procedures concerning notary leave with a substitute notary may result in a conflict of interest that may affect the independence of a notary who is not allowed to take sides, this is due to 2 (two) factors namely the rules themselves and the political factor. Procedures concerning notary leave with a substitute notary may result in a conflict of interest that may affect the independence of a notary who is not allowed to take sides, this is due to 2 (two) factors namely the rules themselves and the political factor. The solution is to reinforce the terms of nomination of legeslative members, not just to not practice (leave) but with the resignation as a notary or PPAT and release all attributes (nameplate, practice office, and so on).Keywords: Notary, Authority, Conflict of Interest, Legislative Member
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Fleiner, Thomas. "Discrepancies between Civil Law and Common Law Federations." Max Planck Yearbook of United Nations Law Online 19, no. 1 (May 30, 2016): 368–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757413-00190014.
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Over the last decade, missions of the UN have assisted with constitutional reforms including issues of federalism. The hopes for peace with regard to federal structures have often failed. This paper elaborates possible reasons why these hopes were disappointed. It will show that one should understand the differences between Common Law and continental systems with regard to federalism. Some experts from Common Law countries fail to appreciate the substantial difference between federal Constitutions embedded in a Civil Law culture and those embedded in a Common Law culture. The reasons for the success or failure of past, present and future federal reforms may help to improve UN activities in this field. States of the Common Law tradition are not collective units, which have to steer their society. The Jacobins of the French Revolution, considered the State as their instrument to transform feudal society into a society of equal individuals. The Civil Law tradition has its roots in the French Revolution and in the sovereignty of the national legislative assembly as the only legitimate lawmaker of the State. The unity of the law does not depend on decisions of courts but only on the legislature. Constitutions of Civil Law federations need to enable the specified governmental branches of the federation to impose sanctions against federal units that fail to comply with federal laws. According to the perspective of the Civil Law one has to deal with two ‘States’ claiming sovereignty in a hierarchy, while from the perspective of the Common Law one has to deal with mere ‘governments.’ Constitutions of multicultural federations embedded within the Civil Law culture will have to empower not just the federation but also the federal units to develop the different cultural identities. To foster different cultures is however, not a major function of the State of the Common Law tradition. Federalism of the Civil Law tradition is more complex than according to the Common Law tradition. Important differences between federations of a Common Law and Civil Law tradition lies in the lawmaking power of the courts. In Common Law, courts and legislature share the task of lawmaking; in Civil Law countries, the legislature regulates all issues of civil and criminal law. In a Civil Law country, legislatures, executives and courts cannot function if there is no valid local Constitution empowering those branches of the federal units. Thus, the federal Constitution of a civil law country has to establish the powers of the governmental branches of the federal units. Within federal system of the Civil Law, the federal units administer, implement and execute the laws of the federation. Constitutions of Civil Law federations need special provisions for the power of the federation to control and implement federal laws in the federal units. The civil law judiciary has no contempt of court against the administration and against authorities of federal units.
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Ackermann, LWH. "The Obligations on Government and Society in our Constitutional State to Respect and Support Independent Constitutional Structures." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 3, no. 1 (July 10, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2000/v3i1a2881.
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Constitutional democracy recognises the ancient democratic principle that government of a country is based on and legitimated by the will and consent of the governed, which is determined by regular multi-party elections based on universal adult franchise. Constitutional democracy limits this principle by subjecting the democratically elected government and the will of the majority subject to a written constitution and the norms embodied in it. Such constitution is enshrined as the supreme law of the country in question. An almost universal feature of modern constitutionalism is a Bill of Rights that forms part of the Constitution and which is designed to protect and enforce individual rights principally, although not exclusively, against the state. Constitutionalism also embodies the principle of the separation of powers. A competent and independent judiciary, with the power to review all legislative and executive conduct that is inconsistent with the Constitution, is regarded, almost universally, as the prime and most effective check on the legislative and executive branches of government. Recently it has come to be realised that for the truly effective and meaningful operation of constitutionalism, other independent state institutions are necessary. The collective objective of these institutions is to ensure that the Constitution in fact produces what it proclaims: that constitutionalism becomes a way of life in all institutional structures. The South African Constitution has clearly designated the judiciary as the prime upholder and enforcer of the Constitution. The Constitution has, however, gone further and makes provision for a variety of independent state institutions whose purpose is to "strengthen constitutional democracy in the Republic". Apart from these state institutions the Constitution also makes provision for other independent bodies designed to play an important checking and balancing role. The regular effective functioning of these institutions is vitally important for creating and sustaining an ethos of constitutionalism among the inhabitants of the Republic.The Constitution makes explicit provision for the protection of the judiciary and the other independent state institutions and thereby indirectly for the development of habits of constitutionalism. The constitutional protection and support given to the independent state institutions are very similar to that given to the courts. One important distinction is to be noted. In the case of the courts, the Constitution provides that they "are subject only to the Constitution and the law" and no provision is made for them to be accountable to any other organ of state or any other institution or person, for that matter. By contrast, the independent institutions envisaged in section 181 of the Constitution are expressly made accountable to the National Assembly and are obliged to report on their activities and the performance of their functions to the Assembly at least once a year. While the formal independence of state institutions may at all times be scrupulously recognised by the legislature and the executive, their substantive independence can easily be undermined by fiscal starvation and their ability to function properly impeded by bureaucratic administrative obstruction or obfuscation or even, quite innocently, by a lack of appreciation of what the Constitution demands from public administration in support of these institutions. Adequate financial and administrative resources are required to achieve aspects of judicial independence. All South Africans must still be vigilant to ensure, from the outset, that all state organs develop habits and practices of constitutionalism and that they do not, whether by omission, error, or otherwise endanger the independence of our independent state institutions by neglecting their constitutional obligations.For the Constitutional Court to fulfil its role as the ultimate guardian of the Constitution, it must be independent. Its members cannot be elected, because that would imply that the Court owed allegiance or were accountable to the political majority or other elector in question. On the other hand, it is seen as undemocratic for a body that is not elected to be in a position to overrule the expressed will of the political representatives of the majority. This paradox exists in respect of all our courts and makes the method of appointing judicial officers particularly important in order to ensure at the same time, and as far as this is practically possible, both their independence and their legitimacy. The judiciary is however not an arm of the state that has been exempted from all checks and balances. The checks and balances on the judiciary are not the same as in the case of the legislature and the executive. In the case of the latter the checks and balances are principally through the Constitution, as enforced by the courts, and through the political process. In the case of the courts these checks and balances cannot be through the political process, for this would undermine the independence of the judiciary. One of the reciprocal obligations that a constitutional democracy imposes on all its subjects, is to support the independent constitutional institutions, as constitutional institutions, not only vocally at the level of intellectual abstraction, but by actively working to establish the habits of consitutionalism in all societal structures and societal interaction.
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Khoiriyah, Nuril. "A Long Road to a Gender Equality in the House of Representatives in Indonesia." KnE Social Sciences, July 29, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18502/kss.v4i10.7391.
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The issue of gender equality in Indonesia has been widely discussed, especially by the younger generations who are starting to become aware of the disadvantages of male domination. However, these discussions in the government sphere are only a ploy to gain a reputation for favouring women’s rights. Thus despite the 30% quota for the parliamentary elections, the number of women in the legislative assembly never reached the target. The construction theory in the field of International Relations considers the discourse on gender equality to be closely related to the formation of social facts that occur in the community. The anachronistic idea that women’s roles should solely comprise cooking fulfilling their husband sexual desires is unfortunately still entrenched in Indonesian culture. Using qualitative-deductive research methods, this study demonstrates that the Patriarchal system as a cultural heritage from ancient times is still adopted today. This is proven by the small number of women sitting in the power of the legislative body.
Keywords: Gender, Legislature, Politic, women’s rights
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"Documentation." Relations industrielles 4, no. 7 (March 6, 2014): 67–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1023509ar.
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The project of the Labour Code presented to the Quebec Legislature with the Bill No. 5 is now history. As this legislative project had considerable scope, various opinions on the subject were expressed and it was withdrawn. We are therefore publishing, as a matter of record, the declaration of the Honourable Antonio Barrette, Minister of Labour, at the time Bill No. 5 was withdrawn, as well as that of the Canadian and Catholic Confederation of Labour and of the Ecclesiastical Commission of Social Studies. It will be noticed that the text of the Ecclesiastical Commission of Social Studies was not sent to the newspapers but to the Members of the Legislative Assembly. The Members of this Commission are: the Revd. Paul Emile Bolté, p.s.s., Professor of Social Sciences in the Faculty of Theology at the University of Montreal; the Revd. Father Emile Bouvier, s.j., Director of the Industrial Relations Section of the University of Montreal and moral adviser of the « Association Professionnelle des Industriels »; the Revd. Father Jacques Cousineau, s.j., moral adviser of the Central Council of the National Syndicates of Montreal and of various Federations affiliated to the Canadian and Catholic Confederation of Labour; the Revd. Gérard Dion, Assistant-Director of the Department of Industrial Relations of Laval University, moral adviser of the employers' associations of the Diocese of Quebec; the Revd. Omer Genest, moral adviser of the National Catholic Syndicates, Diocese of Chicoutimi and the Revd. Henri Pichette, general moral adviser of the Canadian and Catholic Confederation of Labour.
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"An Analytical Study of Lower House in Pakistan: Legislation During Civilian and Military Rule." FWU Journal of Social Sciences, June 15, 2021, 132–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.51709/19951272/summer-2/8.
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A legislature is one of the strongest pillars of a state where legislation is made with the consent of the two-thirds majority of the House. The legislative body of Pakistan comprised President, National Assembly, and Senate. The National Assembly forms on the basis of General Elections in which people elect their representatives to make laws for them. In Pakistan’s chequered political history, this institution remained unable to establish credibility in society. Since the promulgation of the Constitution of 1973, the Lower House has been dissolved seven times by either military or civilian rulers, and it also remained non-existent until ten years. As per the Constitution, it was dissolved only once in 1977 on the advice of the Prime Minister to the President. General elections were also held during military regimes, and the House had been formed under it, but there was a difference between the legislation passed during civilian and military-led eras. The paper examines the role of the Lower House in the Constitution of 1973. It deals with its mandate and responsibilities. It analyses the legislation passed from this House during military and civilian rule periods, including the amendment bills that affected the governance system in Pakistan. It identifies issues and challenges the lower House has to face in regard to its smooth functioning. The paper suggests recommendations to improve the sanctity and credibility of this House that leads to strengthening democracy in Pakistan. Thepaper adopts analytical, qualitative, and deductive approaches to carry on this research work