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1

Baev, V. G. "Otto von Bismarck and Germany Militarization (Legislative Formalization of the Military Reform in Germany in the 80s of the 19th century)." Lex Russica, no. 9 (September 18, 2020): 77–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2020.166.9.077-087.

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The history of Germany of the second half of the 19th century and the activities of Otto von Bismarck form an integral unit, provided we bear in mind the process of Germany becoming a centralized state. The author argues that the attainment of German unity could only be achieved on the paths of war with Austria and France. This implies why military reform in Germany has been given so much attention.This study is focused on the second stage of military reform — the strengthening of the German army after the establishment of a centralized state. The author poses the question: if the “German issue” was resolved, what was the need for further armament? The Bismarck Government in 1874 and 1881 successfully sought from Parliament the adoption of septennat laws (seven years of funding for the army). But in 1887 the Parliament refused to extend the septennat. The author uses Bismarck’s collection of political speeches in the Reichstag as the main source of research. It is an important source of official origin, reflecting the approaches of not only of the subject of Bismarck’s legislative initiative, but also of Germany’s ruling elite.A point of view about Bismarck as vehicle of Germanic militarism prevails in historical literature. As a result of the analysis of the debate on the draft law, the author concludes that Bismarck’s military policy was dictated not so much by the militaristic nature of his personality, but by the necessity of strengthening the military potential of Germany, surrounded by strong adversaries, to defend its sovereignty. For the further development of events, the Chancellor who had been removed from his office, cannot be held responsible. The tragedy of Bismarck-era Germany is expressed in the fact that he failed to prepare a successor capable of leading the country during a period of crisis.
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2

Frolova, Elena Vladimirovna. "Healthcare in Germany." Spravočnik vrača obŝej praktiki (Journal of Family Medicine), no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 66–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/med-10-2101-09.

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Germany has long and firmly held a leading position in many areas: in the field of industry and entrepreneurship, culture and tourism, the introduction of advanced technologies and sports. Medical care is no exception. Annually, about 11.5% of GDP is allocated from the federal budget for health care; in 2019, 15.3 billion euro were spent on the expenditures of the German Ministry of Health, the lion's share of which (94.6%) went to providing public insurance. The first Law on Compulsory Health Insurance for the Whole Working Population entered into force in Germany back in 1883, before that it was valid only in Bavaria. This Act, proposed by German Chancellor Otto von Bismarck, was, in fact, the prototype for the introduction of a compulsory health care system around the world. Today, the compulsory health insurance system covers 90% of the German population. All residents of the country with a compulsory health insurance policy are entitled to almost the same range of medical services. At the same time, the amount of medical care received with compulsory health insurance does not depend on the amount of the insurance premium. The cost of health insurance for each citizen is determined based on the amount of his income.
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3

Papenko, Natalia. "Position of the political parties of Germany on the colonial issues during the 70-80s of the XIXth century." European Historical Studies, no. 5 (2016): 78–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2016.05.78-96.

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The article examines the position of the leading parties and colonial societies of the imperial Germany on shaping the colonial policy during the 70-80-s of the XIXth century. The background of the colonial ideology, its main elements, convergent and divergent features in the political parties’ approaches thereto, as well as of its immediate creators and witnesses of the precolonial époque have been investigated. The position of business groups, industrial and trade capital before the rise of the German colonial system have been analyzed. The article discovers the genesis of the German colonial policy’s formation and development during the period of chancellorship of Otto von Bismarck.
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4

Smith, Helmut Walser. "Monuments, Kitsch, and the Sense of Nation in Imperial Germany." Central European History 49, no. 3-4 (December 2016): 322–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938916000868.

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AbstractThis article shows how the material culture of nationhood can reveal a different perspective on the problem of nationalism. Using simple time graphs and Geographic Information Systems (GIS), the article considers temporal and spatial dimensions of “nation objects” in an effort to understand the allusive phenomenon of banal, everyday national identity. Specifically, it brings together quantitative evidence for the pervasiveness of veterans monuments, Kaiser Wilhelm I and Otto von Bismarck monuments, as well as monuments to Germany's great intellectuals, and then examines the world of objects, largely kitsch, that these monuments brought forth. The article argues that, especially in small-town Germany, objects signifying the nation point to a national sentiment governed less by the sharp logic of ideology than by the harmonizing tendencies of kitsch.Dieser Aufsatz zeigt, wie die materielle Kultur der nationalen Einheit eine andere Perspektive auf das Problem des Nationalismus bieten kann. Durch die Verwendung einfacher Zeitgraphiken und Geographic Information Systems (GIS) werden die zeitlichen und räumlichen Dimensionen von “Nationalobjekten” betrachtet, um das anspielungsreiche Phänomen banaler, alltäglicher Nationalidentität zu begreifen. Konkret werden quantitative Nachweise weit verbreiteter Kriegsdenkmäler, Denkmäler für Kaiser Wilhelm I. und Otto von Bismarck sowie Denkmäler für Deutschlands führende Intellektuelle zusammengeführt und im Anschluss daran die Welt der Objekte – größtenteils Kitsch –, die diese Denkmäler hervorgebracht haben, untersucht. Dabei wird argumentiert, dass diese die Nation repräsentierenden Objekte vor allem im kleinstädtischen Deutschland auf ein Nationalgefühl verweisen, das weniger durch klar definierte Ideologie als vielmehr durch die harmonisierenden Tendenzen von Kitsch bestimmt ist.
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5

von Arx, Jeffrey P. "Archbishop Manning and the Kulturkampf." Recusant History 21, no. 2 (October 1992): 254–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003419320000159x.

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It is not surprising that Henry Edward Manning had strong opinions about the Kulturkampf, Otto von Bismarcks effort in the early 1870’s to bring the Roman Catholic Church in Germany under the control of the State. As head of the Catholic Church in England, it appropriately fell to Manning to condemn what most British Catholics would have seen as the persecution of their Church in the new German Empire. Moreover, Manning knew personally the bishops involved in the conflict with Bismarck from their time together at the Vatican Council. Indeed, he was well acquainted with some of them who had played important rôles, either for or against, in the great controversies of the Council that led to the definition of Papal Infallibility. MiecisIaus Ledochowski, Archbishop of Gnesen and Posen, imprisoned and expelled from his see by the German government in 1874, had, together with Manning, been a prominent infallibilist. Paulus Melchers, Archbishop of Cologne, and leader of the German inopportunists, suffered the same penalty. The bishops of Breslau, Trier and Paderborn, all of whom had played significant rôles at the Council, the first two against, the latter for the definition, were either imprisoned, expelled, or both. Manning considered these men to have suffered for the cause of religious liberty, and could not understand the indifference of British politicians, especially of liberals like Gladstone, to their fate.
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6

Hoffman, Beatrix. "Scientific Racism, Insurance, and Opposition to the Welfare State: Frederick L. Hoffman's Transatlantic Journey." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 2, no. 2 (April 2003): 150–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400002450.

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Frederick Ludwig Hoffman, statistician and insurance executive, was a formidable opponent of the emerging welfare state during the Progressive Era. As a vice president of the Prudential Insurance Company of Newark, New Jersey, Hoffman led a relentless campaign against proposals for government-ran compulsory health insurance between 1915 and 1920. While he acted in the interests of his insurance company employer, Hoffman's opposition also arose from his ardent beliefs about the nature of welfare states. Social insurance and other forms of state-organized assistance, Hoffman claimed, represented “alien governmental theories” based on “paternalism and coercion,” especially since they originated in autocratic Germany, where in 1885 Chancellor Otto von Bismarck had created the world's first sickness insurance system. “In so far as our right to oppose compulsory health insurance is concerned,” explained Hoffman, “it [is] the duty of every American to oppose German ideas of government control and state socialism.” In the anti-German atmosphere engendered by the First World War, his arguments had particular resonance.
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7

McGaughey, Ewan. "Otto von Gierke: The Social Role of Private Law." German Law Journal 19, no. 4 (July 1, 2018): 1017–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s207183220002294x.

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Otto von Gierke wroteThe Social Role of Private Law (Die soziale Aufgabe des Privatrechts)in an age of extraordinary belief in progress and pride. In 1889, the Eiffel Tower was inaugurated, Britain's Royal Navy was required by law to outdo its next two rivals combined, and Germany was forging a massive new Civil Code (Bürgerliches Gesetzbuch). Within a year, Kaiser Wilhelm II had dismissed Otto von Bismarck: The old Iron Chancellor, who had unified a ‘Second’ Reich but no longer moved fast enough to secure a “place in the sun.” Ages of great confidence often see codes of law: Justinian'sCorpus Juris Civilisin a reunited West and Eastern Rome; theCode Civilof the Napoleonic Empire; the Penal, Contract or Trust Acts from 1860 to 1882 across the British Empire; and the US Code of 1926. A desire for legal certainty sometimes drives reform, but rarely as much a desire to display superiority. The flicker of history must be made to seem timeless, like laws seem in printed word.
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8

Naranch, Bradley D. "“Colonized Body,” “Oriental Machine”: Debating Race, Railroads, and the Politics of Reconstruction in Germany and East Africa, 1906–1910." Central European History 33, no. 3 (September 2000): 299–338. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916100746356.

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The years 1906–1910 were a period of crisis and unstable consensus in German colonial history. In contrast to the debates of the previous two decades following Chancellor Otto von Bismarck's 1884 decision to establish overseas protectorates, colonial discourse in Germany after 1905 shifted decisively away from abstract considerations of the desirability of colonies for economic and imperialist expansion to focus on the more practical matters of colonial policy and long-term developmental reform. Indeed, given the fact that by 1905 the German colonial empire covered a sprawling expanse of land six times the size of the German state, including territories in Africa, the South Pacific, and a naval base (Tsingtao) on the coast of China, the enormous challenges of managing its far-flung and costly possessions were becoming increasingly difficult to meet. For better or for worse, the Kaiserreich had become a de facto colonial power, and German society was increasingly and uncomfortably being forced to recognize the hazards and burdens of its fledgling global empire.
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9

Dill, Richard W. "Dr. Eduard Lasker – sein Stammbaum und Familienumfeld: Ein genealogischer Beitrag zur deutsch-jüdischen Geschichte." Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 58, no. 4 (2006): 337–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007306778552764.

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AbstractOn the basis of recently (re)discovered documents, the paper discusses the family tree of the Jewish Lasker dynasty, originating from Lask in Poland, formerly Prussia. The common forefather of all Laskers was Rabbi Meier Hindels, who lived around 1700. In Germany, the most successful of his descendants was Dr. Eduard Lasker (1829-1884). He was a lawyer, co-founder of the National Liberal party, and in his lifetime the most conspicuous parliamentary opponent to Reich Chancellor Otto von Bismarck. Germany owes him a considerable part of its present day legal structures in criminal, civil and public law. His younger brother Moritz/Morris (1840-1916) settled in Texas and became a prominent figure both in business and society. The Lasker family branch that he established in the United States is still flourishing today and has produced a number of personalities of public renown. While visiting his brother, Eduard Lasker died in New York in January 1884. Edward Lasker (1885-1981), a prominent US-based chess champion, descended from another family branch. One of his nieces, Anita Wallfisch-Lasker, wrote an autobiography that describes her ordeal as a member of the camp orchestra at Auschwitz.
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10

Hamerow, Theodore S. "A More Human Bismarck - Otto Pflanze: Bismarck and the Development of Germany. 3 vols. (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1990. Pp. xxx, 518; xvii, 554; xi, 474. $95.00.)." Review of Politics 53, no. 4 (1991): 741–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003467050001648x.

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11

Vlasov, Nikolay. "Otto von Bismarck’s concept of race." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no. 12-1 (December 1, 2020): 246–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202012statyi20.

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Exploration of the outlook and the views of renowned political figures constitutes one of the most thriving fields of historical research. This article focuses on such an understudied topic as a concept of race developed by Otto von Bismarck, the “Iron Chancellor”. To examine the interrelation between Bismarck’s views on a certain nation’s “racial” features and his policy towards this country, the article offers a case study of Bismarck’s attitude to Russia and the Russians and its influence on German-Russian relations. This case study relies on a wide range of sources, which completely reveal Bismarck’s ‘racial’ understanding of Russia.
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12

Rostislavleva, Natalia V. "SYMBOLS OF POWER IN THE HISTORICAL MEMORY OF GERMANY IN THE LATE 19TH AND EARLY 20TH CENTURIES (EXEMPLIFIED BY THE CULT OF OTTO VON BISMARCK)." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series History. Philology. Cultural Studies. Oriental Studies, no. 10 (2017): 117–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6355-2017-10-117-124.

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13

Padje, W. A. Van't. "Sir Alexander Malet and Prince Otto von Bismarck: an Almost Forgotten Anglo‐German Friendship." Historical Research 72, no. 179 (October 1, 1999): 285–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00085.

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Abstract This article concentrates on Prince von Bismarck's relationship with England, with particular reference to his friendship with the British diplomat Sir Alexander Malet in the eighteen‐fifties, when Bismarck was Prussian representative to the German confederation at Frankfurt. Bismarck's love–hate relationship with England has been frequently described. He complained repeatedly about British Liberalism, the Reform Bill of 1832 and the parliamentary system. Thus, it is rather surprising that one of his closest and most intimate friends in this decade was Malet, a fact which is overlooked by most of Bismarck's biographers.
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Nda, Agbor Charles. "The practice of social security in black Africa; a shadow of the real concept: The Cameroonian transcript." International Journal for Innovation Education and Research 8, no. 10 (October 1, 2020): 17–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31686/ijier.vol8.iss10.2607.

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Social security is a corner stone for the socio-economic and even political development of many countries in the world today. Developed countries like Germany, Britain and many western countries have developed and made use of theories propounded by founders of the concept of social security like Otto von Bismarck and Lord Beveridge to develop their societies. But the unfortunate thing is that all along their stay in Africa, these colonial powers did not border to institute and impregnate Africans with the concept, thus, living Africans completely ignorant of the concept of social security. Studies have proven that the application of this concept in Africa, especially south of the Sahara is still a nightmare. Africans are unable to put into place a veritable social security scheme, yet most of them aspire to emerge by 2035. With the example of Cameroon, the causes of this failure are attributed to the colonial masters and poor governance in post-colonial Africa. As a remedy to this situation, results of this research demand that African governments must show prove of good governance and elaborate an inclusive social protection scheme. Besides, specialize United Nations agencies like the International Labour organization (ILO) and the Human Rights Commission must stand by these countries with their technical knowhow to help develop a meaningful social protection scheme in Africa. As an alert to those countries warming up for emergence, it is an illusion if the welfare of these people is not put at the center of every development action.
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15

Hanisch, Manfred. "Bismarck and the Development of Germany. Volume 1: The Period of Unification, 1815-1871. Volume 2: The Period of Consolidation, 1871-1880. Volume 3: The Period of Fortification, 1880-1898. Otto Pflanze." Journal of Modern History 66, no. 2 (June 1994): 426–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/244870.

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Hoston, Germaine A. "The State, Modernity, and the Fate of Liberalism in Prewar Japan." Journal of Asian Studies 51, no. 2 (May 1992): 287–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2058030.

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The Political Histories of Western Europe and the United States over the past three hundred years illustrate powerfully how the evolution of fully functioning liberal democratic politics has been linked intimately to the presence of vigorous thinkers and activists dedicated to the pursuit of a liberal polity. The social contract theory of John Locke and Jean-Jacques Rousseau, the constitutionalism of Baron Charles de Montesquieu, the laissez-faire economics of Adam Smith, and the reflections of Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, and Alexander Hamilton on the challenges of competitive politics all helped to lay the groundwork for the achievement of liberal democratic politics in France, England, and the United States. Particular strains of political thought found in these and other thinkers help to account for the similarities and differences among the world's historic experiments in bourgeois democracy. French liberalism, which had no Thomas Hobbes seeking eloquently to defend monarchical absolutism, ultimately could not accommodate royal prerogative to democratic politics; and, lacking an Adam Smith to assert the primacy of economic laissez-faire, it showed no fundamental antipathy to the centralized state in its political practice. A more dramatic contrast is afforded by the fragile and short-lived democracy of Weimar Germany, nurtured in soil where G. W. F. Hegel's organic conception of the state and the doctrines of state sovereignty that legitimated the regime of Otto von Bismarck overwhelmed the contributions of Immanuel Kant and Wilhelm von Humboldt to liberal theory. In the final analysis, to be sure, the presence or absence of absolutism and its defenders, of laissez-faire economics and its rationalizers is attributable to other factors deep in the history and culture of each society. Yet, in all these cases, the historical relationship between thought and politics is clear and striking.
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Garner, Sarah. "ART OF THE POSSIBLE?" International Journal of Technology Assessment in Health Care 30, no. 1 (January 2014): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266462313000743.

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It is very fitting that the strap line for the article on reassessment (1) is derived from the quote “politics is the art of the possible” attributed to Otto von Bismarck. Bismarck was the first chancellor of the unified German Empire that preserved peace in Europe until 1914. Politically deft, he persuaded the southern German states to join with his North German Confederation by provoking hostilities with France.
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18

Barkin, Kenneth, and Otto Pflanze. "Bismarck and the Development of Germany." German Studies Review 15, no. 2 (May 1992): 394. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1431195.

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19

Rathbun, Brian. "The Rarity of Realpolitik: What Bismarck's Rationality Reveals about International Politics." International Security 43, no. 1 (August 2018): 7–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00323.

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Realpolitik, the pursuit of vital state interests in a dangerous world that constrains state behavior, is at the heart of realist theory. All realists assume either that states engage in such behavior or, at the very least, are highly incentivized to do so by the structure of the international system. Classical realists remind us, however, that Realpolitik presupposes rational thinking, which should not be taken for granted. Some leaders act more rationally than others because they think more rationally than others. Research in cognitive psychology provides a strong foundation for classical realist claims that Realpolitik requires a commitment to objectivity and deliberation, a particular psychology that few leaders exhibit. A case study of Otto von Bismarck's role in German reunification demonstrates that rationality is the exception, rather than the norm. Even though Prussia was under enormous structural constraints that should have incentivized Realpolitik, the man who would become the Iron Chancellor was isolated because of his foreign policy views. Bismarck consistently disagreed with conservative patrons and allies at home, disagreements that can be reduced largely to his higher degree of rationality.
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Zeps, Michael J. "Germany from Napoleon to Bismarck: 1800–1866." History: Reviews of New Books 25, no. 1 (July 1996): 29–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1996.9952619.

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Helmreich, Paul C. "The Ailing Empire: Germany from Bismarck to Hitler." History: Reviews of New Books 18, no. 2 (October 1990): 72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1990.9945667.

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Remak, Joachim, Sebastian Haffner, and Jean Steinberg. "The Ailing Empire: Germany from Bismarck to Hitler." German Studies Review 13, no. 2 (May 1990): 345. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1430740.

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23

Hellmann, Gunther. "Goodbye Bismarck? The Foreign Policy of Contemporary Germany." Mershon International Studies Review 40, no. 1 (April 1996): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/222640.

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Bodrov, A. ""The Footman of Bismarck"? Jules Ferry and Germany." Петербургский исторический журнал, no. 1 (2014): 231. http://dx.doi.org/10.51255/2311-603x-2014-00015.

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Merridale, Catherine. "Reviews : German Studies Bismarck and the Development of Germany. By Otto Pflanze. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990. Volume I: The Period of Unification, 1815-1871. Pp. 518. $39.50. Volume II: The Period of Consolidation, 1871-1880. Pp. 537. $39.50. Volume III: The Period of Fortification, 1880-1898. Pp. 457. $35.00 ($95.00 the set). The Origins of the Wars of German Unification. By William Carr. London: Longman, 1991. Pp. 239. Pb. £9.99, Hb. £22.00." Journal of European Studies 22, no. 4 (December 1992): 367–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004724419202200415.

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Howes, Hilary S. "'It is not so!' Otto Finsch, Expectations and Encounters in the Pacific, 1865 - 85." Historical Records of Australian Science 22, no. 1 (2011): 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/hr11002.

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This article focuses on the Pacific experiences of the German ornithologist and ethnologist Otto Finsch (1839?1917). Between 1879 and 1882, Finsch voyaged extensively in the Pacific, visiting Hawai?i, parts of Micronesia and island Melanesia, New Zealand, New Guinea and the Torres Strait Islands. In 1884, he returned to New Guinea and was instrumental in the acquisition of Kaiser-Wilhelmsland and the Bismarck Archipelago as German protectorates.While his numerous publications on the indigenous inhabitants of these areas naturally reflect the prevailing scientific and colonial discourses of the late nineteenth century, I argue that they were also significantly shaped by his personal encounters with Pacific peoples. Through close comparisons of texts produced before, during and after his Pacific voyages, I discuss the ways in which these encounters challenged Finsch's pre-voyage assumptions about ?race' and human difference: the breadth of individual variation within supposedly homogeneous races, the extent of overlap between such races, and the reliability of particular cultural practices as diagnostics of savagery or civilization. I also emphasize links between Finsch's story and broader issues in the history of science, including the influence of observers' trajectories of travel on the constitution of regional topographies of difference, the standardization and mobilization of travellers' observations for metropolitan audiences, the human interface between discovery and communication, and the policing of scientific knowledge and interpretation of field observations by metropolitan authorities.
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Bayev, V. G. "“Strong State” in Political and Legal Views of the German Chancellor Otto von Bismark." Pravo: istoriya i sovremennost', no. 4 (2018): 074–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17277/pravo.2018.04.pp.074-082.

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Stone, James. "Bismarck Ante Portas! Germany and theSeize MaiCrisis of 1877." Diplomacy & Statecraft 23, no. 2 (June 2012): 209–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2012.679466.

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Baev, Valery. "«Economic constitution» of united Germany: the era of Bismarck." Russian Juridical Journal, no. 5 (2020): 202–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.34076/2071-3797-2020-5-202-214.

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Schraeder, Peter J. "From Berlin 1884 to 1989: Foreign Assistance and French, American, and Japanese Competition in Francophone Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 33, no. 4 (December 1995): 539–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00021431.

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In October1884, the major European colonial powers of the era were invited to a conference in Berlin by the German Chancellor, Otto von Bismarck.1The United States also attended the proceedings as an observer nation, and its representative, John A. Kasson, signed the Berlin Convention, one of the primary purposes of which was to regulate escalating imperial conflict by officially delineating the territorial boundaries of colonial possessions. Although warfare between colonial armies in Africa during World War I underscored the failure of negotiators to avoid yet another global military conflict, the Berlin conference none the less consecrated the creation of formal European empires and ‘spheres of interest’ throughout the continent. Except for the unique cases of Ethiopia and Liberia, independent Africa eventually ceased to exist.
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Laycock, Jo. "Justifying Genocide: Germany and the Armenians from Bismarck to Hitler." German History 36, no. 1 (September 4, 2017): 116–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghx083.

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Steensma, David P. "“Congo” Red." Archives of Pathology & Laboratory Medicine 125, no. 2 (February 1, 2001): 250–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5858/2001-125-0250-cr.

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Abstract Context.—Congo red is the essential histologic stain for demonstrating the presence of amyloidosis in fixed tissues. To the best of my knowledge, nothing has been written about why the stain is named “Congo.” Objective.—To understand the etymology and history of the Congo red histologic stain. Design.—Primary sources were consulted extensively, including 19th-century corporate documents, newspapers, legal briefs, patents, memoirs, and scientific papers. Setting.—Sources were obtained from multiple university libraries and German corporate archives. Results.—To Europeans in 1885, the word Congo evoked exotic images of far-off central Africa known as The Dark Continent. The African Congo was also a political flashpoint during the Age of Colonialism. “Congo” red was introduced in Berlin in 1885 as the first of the economically lucrative direct textile dyes. A patent on Congo red was filed by the AGFA Corporation of Berlin 3 weeks after the conclusion of the well-publicized Berlin West Africa Conference. During these important diplomatic talks, German Chancellor Otto von Bismarck presided over a discussion of free trade issues in the Congo River basin. A challenge to AGFA's Congo red patent led to a precedent-setting decision in intellectual property law. Conclusions.—The Congo red stain was named “Congo” for marketing purposes by a German textile dyestuff company in 1885, reflecting geopolitical current events of that time.
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Кудайберген and Pirimkul Kudaybergen. "The Main Priorities for the HR Management Stages in Germany. Agency of Labor (Arbeitsamt) As an Operator." Management of the Personnel and Intellectual Resources in Russia 5, no. 2 (April 18, 2016): 10–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/19606.

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The article highlights the social priorities, personnel management principles in Germany, which are based on the famous German «Ordnung» (step by step), the postulate of individualism. It is noted that the «Iron Chancellor» Bismarck developed the principles of social protection of the German personnel. These principles formed the basis of the German social market economy: providing working conditions, promotion of awareness and independence, encouraging responsibility. The article presents basic palette of social and fi nancial assistance to needy staff , which are provided through centers of employment and work of the Agency. The peculiarities of personnel management are indicating in the conditions of uncontrolled aggressive invasion of refugees in Germany. Gateways are opened for them «without limit» Chancellor Angela Merkel, acting only in the interests of the USA. This led to mass protests, similar to a civil war throughout the country. This article argues that in these circumstances, Germany needs a new Bismarck, who would once again strengthened Germany, with the support of Russia, as it was in the past. Russia could again become a partner of Germany, especially in the process of human resource management in the prevailing critical conditions, based on its invaluable experience in multinational and multi-confessional Russia.
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Vlasov, NIKOLAY ANATOLIEVICH. "«Logrolling»: the balance of Russian-German relations in the 19th century through the eyes of Otto von Bismarck." Клио, no. 3 (2021): 71–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.51676/2070-9773_2021_03_71.

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35

Stone, James. "Bismarck and the Great Game: Germany and Anglo-Russian Rivalry in Central Asia, 1871–1890." Central European History 48, no. 2 (June 2015): 151–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938915000321.

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AbstractOtto von Bismarck, the first chancellor of a unified Germany, was an active participant in the Anglo-Russian rivalry for control of Central Asia. Even though Germany had no direct interests there and was never involved on the ground during the two decades of his chancellorship, Bismarck invested considerable resources in working to shape the course of events in that part of the world, stoking the flames of conflict whenever it suited the dictates ofRealpolitik. Over a twenty-year period, he actively pursued a consistent strategy that focused on tying down Russian troops in the remote Asian steppes, i.e., as far away from Central Europe as possible. At the same time, he manipulated Anglo-Russian rivalry in Asia to achieve various foreign policy goals that would further German interests. This article explores in detail all of these objectives, as well as their interrelationship. In particular, it unravels the perplexing mystery of how Bismarck was able to influence the politics of Central Asia from his distant headquarters in Berlin.
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36

Frank, Mitchell B. "New Romanticisms in Wilhelmine Germany." Romantik: Journal for the Study of Romanticisms 3, no. 1 (March 4, 2016): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/rom.v3i1.23251.

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This essay examines and connects two related issues in the literature on the history of art of the Wilhelmine Period: the canonical shift in German romantic painting from the Nazarenes to Phillip Otto Runge and Caspar David Friedrich; and the attempt to position the work of contemporary German artists (often called new idealists) as a new romanticism. At this time, art historians like Richard Muther and Cornelius Gurlitt take on a romantic sensibility in their attempts to position contemporary German art on the international scene. With the development of new idealism in German artwriting, two new romanticisms were thus founded. Modern German art (the work of Anselm Feuerbach, Hans von Marées, Arnold Böcklin, Max Klinger, and others) was claimed within a romantic tradition. And romantic painting was conceptualized anew with the focus increasingly on Friedrich and Runge, and less on the Nazarenes.
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Lambert, Peter. "Reviews : Otto Pflanze, Bismarck and the Development of Germany: Vol. I: The Period of Unification, 1815-1871; Vol. II: The Period of Consolidation, 1871-1880; Vol. III: The Period of Fortification, 1880-1898, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1990; Vol. I: xxx + 518 pp., US $39.50; Vol. II: xvii + 554 pp., US $39.50; Vol. III: ix + 474 pp., US $35.00; purchased together, US $95.00." European History Quarterly 23, no. 1 (January 1993): 119–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569149302300125.

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38

Ter-Matevosyan, Vahram. "Book Review: Justifying Genocide: Germany and the Armenians from Bismarck to Hitler." Genocide Studies and Prevention 11, no. 2 (October 2017): 106–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1911-9933.11.2.1482.

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Yenen, Alp. "Ihrig, Stefan: Justifying genocide: Germany and the Armenians from Bismarck to Hitler." Asiatische Studien - Études Asiatiques 71, no. 3 (December 20, 2017): 1039–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/asia-2017-0053.

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40

Eley, G. "The Bismarck Myth: Weimar Germany and the Legacy of the Iron Chancellor." English Historical Review CXXIII, no. 502 (May 30, 2008): 786–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cen112.

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41

Zimmerer, Jürgen. "Stefan Ihrig. Justifying Genocide: Germany and the Armenians from Bismarck to Hitler." American Historical Review 123, no. 5 (December 1, 2018): 1777–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhy338.

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42

Silver, Hilary. "The Social Integration of Germany since Unification." German Politics and Society 28, no. 1 (March 1, 2010): 165–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2010.280109.

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Germans are inordinately preoccupied with the question of national integration. From the Kulturkampf to the Weimar Republic to the separation of East and West, social fractiousness is deeply ingrained in German history, giving rise to a desire to unify the "incomplete nation." Yet, the impulse to integrate German society has long been ambivalent. Between Bismarck and the Nazi interregnum, top-down efforts to force Germans to integrate threatened to erase valued differences. The twentieth anniversary of German reunification is the occasion to assess the reality of and ambivalence towards social integration in contemporary Germany. A review of economic and social measures of East-West, immigrant, and Muslim integration provides many indications of progress. Nevertheless, social cleavages persist despite political integration. Indeed, in some aspects, including in the party system, fragmentation is greater now than it was two decades ago. Yet successful social integration is a two-way street, requiring newcomers and oldtimers to interact. Integration of the European Union to some extent has followed this German path, with subsidiarity ensuring a decentralized social model and limited cohesion. German ambivalence about social integration is a major reason for the continuing social fragmentation of the society.
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43

Gerwarth, Robert, and Lucy Riall. "Fathers of the Nation? Bismarck, Garibaldi and the Cult of Memory in Germany and Italy." European History Quarterly 39, no. 3 (June 15, 2009): 388–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691409105059.

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This essay explores the origins and functions of two national father figures, Bismarck and Garibaldi, in modern Italy and Germany. Although fundamentally different in character and political outlook, Bismarck and Garibaldi acquired the status of `fathers' of the nation due to their pre-eminent roles in bringing about national unification. The ways in which these father figures were portrayed shifted remarkably over the course of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, testifying to the ability of both narratives to adapt to changing circumstances and even to different types of political rule. The divergent meanings attached to them were reflections of highly fragmented societies trying to establish historical continuities in times of profound and rapid historical change. Ultimately both men were employed by fascist dictatorships in an attempt to win over broader public support and to bolster the dictatorships' claims to historical legitimacy, but with varying degrees of success.
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44

John, Michael F. "The Politics of Legal Unity in Germany, 1870–1896." Historical Journal 28, no. 2 (June 1985): 341–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00003149.

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Over the last two decades, noticeable progress has been made towards a more complete understanding of the political dynamics of Wilhelmine Germany. The older emphasis on the ‘high politics’ of Bismarck and his successors has given way to a much more differentiated picture of a political system in constant flux as it attempted to cope with the complexities of a rapidly industrializing society. Old orthodoxies concerning the weakness of German liberalism have been subjected to new examination and scholars have become increasingly aware of the potential of powerful interest groups to challenge as well as to buttress the Establishment. The overall effect of this general advance in the historiography of the Second Empire has been to direct attention away from the motives of individual decision-makers, at least at the ‘high-political’ level, and to investigate the structural constraints on the formulation of policy. Despite certain recent attempts to reinstate a more personalistic approach, it seems clear that no future history of late nineteenth-century German politics can afford to neglect these developments.
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Bespalova, L. N. "The Use of Social Maneuvering Tactics of the German Reich Chancellor Otto von Bismarck in the Second Half of the XIX Century." Izvestiya of Saratov University. New Series. Series: History. International Relations 18, no. 2 (2018): 212–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2018-18-2-212-215.

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46

Mudry, Albert, Robert Mlynski, and Burkhard Kramp. "History of otorhinolaryngology in Germany before 1921." HNO 69, no. 5 (April 13, 2021): 338–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00106-021-01046-9.

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AbstractIn 2021, the German Society of Otorhinolaryngology, Head and Neck Surgery is celebrating the 100th anniversary of its foundation. The aim of this article is to present the main inventions and progress made in Germany before 1921, the date the society was founded. Three chronological periods are discernible: the history of otorhinolaryngology (ORL) in Germany until the beginning of the 19th century, focusing mainly on the development of scattered knowledge; the birth of the sub-specialties otology, laryngology (pharyngo-laryngology and endoscopy), and rhinology in the 19th century, combining advances in knowledge and implementation of academic structures; and the creation of the ORL specialty at the turn of the 20th century, mainly concentrating on academic organization and expansion. This period was crucial and allowed for the foundation of the German Society of Otorhinolaryngology, Head and Neck Surgery on solid ground. Germany played an important role in the development and progress of ORL internationally in the 19th century with such great contributors as Anton von Tröltsch, Hermann Schwartze, Otto Körner, Rudolf Voltolini, and Gustav Killian to mention a few.
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Nelson, Kenneth R., and John A. Moses. "Trade Unionism in Germany from Bismarck to Hitler, 1869-1933, Volume I: 1869-1918." History Teacher 18, no. 3 (May 1985): 464. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/493082.

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48

Flynn, John F. "At the Threshold of Dissolution: the National Liberals and Bismarck 1877/1878." Historical Journal 31, no. 2 (June 1988): 319–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00012905.

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Allied to Bismarck and more national than liberal, the National Liberal party split the liberal movement and became the largest and most successful party in Germany from 1867 to 1879. But it acted singularly ineffectively when it plunged headlong into the greatest crisis of its history by failing to support tax legislation during a year-long negotiation with Bismarck begun in the summer of 1877. For one thing, the party focused its attention on a single issue when many were at stake, any one of which could have been an obstacle to an agreement with Bismarck. Secondly, although its factions had continually demonstrated their willingness to reach unanimity, these agreements had taken so long to develop and lasted so briefly that in effect the party spent the greater part of a critical year in opposition to Bismarck. Furthermore, by weakening the degree of its commitments in response to Bismarck's hostility towards its demands, the National Liberal party appeared indecisive, unreliable and deceptive. The issue which had produced this inept behaviour was the implementation of the party goal of maintaining parliamentary power in Germany, specifically of assuring to the Reichstag the right to vote annually the sources of the revenue of the imperial government. The story of that issue is the concern of this article. It argues that knowledge of the tensions generated by divergent principles and goals on parliamentary rights will clarify both the schismatic tendencies and the character of the National Liberal party in the later 1870s. Thus the proper assessment of the role that the issue played in the history of the party requires that the actual decision-making process be counted at least equally with agreements. Whether continual co-operation among National Liberals on parliamentary rights was based upon increased hostility or cordiality has remained the critical and unanswered practical question.
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Dietz, Linda, William Sarjeant, and Trent Mitchell. "The Dreamer and the Pragmatist: A Joint Biography of Walter Wetzel and Otto Wetzel, with A Survey of their Contributions to Geology and Micropaleontology." Earth Sciences History 18, no. 1 (January 1, 1999): 4–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/eshi.18.1.j0w8536l8q3l4742.

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After a long hiatus, work on fossil dinoflagellates was revived in Germany during the 1920s and 1930s by two geologists who were namesakes, but unrelated—Walter Wetzel (1887-1978) and Otto Wetzel (1891-1971). An account is presented of their lives and geological work, their contributions to micropaleontology being emphasized and their research approaches contrasted. It is hoped this may enable a greater insight to be gained, not only into their personal academic achievements but also into the peculiar influences exerted upon them by the events which both shaped and destroyed Germany in the first half of this century. Following this article, a comprehensive bibliographical list of works published by Walter Wetzel and Otto Wetzel is presented, with translations of titles.
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50

Fischer, André. "Art and Resistance in Germany ed. by Deborah Ascher Barnstone and Elizabeth Otto." German Studies Review 42, no. 3 (2019): 621–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/gsr.2019.0099.

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