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Journal articles on the topic 'Bismarck, Otto'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 5 February 2022

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1

Vlasov, Nikolay. "Otto von Bismarck’s concept of race." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no. 12-1 (December 1, 2020): 246–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202012statyi20.

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Exploration of the outlook and the views of renowned political figures constitutes one of the most thriving fields of historical research. This article focuses on such an understudied topic as a concept of race developed by Otto von Bismarck, the “Iron Chancellor”. To examine the interrelation between Bismarck’s views on a certain nation’s “racial” features and his policy towards this country, the article offers a case study of Bismarck’s attitude to Russia and the Russians and its influence on German-Russian relations. This case study relies on a wide range of sources, which completely reveal Bismarck’s ‘racial’ understanding of Russia.

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2

Kraehe, Enno E. "Otto Pflanze's Bismarck Trilogy." Central European History 23, no. 4 (December 1990): 368–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900021683.

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3

Rössner, Stephan. "Otto von Bismarck 1815-1898." Obesity Reviews 13, no. 3 (February 17, 2012): 297. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-789x.2011.00946.x.

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4

Padje, W. A. Van't. "Sir Alexander Malet and Prince Otto von Bismarck: an Almost Forgotten Anglo‐German Friendship." Historical Research 72, no. 179 (October 1, 1999): 285–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00085.

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Abstract This article concentrates on Prince von Bismarck's relationship with England, with particular reference to his friendship with the British diplomat Sir Alexander Malet in the eighteen‐fifties, when Bismarck was Prussian representative to the German confederation at Frankfurt. Bismarck's love–hate relationship with England has been frequently described. He complained repeatedly about British Liberalism, the Reform Bill of 1832 and the parliamentary system. Thus, it is rather surprising that one of his closest and most intimate friends in this decade was Malet, a fact which is overlooked by most of Bismarck's biographers.

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5

Kraus, Hans-Christof. "Otto von Bismarck und die Innenpolitik." Jahrbuch für die Geschichte Mittel- und Ostdeutschlands 63, no. 1 (December 20, 2017): 335–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jgmo-2017-0032.

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6

Baev, V. G. "Otto von Bismarck and Germany Militarization (Legislative Formalization of the Military Reform in Germany in the 80s of the 19th century)." Lex Russica, no. 9 (September 18, 2020): 77–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2020.166.9.077-087.

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The history of Germany of the second half of the 19th century and the activities of Otto von Bismarck form an integral unit, provided we bear in mind the process of Germany becoming a centralized state. The author argues that the attainment of German unity could only be achieved on the paths of war with Austria and France. This implies why military reform in Germany has been given so much attention.This study is focused on the second stage of military reform — the strengthening of the German army after the establishment of a centralized state. The author poses the question: if the “German issue” was resolved, what was the need for further armament? The Bismarck Government in 1874 and 1881 successfully sought from Parliament the adoption of septennat laws (seven years of funding for the army). But in 1887 the Parliament refused to extend the septennat. The author uses Bismarck’s collection of political speeches in the Reichstag as the main source of research. It is an important source of official origin, reflecting the approaches of not only of the subject of Bismarck’s legislative initiative, but also of Germany’s ruling elite.A point of view about Bismarck as vehicle of Germanic militarism prevails in historical literature. As a result of the analysis of the debate on the draft law, the author concludes that Bismarck’s military policy was dictated not so much by the militaristic nature of his personality, but by the necessity of strengthening the military potential of Germany, surrounded by strong adversaries, to defend its sovereignty. For the further development of events, the Chancellor who had been removed from his office, cannot be held responsible. The tragedy of Bismarck-era Germany is expressed in the fact that he failed to prepare a successor capable of leading the country during a period of crisis.

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7

Trzeciakowski, Lech. "Otto von Bismarck in der polnischen Historiographie." Studia Germanica Posnaniensia 24 (October 29, 2018): 91–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/sgp.1999.24.09.

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8

Feuchtwanger, E. "Otto von Bismarck (1815-1898): Realpolitik und Revolution." English Historical Review CXXI, no. 493 (September 1, 2006): 1142–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cel261.

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9

Otte, T. G. "Otto von Bismarck: Gesammelte Werke. Neue Friedrichsruher Ausgabe." Diplomacy & Statecraft 31, no. 2 (April 2, 2020): 401–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2020.1760055.

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10

Garner, Sarah. "ART OF THE POSSIBLE?" International Journal of Technology Assessment in Health Care 30, no. 1 (January 2014): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266462313000743.

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It is very fitting that the strap line for the article on reassessment (1) is derived from the quote “politics is the art of the possible” attributed to Otto von Bismarck. Bismarck was the first chancellor of the unified German Empire that preserved peace in Europe until 1914. Politically deft, he persuaded the southern German states to join with his North German Confederation by provoking hostilities with France.

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11

Muller, F. L. "Otto von Bismarck: Gesammelte Werke. Schriften 1882-1883, ed. Ulrich Lappenkuper * Otto von Bismarck: Gesammelte Werke. Schriften 1884-1885, ed. Ulrich Lappenkuper." English Historical Review 128, no. 534 (September 4, 2013): 1277–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cet219.

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12

ÖZER, Sevilay. "DEVLET ADAMI OLARAK MUSTAFA KEMAL ATATÜRK VE OTTO VON BİSMARCK." Journal of Academic Social Science Studies 8, Number: 27 (January 1, 2014): 427. http://dx.doi.org/10.9761/jasss2404.

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13

Lorenz Müller, Frank. "Man, Myth and Monuments: The Legacy of Otto von Bismarck (1866—1998)." European History Quarterly 38, no. 4 (October 2008): 626–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691408094517.

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14

von Herbay, A. "Otto Von Bismarck Is Not the Origin of Old Age at 65." Gerontologist 54, no. 1 (October 1, 2013): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geront/gnt111.

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15

McGaughey, Ewan. "Otto von Gierke: The Social Role of Private Law." German Law Journal 19, no. 4 (July 1, 2018): 1017–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s207183220002294x.

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Otto von Gierke wroteThe Social Role of Private Law (Die soziale Aufgabe des Privatrechts)in an age of extraordinary belief in progress and pride. In 1889, the Eiffel Tower was inaugurated, Britain's Royal Navy was required by law to outdo its next two rivals combined, and Germany was forging a massive new Civil Code (Bürgerliches Gesetzbuch). Within a year, Kaiser Wilhelm II had dismissed Otto von Bismarck: The old Iron Chancellor, who had unified a ‘Second’ Reich but no longer moved fast enough to secure a “place in the sun.” Ages of great confidence often see codes of law: Justinian'sCorpus Juris Civilisin a reunited West and Eastern Rome; theCode Civilof the Napoleonic Empire; the Penal, Contract or Trust Acts from 1860 to 1882 across the British Empire; and the US Code of 1926. A desire for legal certainty sometimes drives reform, but rarely as much a desire to display superiority. The flicker of history must be made to seem timeless, like laws seem in printed word.

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16

Stepanov, V. L. "The Social Legislation of Otto von Bismarck and Worker Insurance Law in Russia." Russian Studies in History 47, no. 3 (December 2008): 71–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/rsh1061-1983470303.

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17

Rathbun, Brian. "The Rarity of Realpolitik: What Bismarck's Rationality Reveals about International Politics." International Security 43, no. 1 (August 2018): 7–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00323.

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Realpolitik, the pursuit of vital state interests in a dangerous world that constrains state behavior, is at the heart of realist theory. All realists assume either that states engage in such behavior or, at the very least, are highly incentivized to do so by the structure of the international system. Classical realists remind us, however, that Realpolitik presupposes rational thinking, which should not be taken for granted. Some leaders act more rationally than others because they think more rationally than others. Research in cognitive psychology provides a strong foundation for classical realist claims that Realpolitik requires a commitment to objectivity and deliberation, a particular psychology that few leaders exhibit. A case study of Otto von Bismarck's role in German reunification demonstrates that rationality is the exception, rather than the norm. Even though Prussia was under enormous structural constraints that should have incentivized Realpolitik, the man who would become the Iron Chancellor was isolated because of his foreign policy views. Bismarck consistently disagreed with conservative patrons and allies at home, disagreements that can be reduced largely to his higher degree of rationality.

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18

Dudarev, Vasiliy. "Music of the Iron Chancellor: Sketches for the Psychological Portrait of Otto von Bismarck." ISTORIYA 12, no. 4 (102) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840015301-0.

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19

Smith, Helmut Walser. "Monuments, Kitsch, and the Sense of Nation in Imperial Germany." Central European History 49, no. 3-4 (December 2016): 322–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938916000868.

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AbstractThis article shows how the material culture of nationhood can reveal a different perspective on the problem of nationalism. Using simple time graphs and Geographic Information Systems (GIS), the article considers temporal and spatial dimensions of “nation objects” in an effort to understand the allusive phenomenon of banal, everyday national identity. Specifically, it brings together quantitative evidence for the pervasiveness of veterans monuments, Kaiser Wilhelm I and Otto von Bismarck monuments, as well as monuments to Germany's great intellectuals, and then examines the world of objects, largely kitsch, that these monuments brought forth. The article argues that, especially in small-town Germany, objects signifying the nation point to a national sentiment governed less by the sharp logic of ideology than by the harmonizing tendencies of kitsch.Dieser Aufsatz zeigt, wie die materielle Kultur der nationalen Einheit eine andere Perspektive auf das Problem des Nationalismus bieten kann. Durch die Verwendung einfacher Zeitgraphiken und Geographic Information Systems (GIS) werden die zeitlichen und räumlichen Dimensionen von “Nationalobjekten” betrachtet, um das anspielungsreiche Phänomen banaler, alltäglicher Nationalidentität zu begreifen. Konkret werden quantitative Nachweise weit verbreiteter Kriegsdenkmäler, Denkmäler für Kaiser Wilhelm I. und Otto von Bismarck sowie Denkmäler für Deutschlands führende Intellektuelle zusammengeführt und im Anschluss daran die Welt der Objekte – größtenteils Kitsch –, die diese Denkmäler hervorgebracht haben, untersucht. Dabei wird argumentiert, dass diese die Nation repräsentierenden Objekte vor allem im kleinstädtischen Deutschland auf ein Nationalgefühl verweisen, das weniger durch klar definierte Ideologie als vielmehr durch die harmonisierenden Tendenzen von Kitsch bestimmt ist.

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20

Hughes, Michael L. "Splendid Demonstrations: The Political Funerals of Kaiser Wilhelm I and Wilhelm Liebknecht." Central European History 41, no. 2 (May 2, 2008): 229–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938908000320.

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Great public figures can bestride the public stage in life—but be buried privately. Kaiser Wilhelm II despised his father, Friedrich III. Having established his legitimacy through his central role in his grandfather, Wilhelm I's, funeral, he refused Friedrich a public funeral and staged a private funeral so perfunctory the widow refused to attend. Otto von Bismarck, to spite Wilhelm II for having fired him, directed that his funeral should be private and at his country estate, denying Wilhelm the grand public display in Berlin he had planned.

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21

Papenko, Natalia. "Position of the political parties of Germany on the colonial issues during the 70-80s of the XIXth century." European Historical Studies, no. 5 (2016): 78–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2016.05.78-96.

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The article examines the position of the leading parties and colonial societies of the imperial Germany on shaping the colonial policy during the 70-80-s of the XIXth century. The background of the colonial ideology, its main elements, convergent and divergent features in the political parties’ approaches thereto, as well as of its immediate creators and witnesses of the precolonial époque have been investigated. The position of business groups, industrial and trade capital before the rise of the German colonial system have been analyzed. The article discovers the genesis of the German colonial policy’s formation and development during the period of chancellorship of Otto von Bismarck.

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22

Elz, Wolfgang. "Ulrich Lappenküper, Bismarck und Frankreich 1815 bis 1898. Chancen zur Bildung einer „ganz unwiderstehlichen Macht“? (Otto-von-Bismarck-Stiftung, Wissenschaftliche Reihe, Bd. 27.) Paderborn, Schöningh 2019." Historische Zeitschrift 311, no. 1 (August 1, 2020): 223–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/hzhz-2020-1305.

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23

von Arx, Jeffrey P. "Archbishop Manning and the Kulturkampf." Recusant History 21, no. 2 (October 1992): 254–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003419320000159x.

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It is not surprising that Henry Edward Manning had strong opinions about the Kulturkampf, Otto von Bismarcks effort in the early 1870’s to bring the Roman Catholic Church in Germany under the control of the State. As head of the Catholic Church in England, it appropriately fell to Manning to condemn what most British Catholics would have seen as the persecution of their Church in the new German Empire. Moreover, Manning knew personally the bishops involved in the conflict with Bismarck from their time together at the Vatican Council. Indeed, he was well acquainted with some of them who had played important rôles, either for or against, in the great controversies of the Council that led to the definition of Papal Infallibility. MiecisIaus Ledochowski, Archbishop of Gnesen and Posen, imprisoned and expelled from his see by the German government in 1874, had, together with Manning, been a prominent infallibilist. Paulus Melchers, Archbishop of Cologne, and leader of the German inopportunists, suffered the same penalty. The bishops of Breslau, Trier and Paderborn, all of whom had played significant rôles at the Council, the first two against, the latter for the definition, were either imprisoned, expelled, or both. Manning considered these men to have suffered for the cause of religious liberty, and could not understand the indifference of British politicians, especially of liberals like Gladstone, to their fate.

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24

Marquet Guerrero, Porfirio. "Panorama del régimen de seguridad social contenido en la ley del seguro social mexicana." Revista de la Facultad de Derecho de México 69, no. 273-1 (February 28, 2019): 231. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/fder.24488933e.2019.273-1.68610.

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La Seguridad Social es una disciplina relativamente reciente, si se considera que la mayoría de los especialistas coinciden en que sus primeros antecedentes claros se remontan apenas al último tercio del siglo XIX, cuando Otto Von Bismarck promovió en Prusia las primeras leyes que crearon seguros sociales. Se consolidó de manera importante durante el siglo XX y particularmente en México con la expedición de la primera Ley del Seguro Social que entró en vigor en enero de 1943, la cual fue sustituida por la segunda que entró en vigor en 1973 y ésta a su vez por la actual que inició su vigencia en 1997, que por diversas razones es la más importante en México.

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25

Schraeder, Peter J. "From Berlin 1884 to 1989: Foreign Assistance and French, American, and Japanese Competition in Francophone Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 33, no. 4 (December 1995): 539–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00021431.

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In October1884, the major European colonial powers of the era were invited to a conference in Berlin by the German Chancellor, Otto von Bismarck.1The United States also attended the proceedings as an observer nation, and its representative, John A. Kasson, signed the Berlin Convention, one of the primary purposes of which was to regulate escalating imperial conflict by officially delineating the territorial boundaries of colonial possessions. Although warfare between colonial armies in Africa during World War I underscored the failure of negotiators to avoid yet another global military conflict, the Berlin conference none the less consecrated the creation of formal European empires and ‘spheres of interest’ throughout the continent. Except for the unique cases of Ethiopia and Liberia, independent Africa eventually ceased to exist.

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26

Augustinovic, Werner. "Bismarck, Otto von, Gesammelte Werke, Neue Friedrichsruher Ausgabe, hg. v. Canis, Konrad/Gall, Lothar/Hildebrand, Klaus/Kolb, Eberhard." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Germanistische Abteilung 128, no. 1 (August 1, 2011): 753–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgga.2011.128.1.753.

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27

Thier, Andreas. "Bismarck, Otto von, Gesammelte Werke, Neue Friedrichsruher Ausgabe, hg. v. Konrad Canis/Lothar Gall/Klaus Hildebrand/Eberhard Kolb." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Germanistische Abteilung 125, no. 1 (August 1, 2008): 819–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgga.2008.125.1.819.

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28

Vlasov, NIKOLAY ANATOLIEVICH. "«Logrolling»: the balance of Russian-German relations in the 19th century through the eyes of Otto von Bismarck." Клио, no. 3 (2021): 71–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.51676/2070-9773_2021_03_71.

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29

Howes, Hilary S. "'It is not so!' Otto Finsch, Expectations and Encounters in the Pacific, 1865 - 85." Historical Records of Australian Science 22, no. 1 (2011): 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/hr11002.

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This article focuses on the Pacific experiences of the German ornithologist and ethnologist Otto Finsch (1839?1917). Between 1879 and 1882, Finsch voyaged extensively in the Pacific, visiting Hawai?i, parts of Micronesia and island Melanesia, New Zealand, New Guinea and the Torres Strait Islands. In 1884, he returned to New Guinea and was instrumental in the acquisition of Kaiser-Wilhelmsland and the Bismarck Archipelago as German protectorates.While his numerous publications on the indigenous inhabitants of these areas naturally reflect the prevailing scientific and colonial discourses of the late nineteenth century, I argue that they were also significantly shaped by his personal encounters with Pacific peoples. Through close comparisons of texts produced before, during and after his Pacific voyages, I discuss the ways in which these encounters challenged Finsch's pre-voyage assumptions about ?race' and human difference: the breadth of individual variation within supposedly homogeneous races, the extent of overlap between such races, and the reliability of particular cultural practices as diagnostics of savagery or civilization. I also emphasize links between Finsch's story and broader issues in the history of science, including the influence of observers' trajectories of travel on the constitution of regional topographies of difference, the standardization and mobilization of travellers' observations for metropolitan audiences, the human interface between discovery and communication, and the policing of scientific knowledge and interpretation of field observations by metropolitan authorities.

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30

Hamerow, Theodore S. "A More Human Bismarck - Otto Pflanze: Bismarck and the Development of Germany. 3 vols. (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1990. Pp. xxx, 518; xvii, 554; xi, 474. $95.00.)." Review of Politics 53, no. 4 (1991): 741–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003467050001648x.

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31

Höbelt, Lothar. "Bismarck, Europa und die “Krieg‐in‐Sicht”‐Krise von 1875. By Johannes Janorschke. Otto‐von‐Bismarck‐Stiftung, Wissenschaftliche Reihe, volume 11. Paderborn: Ferdinand Schöningh Verlag, 2010. Pp. 513. €59.00." Journal of Modern History 83, no. 4 (December 2011): 871–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/662313.

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32

von Knorring, Marc. "Das Bismarck-Problem in der Geschichtsschreibung. Hg. v. Ulrich Lappenküper (Otto-von-Bismarck-Stiftung, Wissenschaftliche Reihe). Paderborn: Schöningh 2016. ISBN 978-3-506-78527-5. – 226 S.; 34,90 Euro." Jahrbuch für die Geschichte Mittel- und Ostdeutschlands 64, no. 1 (October 10, 2019): 270–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jgod-2018-0024.

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33

Baumgart, Winfried, Christian Wipperfürth, Michael Wettengel, James Stone, and Jürgen W. Schmidt. "19. Jahrhundert (Französische Revolution bis einschließlich Erster Weltkrieg)." Das Historisch-Politische Buch (HPB) 65, no. 4-6 (October 1, 2017): 432–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/hpb.65.4-6.432.

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Ferdinand Gregorovius: Europa und die Revolution. Leitartikel (1848-1850). (Hg. von Dominik Függer und Karsten Lorek) (Winfried Baumgart) Philipp Ammon: Georgien zwischen Eigenstaatlichkeit und russischer Okkupation. Die Wurzeln des russisch-georgischen Konflikts vom 18. Jahrhundert bis zum Ende der ersten georgischen Republik (1921) (Christian Wipperfürth) Gerd Fesser: „… ein Haufen verwilderter Professoren und verführter Studenten.“ Das Wartburgfest der deutschen Studentenschaft 1817 (Michael Wettengel) Ulrich Lappenküper (Hg.): Otto von Bismarck und das „lange 19 Jahrhundert“. Lebendige Vergangenheit im Spiegel der „Friedrichsruher Beiträge“ (James Stone) Tim-Lorenz Wurr: Terrorismus und Autokratie. Staatliche Reaktionen auf den Russischen Terrorismus (1870-1890) (Jürgen W. Schmidt) Catherine Merridale: Lenins Zug. Die Reise in die Revolution (Jürgen W. Schmidt) Horst Möller, Aleksandr Čubar’jan (Hg): Der Erste Weltkrieg. Deutschland und Russland im europäischen Kontext. Mitteilungen der Gemeinsamen Kommission für die Erforschung der jüngeren Geschichte der deutsch-russischen Beziehungen (Jürgen W. Schmidt)

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34

Hoffman, Beatrix. "Scientific Racism, Insurance, and Opposition to the Welfare State: Frederick L. Hoffman's Transatlantic Journey." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 2, no. 2 (April 2003): 150–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400002450.

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Frederick Ludwig Hoffman, statistician and insurance executive, was a formidable opponent of the emerging welfare state during the Progressive Era. As a vice president of the Prudential Insurance Company of Newark, New Jersey, Hoffman led a relentless campaign against proposals for government-ran compulsory health insurance between 1915 and 1920. While he acted in the interests of his insurance company employer, Hoffman's opposition also arose from his ardent beliefs about the nature of welfare states. Social insurance and other forms of state-organized assistance, Hoffman claimed, represented “alien governmental theories” based on “paternalism and coercion,” especially since they originated in autocratic Germany, where in 1885 Chancellor Otto von Bismarck had created the world's first sickness insurance system. “In so far as our right to oppose compulsory health insurance is concerned,” explained Hoffman, “it [is] the duty of every American to oppose German ideas of government control and state socialism.” In the anti-German atmosphere engendered by the First World War, his arguments had particular resonance.

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35

Harris, Kimberly Ann. "Du Bois and Hegelian Idealism." Idealistic Studies 51, no. 2 (2021): 149–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/idstudies2021624130.

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In a crossed-out section in his Fisk University commencement address on Otto von Bismarck, W. E. B. Du Bois mentions that Hegel was one of the figures that influenced him early on in his intellectual development. I argue that although Du Bois uses Hegelian language and employs a Hegelian conception of history in his address “The Conservation of Races,” he abandons both in his essay “Sociology Hesitant.” He became critical of the teleological conception of history because it rests on determinism, which in his view denies the possibility for social change. With what I call his “mystical holism,” Du Bois is at odds with Hegel’s methodological holism, a distinguishing characteristic of absolute idealism. Du Bois’s dynamic idealism, which grows out of opposition to Hegelian idealism, leaves us with hope for a world without racism or at the very least in a better position to develop idealism as an anti-racist system of philosophical thought.

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36

von Arx, Jeffrey. "Engaging the liberal state: Cardinal Manning and Irish home rule." British Catholic History 35, no. 1 (April 8, 2020): 25–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bch.2020.2.

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In the course of his long career (1865–1892) as Archbishop of Westminster and head of England’s Catholic Church, Henry Edward Manning articulated a position on the engagement of voluntary religious organizations like the Church with the liberal state, now understood, at least in the British context, as religiously neutral and responsive to public opinion through increasingly democratic forms of government and mediated through political parties. The greatest test and illustration of this position was his involvement in Irish Home Rule, where he deferred to the Irish hierarchy in their support of Charles Stuart Parnell’s Irish Parliamentary Party against his own inclinations and the immediate interests of the Catholic population in England. Manning’s position was in sharp contrast to that of Pope Leo XIII, who negotiated directly with Otto von Bismarck, and over the heads of the hierarchy and Germany’s Catholic Centre Party, to end the Kulturkampf. Thus Manning worked out a modus vivendi for the Church in relation to the liberal, democratic state that anticipates in many ways the practice of the Church in politics today.

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37

Bespalova, L. N. "The Use of Social Maneuvering Tactics of the German Reich Chancellor Otto von Bismarck in the Second Half of the XIX Century." Izvestiya of Saratov University. New Series. Series: History. International Relations 18, no. 2 (2018): 212–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2018-18-2-212-215.

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38

Dill, Richard W. "Dr. Eduard Lasker – sein Stammbaum und Familienumfeld: Ein genealogischer Beitrag zur deutsch-jüdischen Geschichte." Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 58, no. 4 (2006): 337–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007306778552764.

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AbstractOn the basis of recently (re)discovered documents, the paper discusses the family tree of the Jewish Lasker dynasty, originating from Lask in Poland, formerly Prussia. The common forefather of all Laskers was Rabbi Meier Hindels, who lived around 1700. In Germany, the most successful of his descendants was Dr. Eduard Lasker (1829-1884). He was a lawyer, co-founder of the National Liberal party, and in his lifetime the most conspicuous parliamentary opponent to Reich Chancellor Otto von Bismarck. Germany owes him a considerable part of its present day legal structures in criminal, civil and public law. His younger brother Moritz/Morris (1840-1916) settled in Texas and became a prominent figure both in business and society. The Lasker family branch that he established in the United States is still flourishing today and has produced a number of personalities of public renown. While visiting his brother, Eduard Lasker died in New York in January 1884. Edward Lasker (1885-1981), a prominent US-based chess champion, descended from another family branch. One of his nieces, Anita Wallfisch-Lasker, wrote an autobiography that describes her ordeal as a member of the camp orchestra at Auschwitz.

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Müller, Jürgen. "Winfried Heinemann / Lothar Höbelt / Ulrich Lappenküper (Hrsg.), Der preußisch-österreichische Krieg 1866. (Otto-von-Bismarck-Stiftung, Wissenschaftliche Reihe, Bd. 26.) Paderborn, Ferdinand Schöningh 2018." Historische Zeitschrift 307, no. 2 (October 5, 2018): 534–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/hzhz-2018-1455.

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Rippa, Marija. "Conceptual foundations of social protection in the context of the general welfare theory." University Economic Bulletin, no. 38 (July 3, 2018): 139–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31470/2306-546x-2018-38-139-145.

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The subject of the study is a system of social protection in the context of general welfare theories. Purpose of the article. The aim is research of theoretical-methodological and organizational-legal aspects of the functioning of the system of social protection. Methods of research. General scientific methods were used in the process of research, in particular, comparison, induction and deduction, analysis and synthesis, generalization of information and grouping. Results of the study. The main scientific result of the research is the theoretical substantiation and practical solution of a set of issues related to the problems of studying modern trends and ways of introducing and developing market models of social protection in Ukraine. The field of application of the research results. The results can be applied in the field of studying the problems of the current social protection system and determining the directions for its upgrage. Conclusions. A critical analysis of approaches to the definition of the essence of social protection was conducted, the formation of the social protection system was considered, the models of Otto von Bismarck and Lord Beveridge, their development in the context of the theory of general welfare, analyzed the purpose and functions of social protection in the conditions of development of the social and market economy.

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Leite, Matheus De Mendonça Gonçalves. "A PROPOSTA DE REFORMA PREVIDENCIÁRIA DO GOVERNO DE MICHEL TEMER E A (DES)PROTEÇÃO PREVIDENCIÁRIA DOS AGRICULTORES FAMILIARES E CAMPONESES." Revista Direitos Fundamentais & Democracia 23, no. 3 (December 14, 2018): 200. http://dx.doi.org/10.25192/issn.1982-0496.rdfd.v23i31117.

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Este artigo possui o objetivo de analisar, criticamente, os impactos que a aprovação da PEC 287/2016 poderá causar à proteção previdenciária dos agricultores familiares e camponeses. A PEC 287/2016 possui a finalidade de modificar o sistema de proteção social institucionalizado pela Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil de 1988, propondo a alteração, inclusive, das normas jurídicas de proteção previdenciária dos trabalhadores do campo, que foram inseridos no Regime Geral de Previdência Social. Nesse contexto, procura-se evidenciar as características do sistema previdenciário vigente, que se mostrou eficiente na proteção previdenciária dos agricultores familiares e camponeses, por meio da assimilação dos modelos de proteção social propostos por Otto von Bismarck (1881) e por William Beveridge (1942). A seguir, procura-se mostrar que a PEC 287/2016 altera, justamente, as características do sistema previdenciário que propiciou a inclusão de milhões de trabalhadores rurais na rede de proteção previdenciária. Conclui-se, então, que a aprovação da PEC 287/2016, bem como do substitutivo apresentado pelo Relator no processo legislativo instaurado na Câmara dos Deputados, produzirá, como consequências práticas previsíveis, a exclusão dos agricultores familiares e camponeses do acesso à proteção previdenciária, relegando-os à mendicância na hipótese de perda da capacidade de trabalho.

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Frolova, Elena Vladimirovna. "Healthcare in Germany." Spravočnik vrača obŝej praktiki (Journal of Family Medicine), no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 66–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/med-10-2101-09.

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Germany has long and firmly held a leading position in many areas: in the field of industry and entrepreneurship, culture and tourism, the introduction of advanced technologies and sports. Medical care is no exception. Annually, about 11.5% of GDP is allocated from the federal budget for health care; in 2019, 15.3 billion euro were spent on the expenditures of the German Ministry of Health, the lion's share of which (94.6%) went to providing public insurance. The first Law on Compulsory Health Insurance for the Whole Working Population entered into force in Germany back in 1883, before that it was valid only in Bavaria. This Act, proposed by German Chancellor Otto von Bismarck, was, in fact, the prototype for the introduction of a compulsory health care system around the world. Today, the compulsory health insurance system covers 90% of the German population. All residents of the country with a compulsory health insurance policy are entitled to almost the same range of medical services. At the same time, the amount of medical care received with compulsory health insurance does not depend on the amount of the insurance premium. The cost of health insurance for each citizen is determined based on the amount of his income.

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Rostislavleva, Natalia V. "SYMBOLS OF POWER IN THE HISTORICAL MEMORY OF GERMANY IN THE LATE 19TH AND EARLY 20TH CENTURIES (EXEMPLIFIED BY THE CULT OF OTTO VON BISMARCK)." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series History. Philology. Cultural Studies. Oriental Studies, no. 10 (2017): 117–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6355-2017-10-117-124.

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Steensma, David P. "“Congo” Red." Archives of Pathology & Laboratory Medicine 125, no. 2 (February 1, 2001): 250–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5858/2001-125-0250-cr.

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Abstract Context.—Congo red is the essential histologic stain for demonstrating the presence of amyloidosis in fixed tissues. To the best of my knowledge, nothing has been written about why the stain is named “Congo.” Objective.—To understand the etymology and history of the Congo red histologic stain. Design.—Primary sources were consulted extensively, including 19th-century corporate documents, newspapers, legal briefs, patents, memoirs, and scientific papers. Setting.—Sources were obtained from multiple university libraries and German corporate archives. Results.—To Europeans in 1885, the word Congo evoked exotic images of far-off central Africa known as The Dark Continent. The African Congo was also a political flashpoint during the Age of Colonialism. “Congo” red was introduced in Berlin in 1885 as the first of the economically lucrative direct textile dyes. A patent on Congo red was filed by the AGFA Corporation of Berlin 3 weeks after the conclusion of the well-publicized Berlin West Africa Conference. During these important diplomatic talks, German Chancellor Otto von Bismarck presided over a discussion of free trade issues in the Congo River basin. A challenge to AGFA's Congo red patent led to a precedent-setting decision in intellectual property law. Conclusions.—The Congo red stain was named “Congo” for marketing purposes by a German textile dyestuff company in 1885, reflecting geopolitical current events of that time.

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Pflanze, Otto. "Das Ringen um den Nationalen Staat: Die Gründung und der Innere Ausbau des Deutschen Reiches unter Otto von Bismarck, 1850-1890. Wolfgang J. Mommsen , Dieter Groh." Journal of Modern History 68, no. 3 (September 1996): 730–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/245385.

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Nda, Agbor Charles. "The practice of social security in black Africa; a shadow of the real concept: The Cameroonian transcript." International Journal for Innovation Education and Research 8, no. 10 (October 1, 2020): 17–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31686/ijier.vol8.iss10.2607.

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Social security is a corner stone for the socio-economic and even political development of many countries in the world today. Developed countries like Germany, Britain and many western countries have developed and made use of theories propounded by founders of the concept of social security like Otto von Bismarck and Lord Beveridge to develop their societies. But the unfortunate thing is that all along their stay in Africa, these colonial powers did not border to institute and impregnate Africans with the concept, thus, living Africans completely ignorant of the concept of social security. Studies have proven that the application of this concept in Africa, especially south of the Sahara is still a nightmare. Africans are unable to put into place a veritable social security scheme, yet most of them aspire to emerge by 2035. With the example of Cameroon, the causes of this failure are attributed to the colonial masters and poor governance in post-colonial Africa. As a remedy to this situation, results of this research demand that African governments must show prove of good governance and elaborate an inclusive social protection scheme. Besides, specialize United Nations agencies like the International Labour organization (ILO) and the Human Rights Commission must stand by these countries with their technical knowhow to help develop a meaningful social protection scheme in Africa. As an alert to those countries warming up for emergence, it is an illusion if the welfare of these people is not put at the center of every development action.

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Schmidt, Rainer F. "Otto von Bismarck, Gesammelte Werke. Neue Friedrichsruher Ausgabe (NFA). Hrsg. v.Holger Afflerbach,Konrad Canis,Lothar Gall,Klaus Hildebrandu.Eberhard Kolb. Abt. 4: Gedanken und Erinnerungen. Bearb. v.Michael Epkenhansu.Eberhard Kolb. Paderborn/München/Wien, Schöningh 2012 Bismarck Otto von Gesammelte Werke. Neue Friedrichsruher Ausgabe (NFA). Hrsg. v.Holger Afflerbach,Konrad Canis,Lothar Gall,Klaus Hildebrandu.Eberhard Kolb. Abt. 4: Gedanken und Erinnerungen. Bearb. v.Michael Epkenhansu.Eberhard Kolb. 2012 Schöningh Paderborn/München/Wien € 56,–." Historische Zeitschrift 296, no. 3 (June 2013): 825. http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/hzhz.2013.0275.

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Hoston, Germaine A. "The State, Modernity, and the Fate of Liberalism in Prewar Japan." Journal of Asian Studies 51, no. 2 (May 1992): 287–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2058030.

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The Political Histories of Western Europe and the United States over the past three hundred years illustrate powerfully how the evolution of fully functioning liberal democratic politics has been linked intimately to the presence of vigorous thinkers and activists dedicated to the pursuit of a liberal polity. The social contract theory of John Locke and Jean-Jacques Rousseau, the constitutionalism of Baron Charles de Montesquieu, the laissez-faire economics of Adam Smith, and the reflections of Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, and Alexander Hamilton on the challenges of competitive politics all helped to lay the groundwork for the achievement of liberal democratic politics in France, England, and the United States. Particular strains of political thought found in these and other thinkers help to account for the similarities and differences among the world's historic experiments in bourgeois democracy. French liberalism, which had no Thomas Hobbes seeking eloquently to defend monarchical absolutism, ultimately could not accommodate royal prerogative to democratic politics; and, lacking an Adam Smith to assert the primacy of economic laissez-faire, it showed no fundamental antipathy to the centralized state in its political practice. A more dramatic contrast is afforded by the fragile and short-lived democracy of Weimar Germany, nurtured in soil where G. W. F. Hegel's organic conception of the state and the doctrines of state sovereignty that legitimated the regime of Otto von Bismarck overwhelmed the contributions of Immanuel Kant and Wilhelm von Humboldt to liberal theory. In the final analysis, to be sure, the presence or absence of absolutism and its defenders, of laissez-faire economics and its rationalizers is attributable to other factors deep in the history and culture of each society. Yet, in all these cases, the historical relationship between thought and politics is clear and striking.

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Hanisch, Manfred. "Bismarck and the Development of Germany. Volume 1: The Period of Unification, 1815-1871. Volume 2: The Period of Consolidation, 1871-1880. Volume 3: The Period of Fortification, 1880-1898. Otto Pflanze." Journal of Modern History 66, no. 2 (June 1994): 426–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/244870.

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Augustinovic, Werner. "Bismarck, Otto von, Gesammelte Werke - Neue Friedrichsruher Ausgabe, hg. v. Afflerbach, Holger/Canis, Konrad/Gall, Lothar/Hildebrand, Klaus/Kolb, Eberhard, Abteilung III 1871-1898. Schriften, Band 6 1884-1885, bearb. v. Lappenküper, Ulrich." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Germanistische Abteilung 129, no. 1 (August 1, 2012): 705–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgga.2012.129.1.705.

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