Journal articles on the topic 'Birding sites'

The new corona virus infection SARS-CoV2 which was later renamed COVID-19 is a pandemic affecting public health. The fear and the constraints imposed to control the pandemic may correspondingly influence leisure activities, such as birding, which is the practice of observing birds based on visual and acoustic cues. Birders are people who carry out birding observations around the globe and contribute to the massive data collection in citizen science projects. Contrasting to earlier COVID-19 studies, which have concentrated on clinical, pathological, and virological topics, this study focused on the behavioral changes of birders. A total of 4484 questionnaire survey responses from 97 countries were received. The questionnaire had an open-ended style. About 85% of respondents reported that COVID-19 has changed their birding behavior. The most significant change in birdwatchers’ behavior was related to the geographic coverage of birding activities, which became more local. People focused mostly on yard birding. In total, 12% of respondents (n = 542 cases) reported having more time for birding, whereas 8% (n = 356 cases) reported having less time for birding. Social interactions decreased since respondents, especially older people, changed their birding behavior toward birding alone or with their spouse. Women reported more often than men that they changed to birding alone or with their spouse, and women also reported more often about canceled fieldtrips or society meetings. Respondents from higher developed countries reported that they spend currently more time for birding, especially for birding alone or with their spouse, and birding at local hotspots. Our study suggests that long lockdowns with strict regulations may severely impact on leisure activities. In addition, a temporal and spatial shift in birding due to the pandemic may influence data quality in citizen science projects. As nature-based recreation will be directed more toward nearby sites, environmental management resources and actions need to be directed to sites that are located near the users, e.g., in urban and suburban areas. The results can be applied with caution to other nature-based recreational activities.

SummaryBirders are generally nature-oriented; however, their understanding of key bird conservation issues remains under-examined. We surveyed English-speaking birders online and face-to-face, asking questions related to their views on conservation, conservation funding and their understanding of a global bird conservation programme (BirdLife International’s Important Bird and Biodiversity Areas [IBAs]). Most birders who responded to the survey were from Australia, the United Kingdom, South Africa and the USA. Birders tend to value bird conservation in an ecocentric way, often citing the overarching importance of general biodiversity. The ecological roles that birds play were also highlighted, but this varied across socio-demographic groups. Despite their positive support for conservation, less than half of all birders surveyed were familiar with the IBA programme. Familiarity with IBAs was driven by socio-demographic factors, with males more familiar than females and South African birders more familiar than birders from Australia and the United Kingdom. Most birders are willing to make contributions to bird conservation when visiting key birding sites, however they also feel governments should remain the main funders of conservation. Opportunities to enhance engagement between birders and bird conservation groups exist with most indicating a desire to learn more about bird conservation at birding sites. Increasing access to relevant information and presenting opportunities to contribute to conservation at birding sites could provide tangible benefits for bird habitats, protected areas and bird conservation groups.

Avitourism is a specific type of bird-focussed nature-based tourism that can potentially contribute to community development and avian conservation. The details of the most memorable as well as the most desired destinations for avitourists are relatively underexamined. To sample the global birding population, questionnaires were distributed electronically via birding forums, birder mailing lists and social media sites asking about birders’ destination preferences. A total of 303 respondents identified their most memorable destinations and 290 their most desired destinations. Among the destinations identified, Pacific Islands were stated as memorable (n = 23) and desired destinations (n = 55). New Zealand was the most memorable destination for 17 of the 23 respondents and the most desired was Papua New Guinea (33 of the 55 respondents). Key aspects that made New Zealand memorable were the presence of multiple endemic species and seabirds, while birds of paradise are the main attraction for birders wanting to visit Papua New Guinea. Understanding what biological attributes appeal to avitourists may help island destinations increase their market share in avitourism. Targeted marketing and management of the industry can bring benefits to Pacific Island communities, which in turn can enhance conservation.

Although the concept of authenticity has received considerable attention in tourism literature, it has received little in interpretation literature despite its importance to practitioners and administrators involved in planning, marketing, and managing interpretive sites. Interpreters may seek to provide authentic experiences at their sites regardless of whether they are interpreting natural resources or cultural heritage. However, many interpreters may not realize that what constitutes an authentic experience for visitors is difficult to define and that authenticity is a complex concept. A framework showing three key types of authenticity—the objective, the constructed, and the personal—can be applied to interpretive sites. Doing so can help interpretation researchers and practitioners understand the indicators of authentic experiences and to provide authentic interpretive experiences to visitors. In exploring the varying meanings of authenticity for interpretation, we also expand prior analyses of such variation to little-examined issues such as birding, hiking, or other outdoor recreation.

Citizen scientists are playing an increasing role in helping collect, process, and/or analyze data used to study a variety of scientific phenomena. We address the problem of identifying tasks that are rewarding to the citizen scientists, which results in greater participation, leading to more data and better models. We apply our methodology to eBird, whose participants are avid birders interested in observing different species while contributing to science. In order to improve the birders' chances of meeting their goals, we consider the following probabilistic maximum coverage problem: Given a set of locations, select a subset of size k, such that the birders maximize the expected number of observed species by visiting such locations. We also consider a secondary objective that gives preference to birding sites not previously visited. We consider two variants of the probabilistic maximum coverage problem, provide a theoretical analysis, describe several algorithms with provable approximation guarantees, as well as heuristic approaches, and provide empirical results using eBird data. Our algorithms are fast and provide high quality recommendations.

There are many challenges in biodiversity conservation, especially for migratory waterbirds because their survival depends on the availability of a suite of interconnected sites at different stages of their annual cycle. Due to habitat loss and degradation, the population of Baer’s Pochard (Aythya baeri), a migratory diving-duck, has declined to an extent that it has been listed as a critically endangered species by the IUCN Red List. To better understand the habitat requirements of this threatened waterbird for its effective conservation, we conducted seven years of field surveys within its historical distribution range in the East Asian–Australasian Flyway including China and neighbouring countries, covering 563 observation sites at 185 locations. Twelve new locations were identified as habitats for this species. By combining our surveys with literature and citizen science birding records, 171 Baer’s Pochard’s presence sites have classified as migratory stopovers, wintering grounds and breeding and potential breeding habitats. We then used Maxent model to estimate the potential distribution range and updated and refined the current IUCN distribution map. Finally, we identified the key conservation gaps by overlaying the distribution with a recent remotely acquired global landcover map. Our results show that: (1) The southernmost breeding site is about 1400 km south of its current IUCN breeding range; (2) the northern most wintering site is 800 km north of the IUCN wintering range; (3) Six newly discovered sites in Hebei, Henan, Shandong, Jiangxi and Hubei provinces, China are confirmed to be used all year round; (4) Most sites (81.8%) are not located in protected areas (PAs), and the majority of the suitable habitats (90%) are not protected by the current PA network. Our findings reveal that great changes have taken place in the distribution of Baer’s Pochard and that there are many distribution overlaps throughout its annual migration circle (e.g., many historical stopover sites become breeding habitats). Moreover, the key habitats have retreated into eastern Asia, and most of the habitats overlap with urban developed areas and are outside of current PA network. Our study suggests that the existing PA network may be less effective for the conservation of this critically endangered species under predicted global climate change, and other effective area-based conservation measures should be part of the conservation strategy. More importantly, as the distribution of Baer’s Pochard covers at least 15 countries, closely coordinated cross-border cooperation would be critical for its future survival.

Urbanization causes drastic changes in the diversity and distribution of many species in Brazil, there are insufficient data on the accessibility and quality of urban forest fragments for wildlife. Thus, we estimated the proportion of bird and bat species barred from entering the intra-urban area of Ponta Grossa (PR) through a multiscale study of landscape and vegetation quality in the core area and the avian and chiropteran fauna present. Phytosociological analyses were carried out by means of tree and shrub vegetation plots in three urban parks. Bird surveys were carried out in a non-systematic manner over 12 months at dawn and dusk at potential birding sites in the urban area. Data on bats were obtained from the literature on local sampling in the urban area. Finally, landscape fragmentation metrics were calculated to assess the resistance of urban areas to the transit of the target species. A total of 142 shrub and tree taxa were surveyed in forested urban remnants, with diversity H' ranging from 3.68 to 3.87. This vegetation supported 62 species of birds and 8 bats, exceeding the literature estimative. The urban space is frequented by 37% of the regional avifauna and 50% of the regional chiropterofauna. The forest fragments have significant areas with a good supply of resources, close enough to connect these populations. However, the species observed are mostly generalists due to the poverty of the transition area corridors, which causes those peri-urban source areas could strongly select species adapted to environments subjected to edge effects. An integrated analysis of the vegetation cover of riparian areas, street trees, and backyard vegetation could point out the bottlenecks that urban planning should focus on to increase the environmental quality of the urban area.

Anthropogenic noise and its effects on acoustic communication have received considerable attention in recent decades. Yet, the natural acoustic environment’s influence on communication and its role in shaping acoustic signals remains unclear. We used large-scale playbacks of ocean surf in coastal areas and whitewater river noise in riparian areas to investigate how natural sounds influences song structure in six songbird species. We recorded individuals defending territories in a variety of acoustic conditions across 19 study sites in California and 18 sites in Idaho. Acoustic characteristics across the sites included naturally quiet ‘control’ sites, ‘positive control’ sites that were adjacent to the ocean or a whitewater river and thus were naturally noisy, ‘phantom’ playback sites that were exposed to continuous broadcast of low-frequency ocean surf or whitewater noise, and ‘shifted’ playback sites with continuous broadcast of ocean surf or whitewater noise shifted up in frequency. We predicted that spectral and temporal song structure would generally correlate with background sound amplitude and that signal features would differ across site types based on the spectral profile of the acoustic environment. We found that the ways in which song structure varied with background acoustics were quite variable from species to species. For instance, in Idaho both the frequency bandwidth and duration of lazuli bunting (Passerina amoena) and song sparrow (Melospiza melodia) songs decreased with elevated background noise, but these song features were unrelated to background noise in the warbling vireo (Vireo gilvus), which tended to increase both the minimum and maximum frequency of songs with background noise amplitude. In California, the bandwidth of the trill of white-crowned sparrow (Zonotrichia leucophrys) song decreased with background noise amplitude, matching results of previous studies involving both natural and anthropogenic noise. In contrast, wrentit (Chamaea fasciata) song bandwidth was positively related to the amplitude of background noise. Although responses were quite heterogeneous, song features of all six species varied with amplitude and/or frequency of background noise. Collectively, these results provide strong evidence that natural soundscapes have long influenced vocal behavior. More broadly, the evolved behavioral responses to the long-standing challenges presented by natural sources of noise likely explain the many responses observed for species communicating in difficult signal conditions presented by human-made noise.

Natural soundscapes have beneficial effects on the perceived restorativeness of an environment. This study examines the effect of birdsong, a common natural soundscape, on perceived restorativeness in Harbin Sun Island Park in China. Eight sites were selected and a series of questionnaire surveys on perceived restorativeness soundscape scale (PRSS) of four birdsong types were conducted during summer and winter. Two-hundred and forty respondents participated in this survey. Analysis of the survey results shows that different types of birdsong have different perceived restorativeness effects in different seasons. Crow birdsong has the worst effect on the perceived restorativeness in both summer and winter. Moreover, sound comfort and preference are significantly associated with the perceived restorativeness. The perceived restorativeness soundscape is best when birdsong is at a height of 4 m rather than 0.5 m or 2 m. The demographic/social factors of age, education, and stress level are all correlated with perceived restorativeness. There are suggestions for urban park design, especially with constructed natural elements. Creating a suitable habitat for multiple species of birds will improve perceived restorativeness. Moreover, appropriate activities should be provided in city parks to ensure restorativeness environments, especially for subjects with high levels of education and stress.

Birdsong requires complex learned motor skills involving the coordination of respiratory, vocal organ and craniomandibular muscle groups. Recent studies have added to our understanding of how these vocal subsystems function and interact during song production. The respiratory rhythm determines the temporal pattern of song. Sound is produced during expiration and each syllable is typically followed by a small inspiration, except at the highest syllable repetition rates when a pattern of pulsatile expiration is used. Both expiration and inspiration are active processes. The oscine vocal organ, the syrinx, contains two separate sound sources at the cranial end of each bronchus, each with independent motor control. Dorsal syringeal muscles regulate the timing of phonation by adducting the sound–generating labia into the air stream. Ventral syringeal muscles have an important role in determining the fundamental frequency of the sound. Different species use the two sides of their vocal organ in different ways to achieve the particular acoustic properties of their song. Reversible paralysis of the vocal organ during song learning in young birds reveals that motor practice is particularly important in late plastic song around the time of song crystallization in order for normal adult song to develop. Even in adult crystallized song, expiratory muscles use sensory feedback to make compensatory adjustments to perturbations of respiratory pressure. The stereotyped beak movements that accompany song appear to have a role in suppressing harmonics, particularly at low frequencies.

Urbanization has impacted both humans and birds, and certain bird species, like the white-vented myna choruses on Zhongqing Road, have adapted to human-dominated environments. A study in April 2023 utilized cameras and sound level meters to document this phenomenon. Two phases were conducted: the first phase recorded white-vented mynas' departure and return times at dawn and dusk, along with the sound pressure level of birdsong. The second phase measured indoor sound pressure levels during peak birdsong at nearby buildings. Additionally, a questionnaire assessed people's perception of the bird choruses. Results indicated that birdsong at dawn had a lower sound pressure level (68.8 dBA) compared to dusk (75.4dBA), but it persisted longer. The dominant frequency was around 3150 Hz. Three out of four indoor sites exceeded the regulatory standard of 60 dBA. The questionnaire showed that over 75% of nearby residents disliked the bird choruses, while 18% of passersby found them interesting and potentially attractive for visitation. In conclusion, urban bird choruses can impact indoor acoustic environments and lead to negative perceptions among residents. This study aimed to provide quantitative data and insights into residents' listening impressions of bird choruses on Zhongqing Road, offering valuable reference data for stakeholders.

AbstractThe environmental adaptation hypothesis (EAH) regarding birdsong dialects or ncighbourhoods states that song similarities between neighbouring individuals arise because of common influences on their songs exerted by the acoustic environment of their habitat. An assumption of the hypothesis is that sounds are distorted differently by different types of habitat. A prediction of the hypothesis is that some songs or parts of songs transmit better than others, depending on the habitat of their origin. We tested the assumption and prediction by comparing the attenuation and differential attenuation of pure tones, decreases in modal frequencies of computer simulated songs of American redstarts (Setophaga ruticilla), and the decay of redstart songs and white noise at deciduous, coniferous and open forest sites. The songs were representative of those used by redstarts living in thc three habitats. Results supported the assumption of acoustic differences between habitats but did not support the prediction that some songtypes transmit with less distortion in specific habitats than in others. The EAH also predicts that individuals which inhabit similar vegetation should share more song features than individuals which inhabitat dissimilar vegetation. To test this prediciton samples of songs were taken from the three habitats in different years. There were significant associations by habitat in both samples, but only one of several variables measured was significant and the discriminating variable was not the same for the two periods. Considering together the tests of the assumption and the two predictions, we conclude that for American redstarts evidence of the influence of the acoustic features of habitat on the formation of song dialects is mixed and not convincing.

Several bird species use forest fragments and trees conserved in built areas as breeding, wintering, and stopover habitat. Scientists have created a Building for Birds online tool to help these birds and the people who appreciate them. This evaluation tool is most useful for small developments or developments in already fragmented landscapes. The tool is designed for use when no opportunity is available to conserve large forest areas of 125 acres or more within a proposed development. Developers are sometimes reluctant to conserve trees and forest fragments in subdivided residential/commercial areas because it costs time and money, but there is value in this conservation effort not only for many different species of forest birds, but for future homeowners waking to birdsong in the mornings. This 18-page fact sheet written by Mark Hostetler and Jan-Michael Archer and published by the Department of Wildlife Ecology and Conservation describes the online tool and shows how it can help preserve stopover habitat for migrating birds.­http://edis.ifas.ufl.edu/uw416

ZENK expression in vocal nuclei is associated with singing behavior. Area X is an important nucleus for learning and stabilizing birdsong. ZENK expression is higher in Area X compared to that in other vocal nuclei when birds are singing. To reveal the relationship between the ZENK expression in Area X and song crystallization, immunohistochemistry was used to detect ZENK protein expression in Area X after the unilateral vocal nerve (tracheosyringeal nerve) section in adult male zebra finches. Sham operations had no effect on song. In contrast, section of unilateral vocal nerve could induce song decrystallization at the 7th day after the surgery. The spectral and the temporal features of birdsong were distorted more significantly in the right-side vocal nerve section than in the left-side vocal nerve section. In addition, after surgery, ZENK expression was higher in the right-side of Area X than in the left-side. These results indicate that the vocal nerve innervations probably are right-side dominant. ZENK expression in both sides of Area X decreased, as compared to control group after surgery, which suggests that the ZENK expression in Area X is related to birdsong crystallization, and that there is cooperation between the Area X in AFP and syrinx nerve.

Urban parks are important urban public spaces that guarantee people recreation, create positive emotions and relieve stress. Emerging research has shown that natural soundscapes are associated with restorative landscapes in urban parks. However, there is still a lack of knowledge on the use of physiological indexes to evaluate the effects of natural sounds versus human-based sounds on stress relief. In this study, the three physiological indexes of skin conductance level, heart rate and heart rate variability were collected in Fuzhou West Lake Park with the help of Ergo LAB data platform, and a soundscape perception evaluation questionnaire was used to assess the degree of soundscape perceptions in the sample sites. The differences in the stress relieving effects of different urban park environments were analysed by applying the median test, the Wilcoxon test was applied to analyse the effects of soundscapes and urban park environments on relieving stress, and regression analysis was used to identify the important factors of restorative soundscapes. The results found that urban park environments provide a certain degree of stress relief, but the stress relieving effects of different urban park environments vary and that natural spaces play an important role in relieving stress. Urban park soundscapes are key to restorative environmental design, with natural sounds such as birdsong and stream sound being important factors of restorative soundscapes.

Abstract The Sungai Tiagau Forest Reserve is a Class 1 Protection Forest Reserve under jurisdiction of Serudong District Forestry Office of Sabah Forestry Department. This reserve is located in south eastern Sabah, covering an area of 7,010 ha. This study was aimed to document the insect fauna of Sg. Tiagau Forest Reserve (Ext.), as well as to investigate the threats affecting insect diversity. Nocturnal insect diversity was assessed through light-trapping from 7:00 p.m. until 9:00 p.m. for three consecutive nights while diurnal insects were documented through sweep nets and forceps. A mean 58 species of nocturnal insects was recorded from a one-square-metre of the light-trapping cloth within three different sites, with an average of 74 individuals. The mean Shannon Index was 3.84 while Simpson Index was 111.26 and Fisher Alpha Index was 178.48. When making a comparison with other forest reserves in Sabah, this reserve shows moderately low in terms of insect diversity but moderate in terms of species richness. Eight Bornean endemic species were recorded during the survey and that will be provide significant information to enhance the conservation of Sg. Tiagau Forest Reserve (Ext.) and serve as a baseline information for future research. From the insects recorded, they can be used to promote nature tourism by highlighting Bornean endemic and interesting species, such as the iconic butterfly, Rajah Brooke Birdwing. There are a few threats and issues that may affect insect diversity, including forest fire, changes in land-use and encroachment. A cooperation between Sabah Forestry Department with relevant agencies could help in addressing the discussed issues. This first-hand information on insects of the reserve can be included in the formulation plan of a sustainable forest management system as stipulated in HCVRN.

Behavioural barriers to gene flow can play a key role in speciation and hybridisation. Birdsong is well-known for its potential contribution to such behavioural barriers as it may affect gene flow through an effect on territorial and mating success across population boundaries. Conspecific recognition and heterospecific discrimination of acoustic variation can prevent or limit hybridization in areas where closely related species meet. Here we tested the impact of song differences on territorial response levels between two adjacent Henicorhina wood-wren species along an elevational gradient in Colombia. In an earlier study, playback results had revealed an asymmetric response pattern, with low-elevation H. leucophrys bangsi responding strongly to any conspecific or heterospecific song variant, whereas high-elevation H. anachoreta birds discriminated, responding more strongly to their own songs than to those of bangsi. However, in that study we could not exclude a role for relative familiarity to the song stimuli. In the current study we confirm the asymmetric response pattern with song stimuli recorded close to and on both sides of the distinct acoustic boundary. Furthermore, we also show a previously unnoticed divergence in singing style between these two wood-wren species, which may contribute to an acoustically guided barrier to hybridization in this secondary contact zone.

AbstractA study based on discrete choice experiments is conducted to investigate how bioecological attributes of birding sites enter the utility functions of specialized birders and affect their travel intentions. Estimates are based on generalized multinomial and scales-adjusted latent class models. We find that the probability of observing a rare or a new bird species, and the numerosity of species significantly affect birders’ choice destination. We also find that individual preferences among attributes are correlated and affected by scale and taste heterogeneity. We identify two latent classes of birders. In the first class fall birders attaching a strong interest in qualitative aspects of sites and low importance on distance from home. Class 2 groups birders addicted both on all qualitative and quantitative bioecological attributes of sites as well as on the distance. In general, we assess that the majority of birders prefer to travel short distances, also when the goal is viewing rare or new birds. Finally, we estimate marginal welfare changes in biological attributes of sites in terms of willingness to travel.

The growth of biodiversity data sets generated by citizen scientists continues to accelerate. The availability of such data has greatly expanded the scale of questions researchers can address. Yet, error, bias, and noise continue to be serious concerns for analysts, particularly when data being contributed to these giant online data sets are difficult to verify. Counts of birds contributed to eBird, the world’s largest biodiversity online database, present a potentially useful resource for tracking trends over time and space in species’ abundances. We quantified counting accuracy in a sample of 1,406 eBird checklists by comparing numbers contributed by birders (N = 246) who visited a popular birding location in Oregon, USA, with numbers generated by a professional ornithologist engaged in a long-term study creating benchmark (reference) measurements of daily bird counts. We focused on waterbirds, which are easily visible at this site. We evaluated potential predictors of count differences, including characteristics of contributed checklists, of each species, and of time of day and year. Count differences were biased toward undercounts, with more than 75% of counts being below the daily benchmark value. Median count discrepancies were −29.1% (range: 0 to −42.8%; N = 20 species). Model sets revealed an important influence of each species’ reference count, which varied seasonally as waterbird numbers fluctuated, and of percent of species known to be present each day that were included on each checklist. That is, checklists indicating a more thorough survey of the species richness at the site also had, on average, smaller count differences. However, even on checklists with the most thorough species lists, counts were biased low and exceptionally variable in their accuracy. To improve utility of such bird count data, we suggest three strategies to pursue in the future. (1) Assess additional options for analytically determining how to select checklists that include less biased count data, as well as exploring options for correcting bias during the analysis stage. (2) Add options for users to provide additional information that helps analysts choose checklists, such as an option for users to tag checklists where they focused on obtaining accurate counts. (3) Explore opportunities to effectively calibrate citizen-science bird count data by establishing a formalized network of marquis sites where dedicated observers regularly contribute carefully collected benchmark data.

Abstract This paper makes comprehensive use of virtual reality, virtual plants, and other technologies, integrates parametric plants and buildings and other modeling methods, and flexibly manages and organizes all kinds of garden elements through digital vector layers. Based on the OSG graphic rendering engine, it visualizes all sorts of 3D garden landscape models. Combining multi-sensory expressions, the parameter-driven multi-sensory design of virtual Chinese gardens is comprehensively constructed. The findings indicate that the scheme with decentralized placement on both sides has a receding time of 312s, and the area of human flow density has been enhanced. In the soundscape design, the birdsong sound was favored more, and the mean value of the birdsong sound scores in the botanical garden, plaza, and stream was 4.43. The Sig values of experiential, realism, interactivity, and content richness between Group A and Group B were all less than 0.05. Therefore, this paper successfully designs and realizes multisensory interactions between people and the garden scenario design.

Amaç–Bu araştırmanın amacı Türkiye’de faaliyet gösteren iki lider online alışveriş sitesine yöneltilen şikayetlerin incelenerek sınıflandırılması ve hangi konularda yoğunlaştığının tespit edilmesidir.Yöntem –Araştırmada Türkiye’de faaliyet gösteren ve hemen her türlü ürün grubunda satış yapan iki online alışveriş sitesine yönelik çevrimiçi şikayetler incelenmiş ve yorumlanmıştır. İncelenen veriler www.sikayetvar.comsitesinden belge incelemesi yolu ile elde edilmiş ve MAXQDA 2020 programı ile analiz edilmiştir.Bulgular –Araştırma sonucunda iki online alışveriş sitesine yönelik şikayetlerin hangi konularda odaklandığı ve müşterilerin hangi konuda enfazla sorun yaşadıkları tespit edilmiştir. Bu doğrultuda tespit edilen başlıca sorunların her iki online alışveriş sitesi için de ürün temelli olduğu, şikayet konusu olarak ise şikayetlerle ilgili yeterli çözümün sunulmaması ve iade talebinin reddi olduğubulgularına ulaşılmıştır. Tartışma –Araştırma bulguları genel olarak değerlendirildiğinde online alışveriş sitesi yöneticilerinin müşterilerin yaşamış olduğu memnuniyetsizliklerin kaynaklarını tespit etmeleri ve müşteri memnuniyetini sağlayacak stratejiler izlemeleri gerekmektedir. Bazı müşteri şikayetlerinin birden fazla konu ile ilişkilendirildiği düşünüldüğünde hizmet sağlayıcı işletmenin söz konusu konularda iyileştirme yapması gerektiği ortaya çıkmaktadır. Bu araştırmada Türkiye’de faaliyet gösterenlider iki online alışveriş sitesine yöneltilen şikayetler incelenmiştir. Daha sonra yapılacak olan araştırmalara farklı online alışveriş sitelerinin de eklenmesi ile araştırma geliştirilmiş olacaktır. Araştırmanın bu doğrultuda gelecekteki araştırmalara yol göstermesi hedeflenmektedir

IntroductionEfforts to collect ecological data have intensified over the last decade. This is especially true for freshwater habitats, which are among the most impacted by human activity and yet lagging behind in terms of data availability. Now, to support conservation programmes and management decisions, these data need to be analyzed and interpreted; a process that can be complex and time consuming. The South African Biodiversity Data Pipeline for Wetlands and Waterbirds (BIRDIE) aims to help fast and efficient information uptake, bridging the gap between raw ecological datasets and the information final users need.MethodsBIRDIE is a full data pipeline that takes up raw data, and estimates indicators related to waterbird populations, while keeping track of their associated uncertainty. At present, we focus on the assessment of species abundance and distribution in South Africa using two citizen-science bird monitoring datasets, namely: the African Bird Atlas Project and the Coordinated Waterbird Counts. These data are analyzed with occupancy and state-space models, respectively. In addition, a suite of environmental layers help contextualize waterbird population indicators, and link these to the ecological condition of the supporting wetlands. Both data and estimated indicators are accessible to end users through an online portal and web services.Results and discussionWe have designed a modular system that includes tasks, such as: data cleaning, statistical analysis, diagnostics, and computation of indicators. Envisioned users of BIRDIE include government officials, conservation managers, researchers and the general public, all of whom have been engaged throughout the project. Acknowledging that conservation programmes run at multiple spatial and temporal scales, we have developed a granular framework in which indicators are estimated at small scales, and then these are aggregated to compute similar indicators at broader scales. Thus, the online portal is designed to provide spatial and temporal visualization of the indicators using maps, time series and pre-compiled reports for species, sites and conservation programmes. In the future, we aim to expand the geographical coverage of the pipeline to other African countries, and develop more indicators specific to the ecological structure and function of wetlands.

Abstract Hermit Warblers (Setophaga occidentalis) sing a formulaic, type I song to attract mates, in contrast to a repertoire of more complex, type II songs to defend territories. A single, dominant type I song, or a low diversity of type I songs, often occur within a geographic area. We provide the first comprehensive description of Hermit Warbler type I song variants throughout California, USA. We recorded type I songs from 1,588 males across 101 study sites in the state from April through July 2009–2014. Using those locations and a pre-existing range map of the species, we created a maximum entropy-based breeding habitat suitability map and classified the songs into 35 variants using a typological rubric. We validated consistent classification of songs for 87.5% of the birds. We then modeled the effects of recent fire history at the local scale (10 yr, 315 km2), the amount of breeding habitat at the regional scale (8,000 km2), and the distance between territories to examine factors involved in song sameness at the local scale. We found that the probability of different birds singing the same form declined with the amount of local fire, regional habitat, and distance, and that these findings were robust to uncertainty in our song classification rubric. Using a longitudinal analysis including additional data from 10 study areas revisited in 2019, we showed that song structure within forms had drifted since our initial visits 5–10 yr earlier, and that the evenness (e.g., Simpson’s measure) of song forms increased at locations that had been burned by wildfire between visits. Taken together, the results suggest that wildfires and the mass effects of dispersal of birds singing rival song forms disrupt the uniformity of type I songs locally. The results demonstrate how species traits, such as birdsong, can be used to disentangle the ecological processes that regulate observed patterns in biodiversity. Further investigation is recommended to determine whether song pattern dynamics reflect underlying genetic differences and habitat specializations among subpopulations.

The objective was to investigate the effects of a 6-week core strengthening training within the regular handball training sessions compared to regular handball training only. Male sub-elite handball players were randomly assigned to an intervention (INT: n = 13; age: 16.9 ± 0.6 years) or a control (CON: n = 13; age: 17.2 ± 0.8 years) group. The INT group performed the “big 3” core exercises cross curls-up, side bridge (both sides), and the quadrupedal stance (“birddog exercise”) triweekly for 20–30 min while the CON group conducted regular handball training only. Pre- and post-training assessments included measures of muscular endurance (Closed Kinetic Chain Upper Extremity Stability Test [CKCUEST] and the Bourban test), shoulder mobility/stability (Upper Quarter Y Balance [YBT-UQ] test), and throwing velocity. The ANCOVA revealed significant differences between means in favour of the INT group for the dorsal chain (p < 0.001, ηp2 = 0.46) and the lateral chain (left side: p = 0.015, ηp2 = 0.22; right side: p = 0.039, ηp2 = 0.17) of the Bourban test, the composite score (p = 0.024, ηp2 = 0.20) of the throwing arm reach and the inferolateral reach direction (p = 0.038, ηp2 = 0.17), and the composite score (p = 0.027, ηp2 = 0.19) of the non-throwing arm reach of the YBT-UQ. However, performance in the CKCUEST and throwing velocity did not show any group-specific changes. Therefore, 6 weeks of core strengthening training were effective in improving some components of physical but no handball-specific athletic (i.e., throwing velocity) performance in adolescent male sub-elite handball players. Practitioners may still opt for this training regimen when stimulus variability is sought or when a low load/low movement approach (e.g., during rehabilitation) is favoured.

At the beginning of his recent collection of essays in queer studies, Jeffrey Escoffier makes the assertion at once portentous and banal that “the moment of acknowledging to oneself homosexual desires and feelings … and then licensing oneself to act ... is the central drama of the homosexual self.” That “moment of self-classification,” he explains, “is an emergency – sublime, horrible, wonderful – in the life of anyone who must confront it.” (1) In the theatre of my own biography, I am unsure how or when I first played out this epiphanic drama of queer self-acknowledgment, but I can vividly recall the first time someone else enacted it for me. In elementary school, at the age of ten, a fellow pupil cornered me in the school playground and announced with calculated precocity to anyone who cared to listen that I was, as he put it, “a homo.” Unlike some of my congregated peers whose chorus of “what’s a homo?” provoked a dizzying exchange of infantile misinformation, I was only too well aware of the term’s meaning and, shocked that my queerness should not only be revealed but also be so transparently legible that even a boorish bully might detect it, slid away in fearful embarrassment. What proved most unsettling to me, however, was that my nascent homosexuality should have been evidenced in this playground spectacle of queer exposure, not on the basis of same-sex desire but, rather, on that of passionate devotion to a woman. Earlier that day, our schoolteacher had directed us to write and then read aloud to the class a composition entitled, “My Hero.” Where most of my classmates wrote predictable tributes to normative role models of the time like Neil Armstrong, Greg Chappell, Muhammad Ali, and even Jesus Christ, I penned an effusive homage to, what I described in the essay as, that “radiant star of stage and screen, Miss Julie Andrews”. It was this profession of ardent affection for a female film star that led directly to my schoolyard outing. As my accuser put it when explicating the deductive rationale behind his sexual detection, “Only a homo would love Julie Andrews!” Even at age ten, the paradoxical (il)logic of this formulation was so glaring as to all but slap me hard across the face – an action transposed from the metaphoric to the literal by my playground adversary who, not content to let “the homo” escape too readily or lightly, pursued me across the schoolyard and pushed me face-first into the asphalt. How could my declaration of desire for a female star – which in strictly definitional terms should have seemed, if anything, eminently heterosexual – be taken so assuredly as a marker of homosexuality? Why and how could my loving Julie Andrews provoke such an explosive manifestation of juvenile homophobia? The answers to these questions were already known, if only intuitively and, thus, only partially, to the ten-year old me. Like many other elements of my childhood, my love for Julie Andrews formed part of what I was fast recognizing was an ever-expanding and ever-consolidating category of bad object-choices – a diverse array of cultural and social cathexes variously abjectified, proscribed or deemed otherwise inconsonant with dominant modes of sexual selfhood. Redefined as a symptom of sexual dissonance, my devotion to Andrews suddenly became a catalytic signifier of shame, a palpable marker of my failure to achieve heteronormality and, thus, another attachment to cache away in the cavernous closet of protogay childhood. That this scenario will sound instantly familiar to many is evidence of the extent to which a politics of shame is routinely mobilized – most potently, though by no means exclusively, in childhood – to stigmatize and thus discipline queer subjectivities. Much of the breathtaking success with which mainstream culture is able to install and mandate a heteronormative economy depends directly on its ability to foster a correlative economy of queer shame through which to disgrace and thus delegitimate all that falls outside the narrow purview of straight sexualities. Not that such processes of juridical stigmatization are necessarily successful. Shameful and shameless are, after all, but a suffix apart and a good deal of the productivity of queer cultures – as of queer lives – resides precisely in the extraordinary capacity they obtain for not only clinging stubbornly and defiantly to the outlawed objects of their desire but investing these objects with a near-inexhaustible source of vitalizing energy. The scene of my schoolyard shaming may have effected a public occlusion of my love for Julie Andrews, but it in no way quelled or attenuated that love. Indeed, transformed into a sign of my developing homosexuality, my attachment to Andrews became more than ever an integral component of my subjectivity and an indefatigable resource for survival in the face of what I perceived to be an unaccommodating social world. Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick dubs these survivalist dynamics of queer culture “reparative” in the sense given the term by object-relations theory as an affirmative impulse to repair or make good the losses of subjective constitution. Unlike the competing paranoid positionality which in object-relations theory is understood to fracture the world into colliding part-objects and is marked by “hatred, envy, and anxiety”, the reparative dynamic is marked by love and seeks to reassemble or repair the subject’s world into “something like a whole” that is “available both to be identified with and to offer one nourishment and comfort in turn.” (Sedgwick, 8) For Sedgwick, this idea of a reparative impulse speaks powerfully to the inventive and obstinate ways in which queer subjects negotiate spaces of self-affirmation in the face of a hostile environment, or as she evocatively puts it, the ways in which queer “selves and communities succeed in extracting sustenance from ... a culture whose avowed desire has often been not to sustain them.” (35) As a paradigmatic example of and governing trope for this reparative tradition of queer survivalism, Sedgwick offers, significantly for my purposes, the image of the proto-queer child or adolescent ardently (over)attached to a cultural text or object, passionately investing that text or object with almost talismanic properties to repair or make good a damaged socius . “Such a child,” she writes, “is reading for important news about herself, [even] without knowing what form that news will take; with only the patchiest familiarity with its codes; without, even, more than hungrily hypothesizing to what questions this news may proffer an answer.” (2-3) This characterization of a reparatively positioned proto-queer reader resonates profoundly with my own fiercely loving attachments to Julie Andrews. Much of the energy of these attachments – certainly in childhood and, perhaps less urgently but no less decisively, in adulthood – springs directly from the reparative performances to which this particular star has been cast in the playhouse of my own imaginary. To wit: a cherished ritual from childhood. In the days when I was growing up, the days before VCRs and cable television, my Andrews fandom was of necessity organized not so much around her film texts as around her recordings. While I had seen her films and these were vital, generative sites for my fan passions, the primary focus for those passions – where they were practised, indulged, nurtured – was her vocal recordings. On long, listless afternoons, returned home from school, I would rush to the living room, position myself firmly in front of the family hi-fi and blissfully listen my way through my expansive collection of Julie Andrews LPs. My favourite, without doubt, was the soundtrack recording for The Sound of Music, which I would play and replay for hours on end. I can still recall the palpable sense of breathless anticipation when, unsheathed from its cover and reverently placed on the turntable, the disc would crackle to life. A whispering breath of wind, an echo of birdsong, a rapid swell of violins, and Julie’s inimitable voice would break forth in fortissimo triumph, leaping through the speakers and enveloping the room with melodic abundance. To augment the sense of excitement, I would, while listening, gaze intently at the record cover with its celebrated image of Julie leaping in mid-flight like a preternatural oread, her skirt billowing up with carefree delight, arms swinging open in joyous welcome, effortlessly holding aloft a guitar case and a travelling bag, twin symbols of musical expressivity and liberating escape. Projecting myself into the scene, I would twirl with Julie in imaginary freedom, riding the crest of her crystalline voice in rapturous transport from the suburban mundanity of family, school, and straightness. Invested with the attentive love and astonishing creativity of juvenile fandom, Andrews provided not just the promissory vision of a life different from and infinitely freer than the one I knew, but the fantasmatic means through which to achieve and sustain this process of transcendence. If I loved Julie Andrews as a child it was because that love functioned as a process through which to resist and transfigure the oppressive banalities of the heteronormative everyday. Though unaware of it at the time, my childhood mobilization of a female star as a vehicle of, and for, quotidian transcendence has a long and rich pedigree in queer cultures, especially gay male cultures. From the enthusiasms of the nineteenth century dandies for operatic primi donne and the fervent gay cult followings in the mid-twentieth century of Hollywood stars such as Judy Garland and Bette Davis, to contemporary queer celebrations of dancefloor goddesses, diva worship has been a staple of gay male cultural production where it has sustained a spectacularly diverse array of insistently queer pleasures. While loath to generalize its heterogeneous functions and values, I submit that much of the enduring vitality of diva worship in gay male cultures resides in the commodious scope it affords for reparative cultural labour. Indeed, most critical discussions of gay diva worship posit in some fashion that gay men engage divas as imaginary figures of therapeutic empowerment. “At the very heart of gay diva worship”, opines Daniel Harris, is “the almost universal homosexual experience of ostracism and insecurity” and the desire to “elevate [one]self above [one’s] antagonistic surroundings.” (Harris, 10) Wayne Koestenbaum similarly claims that "gay culture has perfected the art of mimicking a diva – of pretending, inside, to be divine – to help the stigmatized self imagine it is received, believed, and adored." (Koestenbaum, 133) Tuned to the chord of reparative amelioration, diva worship emerges here as a vital practice of affective queer enfranchisement: the restoration of a functional selfhood and the provision of emotional resources through which to transcend – and survive – the often violent deformations of a heteronormative world. That such processes of male homosexual affirmation should be articulated through ardent devotion to a woman might seem a strange paradox. But just as love and sex are never inevitable correspondents, the presence of a heterosexual passion inscribed at the very heart of gay male culture by its long histories of diva worship is a sure – and welcome – sign of the irrepressible waywardness of desire and its stubborn refusal to fit the impoverished scripts that we nominate sexuality. Works Cited Escoffier, Jeffrey. American Homo: Community and Perversity. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998. Harris, Daniel. The Rise and Fall of Gay Culture. New York: Hyperion, 1997. Koestenbaum, Wayne. The Queen's Throat: Opera, Homosexuality, and the Mystery of Desire. New York: Poseidon Press, 1993. Sedgwick, Eve Kosofsky. “Paranoid Reading and Reparative Reading; or, You’re So Paranoid, You Probably Think This Introduction Is About You.” Novel Gazing: Queer Readings in Fiction. Durham: Duke University Press, 1997. Citation reference for this article Substitute your date of access for Dn Month Year etc... MLA Style Farmer, Brett. "Loving Julie Andrews" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5.6 (2002). Dn Month Year < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0211/lovingjulie.php>. APA Style Farmer, B., (2002, Nov 20). Loving Julie Andrews. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture, 5,(6). Retrieved Month Dn, Year, from http://www.media-culture.org.au/0211/lovingjulie.html

The Black Summer of 2019/2020 saw the forests of southeast Australia go up in flames. The fire season started early, in September 2019, and by March 2020 fires had burned over 12.6 million hectares (Werner and Lyons). The scale and severity of the fires was quickly confirmed by scientists to be “unprecedented globally” (Boer et al.) and attributable to climate change (Nolan et al.).The fires were also a media spectacle, generating months of apocalyptic front-page images and harrowing broadcast footage. Media coverage was particularly preoccupied by the cause of the fires. Media framing of disasters often seeks to attribute blame (Anderson et al.; Ewart and McLean) and, over the course of the fire period, blame for the fires was attributed to climate change in much media coverage. However, as the disaster unfolded, denialist discourses in some media outlets sought to veil this revelation by providing alternative explanations for the fires. Misinformation originating from social media also contributed to this obscuration.In this article, we investigate the extent to which media coverage of the 2019/2020 bushfires functioned both to precipitate a climate change epiphany and also to support refutation of the connection between catastrophic fires and the climate crisis.Environmental Communication and RevelationIn its biblical sense, revelation is both an ending and an opening: it is the apocalyptic end-time and also the “revealing” of this time through stories and images. Environmental communication has always been revelatory, in these dual senses of the word – it is a mode of communication that is tightly bound to crisis; that has long grappled with obfuscation and misinformation; and that disrupts power structures and notions of the status quo as it seeks to reveal what is hidden. Climate change in particular is associated in the popular imagination with apocalypse, and is also a reality that is constantly being “revealed”. Indeed, the narrative of climate change has been “animated by the revelations of science” (McNeish 1045) and presented to the public through “key moments of disclosure and revelation”, or “signal moments”, such as scientist James Hansen’s 1988 US Senate testimony on global warming (Hamblyn 224).Journalism is “at the frontline of environmental communication” (Parham 96) and environmental news, too, is often revelatory in nature – it exposes the problems inherent in the human relationship with the natural world, and it reveals the scientific evidence behind contentious issues such as climate change. Like other environmental communicators, environmental journalists seek to “break through the perceptual paralysis” (Nisbet 44) surrounding climate change, with the dual aim of better informing the public and instigating policy change. Yet leading environmental commentators continually call for “better media coverage” of the planetary crisis (Suzuki), as climate change is repeatedly bumped off the news agenda by stories and events deemed more newsworthy.News coverage of climate-related disasters is often revelatory both in tone and in cultural function. The disasters themselves and the news narratives which communicate them become processes that make visible what is hidden. Because environmental news is “event driven” (Hansen 95), disasters receive far more news coverage than ongoing problems and trends such as climate change itself, or more quietly devastating issues such as species extinction or climate migration. Disasters are also highly visual in nature. Trumbo (269) describes climate change as an issue that is urgent, global in scale, and yet “practically invisible”; in this sense, climate-related disasters become a means of visualising and realising what is otherwise a complex, difficult, abstract, and un-seeable concept.Unsurprisingly, natural disasters are often presented to the public through a film of apocalyptic rhetoric and imagery. Yet natural disasters can be also “revelatory” moments: instances of awakening in which suppressed truths come spectacularly and devastatingly to the surface. Matthewman (9–10) argues that “disasters afford us insights into social reality that ordinarily pass unnoticed. As such, they can be read as modes of disclosure, forms of communication”. Disasters, he continues, can reveal both “our new normal” and “our general existential condition”, bringing “the underbelly of progress into sharp relief”. Similarly, Lukes (1) states that disasters “lift veils”, revealing “what is hidden from view in normal times”. Yet for Lukes, “the revelation tells us nothing new, nothing that we did not already know”, and is instead a forced confronting of that which is known yet difficult to engage with. Lukes’ concern is the “revealing” of poverty and inequality in New Orleans following the impact of Hurricane Katrina, yet climate-related disasters can also make visible what McNeish terms “the dark side effects of industrial civilisation” (1047). The Australian bushfires of 2019/2020 can be read in these terms, primarily because they unveiled the connection between climate change and extreme events. Scorching millions of hectares, with a devastating impact on human and non-human communities, the fires revealed climate change as a physical reality, and—for Australians—as a local issue as well as a global one. As media coverage of the fires unfolded and smoke settled on half the country, the impact of climate change on individual lives, communities, landscapes, native animal and plant species, and well-established cultural practices (such as the summer camping holiday) could be fully and dramatically realised. Even for those Australians not immediately impacted, the effects were lived and felt: in our lungs, and on our skin, a physical revelation that the impacts of climate change are not limited to geographically distant people or as-yet-unborn future generations. For many of us, the summer of fire was a realisation that climate change can no longer be held at arm’s length.“Revelation” also involves a temporal collapse whereby the future is dragged into the present. A revelatory streak of this nature has always existed at the heart of environmental communication and can be traced back at least as far as the environmentalist Rachel Carson, whose 1962 book Silent Spring revealed a bleak, apocalyptic future devoid of wildlife and birdsong. In other words, environmental communication can inspire action for change by exposing the ways in which the comforts and securities of the present are built upon a refusal to engage with the future. This temporal rupture where the future meets the present is particularly characteristic of climate change narratives. It is not surprising, then, that media coverage of the 2019/2020 bushfires addressed not just the immediate loss and devastation but also dread of the future, and the understanding that summer will increasingly hold such threats. Bushfires, Climate Change and the MediaThe link between bushfire risk and climate change generated a flurry of coverage in the Australian media well before the fires started in the spring of 2019. In April that year, a coalition of 23 former fire and emergency services leaders warned that Australia was “unprepared for an escalating climate threat” (Cox). They requested a meeting with the new government, to be elected in May, and better funding for firefighting to face the coming bushfire season. When that meeting was granted, at the end of Australia’s hottest and driest year on record (Doyle) in November 2019, bushfires had already been burning for two months. As the fires burned, the emergency leaders expressed frustration that their warnings had been ignored, claiming they had been “gagged” because “you are not allowed to talk about climate change”. They cited climate change as the key reason why the fire season was lengthening and fires were harder to fight. "If it's not time now to speak about climate and what's driving these events”, they asked, “– when?" (McCubbing).The mediatised uncovering of a bushfire/climate change connection was not strictly a revelation. Recent fires in California, Russia, the Amazon, Greece, and Sweden have all been reported in the media as having been exacerbated by climate change. Australia, however, has long regarded itself as a “fire continent”: a place adapted to fire, whose landscapes invite fire and can recover from it. Bushfires had therefore been considered part of the Australian “normal”. But in the Australian spring of 2019, with fires having started earlier than ever and charring rainforests that did not usually burn, the fire chiefs’ warning of a climate change-induced catastrophic bushfire season seemed prescient. As the fires spread and merged, taking homes, lives, landscapes, and driving people towards the water, revelatory images emerged in the media. Pictures of fire refugees fleeing under dystopian crimson skies, masked against the smoke, were accompanied by headlines like “Apocalypse Now” (Fife-Yeomans) and “Escaping Hell” (The Independent). Reports used words like “terror”, “nightmare” (Smee), “mayhem”, and “Armageddon” (Davidson).In the Australian media, the fire/climate change connection quickly became politicised. The Deputy Prime Minister Michael McCormack interviewed by the ABC, responding to a comment by Greens leader Adam Bandt, said connecting bushfire and climate while the fires raged was “disgraceful” and “disgusting”. People needed help, he said, not “the ravings of some pure enlightened and woke capital city greenies” (Goloubeva and Haydar). Gladys Berejiklian the NSW Premier also described it as “inappropriate” (Baker) and “disappointing” (Fox and Higgins) to talk about climate change at this time. However Carol Sparks, Mayor of bushfire-ravaged Glen Innes in rural NSW, contradicted this stance, telling the ABC (Australian Broadcasting Corporation) “Michael McCormack needs to read the science”. Climate change, she said, was “not a political thing” but “scientific fact” (Goloubeva and Haydar).As the fires merged and intensified, so did the media firestorm. Key Australian media became a sparring ground for issue definition, with media predictably split down ideological lines. Public broadcasters the ABC and SBS (Special Broadcasting Service), along with The Age, The Sydney Morning Herald and The Guardian Australia, predominantly framed the catastrophe as wrought by climate change. The Guardian, in an in-depth investigation of climate science and bushfire risk, stated that “despite the political smokescreen” the connection between the fires and global warming was “unequivocal” (Redfearn). The ABC characterised the fires as “a glimpse of the horrors of climate change’s crescendoing impact” (Rose). News outlets owned by Rupert Murdoch’s News Corp Australia, however, actively sought to play down the fires’ seriousness. On 2 January, as front pages of newspapers across the world revealed horrifying fiery images, Murdoch’s Australian ran an upbeat shot of New Year’s Day picnic races as its lead, relegating discussion of the fires to page 4 (Meade). More than simply obscuring the fires’ significance, News Corp media actively sought to convince readers that the fires were not out of the ordinary. For example, as the fires’ magnitude was becoming clear on the last day of 2019, The Australian ran a piece comparing the fires with previous conflagrations, claiming such conditions were “not unprecedented” and the fires were “nothing new” (Johnstone). News Corp’s Sky News also used this frame: “climate alarmists”, “catastrophise”, and “don’t want to look at history”, it stated in a segment comparing the event to past major bushfires (Kenny).As the fires continued into January and February 2020, the refutation of the climate change frame solidified around several themes. Conservative media continued to insist the fires were “normal” for Australia and attributed their severity to a lack of hazard reduction burning, which they blamed on “Greens policies” (Brown and Caisley). They also promoted the argument, espoused by Energy Minister Angus Taylor, that with only “1.3% of global emissions” Australia “could not have meaningful impact” on global warming through emissions reductions, and that top-down climate mitigation pressure from the UN was “doomed to fail” (Lloyd). Foreign media saw the fires in quite different terms. From the outside looking in, the Australian fires were clearly revealed as fuelled by global heating and exacerbated by the Australian government’s climate denialism. Australia was framed as a “notorious climate offender” (Shield) that was—as The New York Times put it—“committing climate suicide” (Flanagan) with its lack of coherent climate policy and its predilection for mining coal. Ouest-France ran a headline reading “High on carbon, rich Australia denies global warming” in which it called Scott Morrison’s position on climate change “incomprehensible” (Guibert). The LA Times called the Australian fires “a climate change warning to its leaders—and ours”, noting how “fossil fuel friendly Morrison” had “gleefully wielded a fist-sized chunk of coal on the floor of parliament in 2017” (Karlik). In the UK, the Independent online ran a front page spread of the fires’ vast smoke plume, with the headline “This is what a climate crisis looks like” (Independent Online), while Australian MP Craig Kelly was called “disgraceful” by an interviewer on Good Morning Britain for denying the fires’ link to climate change (Good Morning Britain).Both in Australia and internationally, deliberate misinformation spread by social media additionally shaped media discourse on the fires. The false revelation that the fires had predominantly been started by arson spread on Twitter under the hashtag #ArsonEmergency. While research has been quick to show that this hashtag was artificially promoted by bots (Weber et al.), this and misinformation like it was also shared and amplified by real Twitter users, and quickly spread into mainstream media in Australia—including Murdoch’s Australian (Ross and Reid)—and internationally. Such misinformation was used to shore up denialist discourses about the fires, and to obscure revelation of the fire/climate change connection. Blame Framing, Public Opinion and the Extent of the Climate Change RevelationAs studies of media coverage of environmental disasters show us, media seek to apportion blame. This blame framing is “accountability work”, undertaken to explain how and why a disaster occurred, with the aim of “scrutinizing the actions of crisis actors, and holding responsible authorities to account” (Anderson et al. 930). In moments of disaster and in their aftermath, “framing contests” (Benford and Snow) can emerge in which some actors, regarding the crisis as an opportunity for change, highlight the systemic issues that have led to the crisis. Other actors, experiencing the crisis as a threat to the status quo, try to attribute the blame to others, and deny the need for policy change. As the Black Summer unfolded, just such a contest took place in Australian media discourse. While Murdoch’s dominant News Corp media sought to protect the status quo, promote conservative politicians’ views, and divert attention from the climate crisis, other Australian and overseas media outlets revealed the fires’ link to climate change and intransigent emissions policy. However, cracks did begin to show in the News Corp stance on climate change during the fires: an internal whistleblower publicly resigned over the media company’s fires coverage, calling it a “misinformation campaign”, and James Murdoch also spoke out about being “disappointed with the ongoing denial of the role of climate change” in reporting the fires (ABC/Reuters).Although media reporting on the environment has long been at the forefront of shaping social understanding of environmental issues, and news maintains a central role in both revealing environmental threats and shaping environmental politics (Lester), during Australia’s Black Summer people were also learning about the fires from lived experience. Polls show that the fires affected 57% of Australians. Even those distant from the catastrophe were, for some time, breathing the most toxic air in the world. This personal experience of disaster revealed a bushfire season that was far outside the normal, and public opinion reflected this. A YouGov Australia Institute poll in January 2020 found that 79% of Australians were concerned about climate change—an increase of 5% from July 2019—and 67% believed climate change was making the bushfires worse (Australia Institute). However, a January 2020 Ipsos poll also found that polarisation along political lines on whether climate change was indeed occurring had increased since 2018, and was at its highest levels since 2014 (Crowe). This may reflect the kind of polarised media landscape that was evident during the fires. A thorough dissection in public discourse of Australia’s unprecedented fire season has been largely eclipsed by the vast coverage of the coronavirus pandemic that so quickly followed it. In May 2020, however, the fires were back in the media, when the Bushfires Royal Commission found that the Black Summer “played out exactly as scientists predicted it would” and that more seasons like it were now “locked in” because of carbon emissions (Hitch). It now remains to be seen whether the revelatory extent of the climate change blame frame that played out in media discourse on the fires will be sufficient to garner meaningful action and policy change—or whether denialist discourses will again obscure climate change revelation and seek to maintain the status quo. References Anderson, Deb, et al. "Fanning the Blame: Media Accountability, Climate and Crisis on the Australian ‘Fire Continent’." 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