Journal articles: 'Bison hunting'

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Sarno, Ronald J., Melissa M. Grigione, Alessandra Higa, Eddie Childers, and Trudy Ecoffey. "The association between continual, year-round hunting and bellowing rate of bison bulls during the rut." PeerJ 5 (April 6, 2017): e3153. http://dx.doi.org/10.7717/peerj.3153.

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The impact of hunting (selective harvest, trophy hunting) on the demography of mammals is well documented. However, despite continual year-round hunting of bison in some populations, little is known about how the behavior of survivors may be altered. Therefore, in this initial study, we used focal-animal observations in adjacent populations of continually hunted and protected Plains bison (Bison bison bison) in western South Dakota, to examine the potential impact of hunting on bellowing rate—an important behavior that serves to intimidate rival bulls and potentially influences mate choice by females. In addition to hunting, we investigated how the number of attendant males, number of adult females, group size, and number of days from the start of rut influenced bellowing rate. Bulls bellowed an order of magnitude more often in the protected population than in the hunted populations, whereas bellowing rate was not significantly different in the hunted populations. Hunting was significantly and negatively associated with bellowing rate, while all other predictors were found to be positively associated with bellowing rate. Furthermore, the impact of hunting on bellowing rate became more pronounced (i.e., dampened bellowing rate more strongly) as the number of attendant males increased. Changes in bellowing behavior of bulls (and possibly mate choice by cows) can alter breeding opportunities. Therefore, our data suggest the need for studies with broader-scale geographical and temporal replication to determine the extent that continual year-round hunting has on bellowing rate of bison during the rut. If reduced bellowing is associated with human hunting on a larger scale, then wildlife managers may need to adjust hunting rate and duration, timing (season), and the time lag between hunting events in order to insure that bison are able to express their full repertoire of natural mating behaviors.

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Bement, Leland C., and Brian J. Carter. "Jake Bluff: Clovis Bison Hunting on the Southern Plains of North America." American Antiquity 75, no. 4 (October 2010): 907–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/0002-7316.75.4.907.

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Clovis hunters of the North American Great Plains are known for their ability to hunt and scavenge mammoths. Less is known of their hunting strategies for other large animals, such as horse, camel, and bison, although remains of these animals have been found at several Clovis camps. Recent investigations of the Jake Bluff site on the southern Plains have identified a Clovis bison kill in an arroyo. The apparent use of an arroyo style trap for bison hunting provides the opportunity to study Clovis hunting strategies that came to be widely used during later Paleoindian times. The arroyo style bison trap is generally attributed to Folsom and later groups, and yet the Jake Bluff site yielded an association of Clovis-style projectile points with the remains of 22 Bison antiquus at the bottom of a short arroyo. The late date of 12,838 cal. BP suggests that the site spans the gap between the Clovis mammoth hunter and the Folsom bison hunter, indicating that some Clovis hunters developed the arroyo style bison trap to capture multiple bison at the same time, and as mammoths were extirpated from certain areas during the Pleistocene to Holocene transition.

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Herrmann, Edward W., Rebecca A. Nathan, Matthew J. Rowe, and Timothy P. McCleary. "BACHEEISHDÍIO (PLACE WHERE MEN PACK MEAT)." American Antiquity 82, no. 1 (January 2017): 151–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aaq.2016.5.

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Bacheeishdíio (“Place Where Men Pack Meat”), now called Grapevine Creek in English, is the subject of Crow oral traditions that document the cultural significance of the landscape and celebrate centuries of bison hunting in the drainage. We report an ongoing, community-based project that integrates archaeological field training and research goals into a collaborative indigenous archaeology project supporting the expressed goal of the Crow Tribal Historic Preservation Office to prepare a district-level nomination for the Grapevine Creek drainage basin. This paper describes findings from field investigations that document buffalo jump locales, a previously unreported bison bonebed, and associated archaeological features in the drainage, grounding Crow oral traditions that document buffalo jumps and large-scale bison hunts firmly into the landscape. We take a holistic approach that incorporates multiple lines of evidence to assess the archaeological record associated with bison jumps and bison hunting on the Crow Reservation in southern Montana. Results of this project include an enriched understanding of the Grapevine Creek archaeological record, greater awareness of buffalo hunting strategies on the northwest Plains, and, through field training, enhanced cultural resource management capabilities for the Crow Tribal Historic Preservation Office.

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Plew, Mark G., and Taya Sundell. "The Archaeological Occurrence of Bison on the Snake River Plain." North American Archaeologist 21, no. 2 (April 2000): 119–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/y9xe-yta4-rp20-xc3w.

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This article documents the archaeological occurrence of bison (Bison bison) on the Snake River Plain. Evidence from thirty-two Paleoindian and Archaic sites suggests that use of bison occurred on the western and eastern Plain. Sites reflect a variety of local environments and activities. The presence of bison, though relatively common in Late Archaic contexts, does not suggest that bison were depended upon as a major resource. Contrary to Butler's (1978) assertion that bison use decreased during the Late Archaic period, it appears that bison hunting was relatively more common in the later prehistory of the Plain.

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Irwin, Arthur. "The hooked stick in the Lascaux shaft scene." Antiquity 74, no. 284 (June 2000): 293–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00059317.

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Hunting methods of bison, whether in the French Palaeolithic or on the plains of North America, have much in common. This paper discusses how the hunters pursued their prey and the tools with which they despatched the bison.

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Henrikson, L. Suzann. "Bison Heights: A Late Holocene Bison Kill Site on Idaho's Snake River Plain." North American Archaeologist 26, no. 4 (October 2005): 333–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/34wt-5uxv-lukm-y3n3.

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Recent excavations at a narrow draw in close proximity to Tomcat Cave, one of Idaho's cold storage caves, exposed a concentration of charred mammal bones and a rock lined hearth in association with an elaborate series of rock alignments. Much of the long bone falls within the bovid size range (bison) and appears to be the byproduct of stone boiling or bone soup making. Radiocarbon dates from the hearth, and the presence of Intermountain ware ceramics, Rose Spring and Desert Side-notched points indicate use of the site during the very late Holocene. Analogous artifacts recovered from the mouth of Tomcat Cave indicate that hunting activities at Bison Heights and use of the cave likely coincided. The rock features at the site and those documented elsewhere within the region indicate that narrow topographic features were used as procurement locales for big game. However, limited amount of bone recovered near these features indicates that only a small number of animals were acquired during single hunting events.

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Johnson, Jay K., Susan L. Scott, James R. Atkinson, and Andrea Brewer Shea. "Late Prehistoric/Protohistoric Settlement and Subsistence on the Black Prairie: Buffalo Hunting in Mississippi." North American Archaeologist 15, no. 2 (October 1994): 167–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/qtcx-hv11-dl90-tpa7.

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Recently analyzed faunal collections from two archaeological sites in northeast Mississippi add to the limited amount of information on the distribution and use of bison in the Southeast. Moreover, the presence of bison in this area is one more factor which needs to be considered in any attempt to understand the dramatic changes in settlement and subsistence which mark the late prehistory of northeast Mississippi.

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Grund, Brigid S., Spencer R. Pelton, Todd A. Surovell, Neffra A. Matthews, and Tommy A. Noble. "Bison Jump Location is Primarily Predicted by Minimizing Visibility at the Wold Site, Johnson County, Wyoming." American Antiquity 81, no. 4 (October 2016): 752–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002731600101076.

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The Wold Bison Jump (48JO966) is a communal bison (Bison bison) hunting site in Johnson County, Wyoming. It likely represents a single kill event precipitated by Great Plains foragers between A.D. 1433 and 1643. Operating the jump required that prehistoric hunters drive stampeding bison up a steep slope in order to position them within a V-shaped drive line configured to funnel them toward a cliff. Using iterative models of least cost paths, topographic cross-sections, and visibility analysis, we test which landscape-embedded variables are optimized at the jump site as compared to other potential localities across the study area. We find that this site’s placement is primarily explained by minimizing the distance at which the cliff face is visible and secondarily by minimizing the cost of slope and curvature routes ascending into the drive lines. Our procedure could hypothetically be used to predict optimal jump locations on similar landscapes.

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Shaw, James H. "Neither stable nor pristine: American bison populations were long influenced by humans." Therya 12, no. 2 (May 30, 2021): 171–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.12933/therya-21-1112.

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Populations of North American bison (Bison bison) are widely presumed to have remained stable, numbering in the tens of millions, right up until the hide hunts of the 1870s nearly brought about extinction. Recent scholarship from various disciplines consistently undermines this presumption. Indigenous people likely affected bison populations from their arrival toward the end of the Pleistocene. By the time of Columbus, indigenous populations were high and their impacts were felt keenly. As documented in the 16th century journals of Cabeza de Vaca, big game populations, including bison, were suppressed by hunting. That changed, however, with arrival of Old World diseases that are estimated to have reduced indigenous populations in the Americas by 90 % within a century of contact with Europeans. Such drastic reductions in indigenous human populations allowed bison populations to expand. Gradually, increased pressure from human hunters, along with competition from feral horses, introduced infectious diseases, habitat changes, and droughts, all suppressed bison populations well before the notorious hide hunts began in the 1870s. The hide hunts were the final blow to free-ranging bison, but reduced populations in the decades prior paved the way and helps explain why bison were reduced to near extinction within a few years.

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de los Terreros, José Yravedra Sáinz, Alberto Gómez-Castanedo, Julia Aramendi Picado, and Javier Baena Preysler. "Specialised hunting of Iberian ibex during Neanderthal occupation at El Esquilleu Cave, northern Spain." Antiquity 88, no. 342 (December 2014): 1035–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00115303.

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Traditional views of Neanderthal hunting strategies envisage them preying on herd species such as bison and deer, rather than the sophisticated tracking of solitary animals. Analysis of faunal remains from El Esquilleu Cave in northern Spain, however, demonstrates that during certain periods of the Middle Palaeolithic occupation, Neanderthals focused on the hunting of ibex and chamois, small solitary species that inhabited the mountainous terrain around the site. These results indicate that Neanderthal hunting practices may have had more similarity to those of their Upper Palaeolithic relatives than is usually assumed.

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Bamforth, Douglas B. "Origin Stories, Archaeological Evidence, and Postclovis Paleoindian Bison Hunting on the Great Plains." American Antiquity 76, no. 1 (January 2011): 24–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/0002-7316.76.1.24.

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Reconstructions of the Paleoindian period are archaeology's origin stories about the native people of North America. These reconstructions have strongly emphasized great differences between recent and ancient Native Americans, echoing a perspective with its roots in the nineteenth century. One central component of the differences archaeologists have seen lies in the way that Paleoindian groups moved across the landscape. Particularly on the Great Plains, these movements have been seen as unpredictable and nonrepetitive, with this view founded largely in interpretations of evidence from large bison kills. This paper compares the overall patterns of post-Clovis Paleoindian and post-Paleoindian communal bison hunting on the Plains, arguing that there is no evidence of rapid or substantial change in such hunting at the end of the Paleoindian period. Although hunting practices did not remain exactly the same over time, most of the basic characteristics of Paleoindian hunting were common on the Plains for millennia. Only the northern Plains stands out from this, and it does so only within the last 2,000 to 3,000 years, probably in reaction to the development of continent-wide exchange networks. Paleoindians certainly lived different lives than did later occupants of the Great Plains, but the literature significantly exaggerates the magnitude of this difference.

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Carbyn, L. N., and T. Trottier. "Responses of bison on their calving grounds to predation by wolves in Wood Buffalo National Park." Canadian Journal of Zoology 65, no. 8 (August 1, 1987): 2072–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/z87-317.

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Bison-wolf interactions were observed from a tower located in the centre of a meadow in Wood Buffalo National Park, Alberta, Canada, from 10 May to 9 September 1980. Special attention was directed to the relationship between bison cow-calf interactions, calf pod formations, and wolf predation attempts. Pod formation began in May and peaked in June. During 102 days in the field, 166 encounters between wolves and bison were observed, of which 51 involved a single wolf interacting with bison. In the main, single wolves watched bison (23% of observations), trailed without follow-up (14%), trailed with follow-up (27%), or harassed them without making physical contact (34%). Only rarely (2% of the observations) did they attack. The remaining 115 encounters involved a pack of wolves (two or more individuals). The majority of them involved trailing with follow-up (26%) or harassment (48%), and rushing with physical contact (13%). Wolves, especially those in packs, preferentially attacked bison herds with calves over herds without calves. Single wolves were more likely than wolves in packs to attack herds of bulls only (34 vs. 5% of such encounters). Strategies used by bison in defence of their calves were recorded along with the hunting strategies employed by wolves.

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Marsolier-Kergoat, Marie-Claude, Pauline Palacio, Véronique Berthonaud, Frédéric Maksud, Thomas Stafford, Robert Bégouën, and Jean-Marc Elalouf. "Hunting the Extinct Steppe Bison (Bison priscus) Mitochondrial Genome in the Trois-Frères Paleolithic Painted Cave." PLOS ONE 10, no. 6 (June 17, 2015): e0128267. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0128267.

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Todd, Lawrence C., Jack L. Hofman, and C. Bertrand Schultz. "Seasonality of the Scottsbluff and Lipscomb Bison Bonebeds: Implications for Modeling Paleoindian Subsistence." American Antiquity 55, no. 4 (October 1990): 813–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/281252.

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The Scottsbluff and Lipscomb bison bonebeds initially were excavated in the 1930s. Although only brief, preliminary reports have been published on the two sites, they since have been cited widely in discussions of Paleoindian hunting practices on the western Plains. The Scottsbluff and Lipscomb sites both represent mass deaths associated with Cody Complex and Folsom artifacts respectively. Analysis of eruption and wear of the lower dentitions indicates that the Scottsbluff bison died during late spring to summer, and those at Lipscomb died only slightly later in the year (late summer to early fall). Thus, although often cited in the “yet-another-bison-bonebed” category, these two sites exhibit a pattern of seasonal mortality that is different from the generally reported tendency for Paleoindian kills to have taken place in the late fall or winter.

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Whittaker, William E. "The Cherokee Excavations Revisited: Bison Hunting on the Eastern Plains." North American Archaeologist 19, no. 4 (April 1999): 293–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/xdbh-2ld0-dvrv-qb0g.

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Driver, Jonathan C., and David Maxwell. "Bison death assemblages and the interpretation of human hunting behaviour." Quaternary International 297 (May 2013): 100–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.quaint.2012.12.038.

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Tsybovsky, I. S., S. A. Kotova, T. V. Zabavskaya, E. A. Spivak, and O. N. Lukashkova. "DNA Identification of Biological Traces in Forensic Casework for Investigation of Illegal Hunting in Belarus." Theory and Practice of Forensic Science 13, no. 4 (December 27, 2018): 116–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.30764/10.30764/1819-2785-2018-13-4-116-123.

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The article discusses molecular genetic identification of biological traces of wild animals usedin forensic casework of illegal hunting of representatives of the order Artiodactyla – moose, red deer, roedeer, wild boar, and European bison. The question of species identification as an essential stage for correctindividual identification is discussed taking into account previous scientific and forensic studies. The paperalso describes the modern method of species identification consisting of cross-species locus amplification,as well as primer cross-species transfer application in forensic research. Additionally examples of wild boarvs. domestic pig and European bison vs. cattle samples differentiation as well as results of the study ofgenetic diversity in the European wild boar population are given.

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Červený, Jaroslav, Miloš Ježek, Michaela Holá, Miloslav Zikmund, Tomáš Kušta, Vladimír Hanzal, and Rudolf Kropil. "Daily activity rhythm and habitat use of the semi-free European bison herd during the growing season / Denní aktivita a využití prostředí zubrem evropským (Bison bonasus) během vegetační sezóny." Forestry Journal 60, no. 4 (December 1, 2014): 199–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/forj-2015-0001.

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Abstract The European bison (Bison bonasus) became extinct in the wild in the 20th century. Due to successful reintroductions of captive individuals, the free-ranging bison population has been steadily increasing. However, the population consists of small and isolated herds whose survival depends on creating larger and connected populations. Detailed knowledge of movement and habitat use in human-dominated landscape is essential for further successful reintroductions of the European bison. Therefore, we studied daily activity and habitat use of the semi-free European bison herd in the hunting enclosure of Židlov from April to September 2014. The lead cow of the herd was fitted with a GPS collar equipped with GSM module. The average home range size of the herd was 29.5 km2 and the average daily utilisation area was 0.5 km2. Forested habitats were preferred during the day (Rayleigh test: Z = 107.31; p < 0. 0001) whereas idle lands (i.e. former shooting ranges now dominated by a mixture of pioneer tree species, hawthorn and grasslands) during the night (Rayleigh test: Z = 214.451; p < 0. 0001). The bison herd did not show any clear preference for a particular forest type (i.e. coniferous, deciduous, different age classes). Additional knowledge on year-long patterns of movement and habitat use is needed to ensure the success of reintroduction programmes

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MacNulty, Daniel R., Aimee Tallian, Daniel R. Stahler, and Douglas W. Smith. "Influence of Group Size on the Success of Wolves Hunting Bison." PLoS ONE 9, no. 11 (November 12, 2014): e112884. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0112884.

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Labelle, Jason. "Bison hunting at Cooper Site: Where lightning bolts drew thundering herds." Geoarchaeology 15, no. 4 (April 2000): 375–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/(sici)1520-6548(200004)15:4<375::aid-gea5>3.0.co;2-w.

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Krotova, O. O. "THE AMVROSIIVKA BISON BONE BED AND FEATURES OF ITS USE." Archaeology and Early History of Ukraine 37, no. 4 (December 16, 2020): 134–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.37445/adiu.2020.04.10.

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The Amvrosiivka Upper Palaeolithic complex, composed of a camp site and nearby bison bone bed is located in the Donetsk oblast’, at the top of the Kazenna ravine, a right tributary of the Krynka river, which drains into the Mius river. The site is dated by an average of 19000—18000 uncal BP and belong to Epigravettian tradition. The results of the long-term research the Amvrosiivka bison bone bed was analyzed in the article. The features of topography (a gully-terrace on board of a ravine), planigraphy, stratigraphy of a bone bed (the ledges-thresholds and some sterile layers in cultural remains distribution), and also the seasons of the kill of animals (alternative, with prevalence of cold) was summarized. Data about the bison bones (Bison priscus, MNI = 650 and bones with cultural modifications) is presented. The prevalence of the hunter projectile weapon details (27 bone points and about 90 flint micropoints-inserts), and also flint tools for butchering animals among the archaeological finds is determined. The interpretation of the bone bed at the same times was controversial: as a refuse dump near dwelling (Evseev), as a resulted from a one-time (Pidoplichko) or repeated (Efimenko) mass drive of bison, or as a ritual locale (Boriskovskij). At present the site is interpreted as a place of numerous mass drive of bison and, mainly, primary butchering of hunting bag, and also, probably, storages of meat products in the form of the frozen carcasses of bison in a cold season (Krotova, Snizhko, Julien). The ethnoarchaeological data about methods of collective kills by Paleoindian and Indian pedestrian hunters on bison of the North America (Frison 2004) for the reconstruction of possible variants of the mass drive of bison in Amvrosiivka is used. The conclusion is made that for the purpose organization of the series of mass drive of bison at different seasons the hunters in Amvrosiivka used a natural trap — the gully-terrace on a board of ravine — the right tributary of a Kazenna ravine. This terrace with one abrupt and rather high (4—5 m) board, obviously, used for a drive of bison from above, a plateau (method of «jump») that the hunters, obviously, at a certain stage having added with the restraining structure (pens) which should keep the escaped and wounded animals. The variant of a possible shelter from below, a thalweg of the Kazenna ravine (an «arroyo trap» method) also is not excluded.

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Frison, George C., Mark E. Miller, Mark E. Miller, William E. Scoggin, Mark E. Miller, Jane M. Beiswenger, John P. Albanese, et al. "Middle Plains Archaic Bison Hunting in Southcentral Wyoming: Revisiting the Scoggin Site (48CR304)." Plains Anthropologist 62, no. 244 (October 2, 2017): i—414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00320447.2017.1374079.

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Logan, Brad. "The Fat of the Land: White Rock Phase Bison Hunting and Grease Production." Plains Anthropologist 43, no. 166 (November 1998): 349–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/2052546.1998.11931906.

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Dumitraşcu, Valentin, and Ştefan Vasile. "Steppe bison hunting in the Gravettian of Buda (lower Bistriţa Valley, eastern Romania)." L'Anthropologie 122, no. 2 (April 2018): 166–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.anthro.2018.03.004.

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Darensbourg, Jeffery U., and Carmen Price. "Hunting Memories of the Grass Things: An Indigenous Reflection on Bison in Louisiana." Southern Cultures 27, no. 1 (2021): 14–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/scu.2021.0003.

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Smagol, V. M., and G. G. Gavris. "The Wisent Bison bonasus (Mammalia, Artiodactyla) Restoration in Ukraine: Results and Perspectives." Vestnik Zoologii 50, no. 2 (April 1, 2016): 185–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/vzoo-2016-0022.

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Abstract At given time, wisent’s metpopulation in Ukraine is in the state of resumption of biological characteristics of this species, which determines the need to control for the animals origin. Such studies assess the condition of each subpopulation, as well as to carry out the selection measures for conservation of the overall genetic variability of species. In modern conditions the success of wisent restoration depends on implementation of the national and international programs, the help of maecenas, the scale agitation among the peoples as well as the interest of users of hunting grounds and conservation areas.

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Bement, Leland C., Brian J. Carter, PollyAnna Jelley, Kristen Carlson, and Scott Fine. "Badger Hole: Towards Defining a Folsom Bison Hunting Complex along the Beaver River, Oklahoma." Plains Anthropologist 57, no. 221 (February 2012): 53–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/pan.2012.006.

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Bamforth, Douglas B. "The Technological Organization Of Paleo-Indian Small-Group Bison Hunting on the Llano Estacado." Plains Anthropologist 30, no. 109 (August 1985): 243–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/2052546.1985.11909252.

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Palazy, Lucille, Christophe Bonenfant, Jean-Michel Gaillard, and Franck Courchamp. "On the use of the IUCN status for the management of trophy hunting." Wildlife Research 39, no. 8 (2012): 711. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/wr12121.

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Context Whether trophy hunting is beneficial or a threat to the conservation of species is an open and hotly debated question. The International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) is in charge of assessing the need for species protection at the global scale and providing a useful guide for sustainable exploitation and conservation. Consideration of the IUCN status in wildlife management and its consequences on the attractiveness of trophy-hunted species remains to be quantified. Aims The present study investigated the link between the IUCN status of the trophy species and its exploitation in 124 taxa. We expected that the number of trophies should be inversely correlated with the IUCN vulnerability status across species. Methods Using the database of the Safari Club International, one of the largest hunting associations worldwide, we investigated the effect (1) of the first status attribution and (2) of an upgrade of the IUCN status on the number of trophies recorded by the Safari Club International, by comparing the average number of trophies 5 years before and after a status change. Key results First, we found that the status attributed by the IUCN in a given year had no effect on the number of recorded trophies during the following 5 years. Second, upgrading the IUCN status led to an important decrease in the number of recorded trophies for most species (75%), except for the most vulnerable ones (African elephant, Loxodonta africana; banteng, Bos javanicus; lelwel hartebeest, Alcelaphus buselaphus lelwel; European bison, Bison bonasus). Conclusions Our results suggest that although a protective IUCN status lowers the exploitation of the moderately threatened species, hunting pressure on the most threatened one increases instead. The findings support the possibility of an anthropogenic Allee effect (AAE), i.e. a disproportionate exploitation of the rarest species. Implications The highly profitable exploitation of rare species could have harmful consequences, unless appropriate management actions and protection rules are enforced.

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Chatters, James C., Sarah K. Campbell, Grant D. Smith, and Phillip E. Minthorn. "Bison Procurement in the Far West: A 2,100-Year-Old Kill Site on the Columbia Plateau." American Antiquity 60, no. 4 (October 1995): 751–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/282056.

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Bison bones are found in Columbia Plateau archaeological sites from throughout the Holocene, yet no information on people's tactics for procuring them has yet been reported. The discovery of the Tsulim Site, a 2,100-year-old bison kill near the Columbia River in central Washington, has provided the opportunity to investigate those tactics. Despite the deteriorated state of the evidence, analysis of stone artifacts, faunal remains, and site geology revealed that at least eight animals were killed in the apex of a parabolic dune during the early to mid-winter by hunters using both atlatl and bow. Local topography and meteorology make it most likely that the herd was encountered in a low paleochannel, driven northward between the limbs of the dune, up the steep channel wall, and into the kill area, a sort of inverted buffalo jump. Results not only illuminate the large-game hunting practices of the Plateau peoples, but also point out how much can be learned from disturbed, low-density scatters of debris that are often dismissed as insignificant.

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Carlson, Kristen, and Leland Bement. "Organization of bison hunting at the Pleistocene/Holocene transition on the Plains of North America." Quaternary International 297 (May 2013): 93–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.quaint.2012.12.026.

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Kay, Charles E. "Were Native People Keystone Predators? A Continuous-Time Analysis of Wildlife Observations Made by Lewis and Clark in 1804-1806." Canadian Field-Naturalist 121, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22621/cfn.v121i1.386.

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It has long been claimed that native people were conservationists who had little or no impact on wildlife populations. More recently, though, it has been suggested that native people were keystone predators, who lacked any effective conservation strategies and instead routinely overexploited large mammal populations. To test these hypotheses, I performed a continuous-time analysis of wildlife observations made by Lewis and Clark because their journals are often cited as an example of how western North America teemed with wildlife before that area was despoiled by advancing European civilization. This included Bison, Elk, Mule Deer, Whitetailed Deer, Blacktailed Deer, Moose, Pronghorn Antelope, Bighorn Sheep, Grizzly Bears, Black Bears, and Grey Wolves. I also recorded all occasions on which Lewis and Clark met native peoples. Those data show a strong inverse relationship between native people and wildlife. The only places Lewis and Clark reported an abundance of game were in aboriginal buffer zones between tribes at war, but even there, wildlife populations were predator, not food-limited. Bison, Grizzly Bears, Bighorn Sheep, Mule Deer, and Grey Wolves were seldom seen except in aboriginal buffer zones. Moose were most susceptible to aboriginal hunting followed by Bison and then Elk, while Whitetailed Deer had a more effective escape strategy. If it had not been for aboriginal buffer zones, Lewis and Clark would have found little wildlife anywhere in the West. Moreover, prior to the 1780 smallpox and other earlier epidemics that decimated native populations in advance of European contact, there were more aboriginal people and even less wildlife. The patterns observed by Lewis and Clark are consistent with optimal foraging theory and other evolutionary ecology predictions.

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Knell, Edward J., and Matthew E. Hill. "Linking Bones and Stones: Regional Variation in Late Paleoindian Cody Complex Land Use and Foraging Strategies." American Antiquity 77, no. 1 (January 2012): 40–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/0002-7316.77.1.40.

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AbstractUsing lithic and faunal data from 33 Cody complex (10,000–860014C years B.P.) components from the northern Great Plains, this study explores how Paleoindian land use and foraging strategies varied in relation to resource structure at the regional scale. The analysis of regional-scale faunal and lithic data was undertaken to demonstrate how disparate but related datasets must be considered together to develop a more complete understanding of hunter-gatherer lifeways. Empirical observations from the Cody archaeological record were compared to an optimal foraging theory and temporal resource predictability theory-inspired land-use model. The model predicts, and the data support, a pattern whereby Cody groups in the resource-rich foothill-mountain zone employed a regionally restricted land-use strategy for a protracted portion of the year, made spatially limited movements during which they relied on local toolstone, and expanded diet breadth by hunting a mixture of dispersed bison herds and small-bodied animals. In the comparatively resource-poor plains grasslands and adjacent alluvial valleys, the model predicts and the data indicate that Cody groups employed a nonregionally restricted land-use strategy in which they rapidly moved through regions, relied on nonlocal toolstone sources, made many residential moves over vast areas, and relied on a narrow range ofbiotic resources (primarily bison).

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Lawrence, Elizabeth Atwood. "The Symbolic Role of Animals in the Plains Indian Sun Dance." Society & Animals 1, no. 1 (1993): 17–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853093x00127.

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AbstractFor many tribes of Plains Indians whose bison-hunting culture flourished during the 18th and 19th centuries, the sun dance was the major communal religious ceremony. Generally held in late spring or early summer, the rite celebrates renewal-the spiritual rebirth of participants and their relatives as well as the regeneration of the living earth with all its components. The sun dance reflects relationships with nature that are characteristic of the Plains ethos, and includes symbolic representations of various animal species, particularly the eagle and the buffalo, that once played vital roles in the lives of the people and are still endowed with sacredness and special powers. The ritual, involving sacrifice and supplication to insure harmony between all living beings, continues to be practiced by many contemporary native Americans.

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Graves, Natalie. "Protohistoric Bison Hunting in the Central Plains: A Study of Faunal Remains from the Crandall Site (14RC420)." Plains Anthropologist 53, no. 208 (November 2008): 531–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/pan.2008.037.

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Huffman, Thomas N., and Frank Lee Earley. "Caddoan Archaeology on the High Plains: A Conceptual Nexus of Bison, Lodges, Maize, and Rock Art." American Antiquity 79, no. 4 (October 2014): 655–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/0002-7316.79.4.655.

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AbstractThe Wallace site is a thirteenth-century hamlet of rectangular lodges, situated on a bluff near Pueblo, Colorado. Commonly attributed to the Apishapa phase, it is more likely affiliated to the Upper Republican cluster, and so the people most likely spoke Northern Caddoan. Because of this identity, we use Pawnee ethnography to interpret the organization of space and spatial distribution of artifacts, including a rock art chamber below the bluff. This chamber followed the spatial layout of a lodge with a double entrance: a West Unit contained shield-bearing warriors associated with dreams and visions that provided supernatural power for low-level warfare, while the East Unit emphasized geometric images that most likely referred to the cosmológical origins of humanity. The art and artifacts show that the ideology of the domestic economy emphasized bison hunting and maize farming, and was associated respectively with doctors and priests.

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Ricklis, Robert A. "The Spread of a Late Prehistoric Bison Hunting Complex: Evidence from the South-Central Coastal Prairie of Texas." Plains Anthropologist 37, no. 140 (August 1992): 261–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/2052546.1992.11909654.

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Hockett, Bryan, and Timothy W. Murphy. "Antiquity of Communal Pronghorn Hunting in the North-Central Great Basin." American Antiquity 74, no. 4 (October 2009): 708–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002731600049027.

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Communal hunting of small game such as hares has probably occurred for 10,000 years in the Great Basin. Ethnohistoric accounts of the nineteenth century indicate that indigenous peoples communally hunted large game (e.g., pronghorn, mountain sheep, deer, bison) across much of western North America including the Plains, desert Southwest, California, and Great Basin subregions, during and immediately preceding the contact era. Research in the Plains subregion suggests that communal large game hunting occurred there prior to the adoption of the bow-and-arrow between ca. 1,500 and 2,000 years ago, and in fact may have occurred as early as 9,000 to 10,000 years ago. Nineteenth- and early twentieth-century ethnohistoric accounts suggest that communal pronghorn (Antilocapra americana) hunts involving the construction of a corral with associated wings were utilized by many Great Basin peoples at the time of historic contact. This paper asks: (1) did communal pronghorn hunts occur prior to the Protohistoric Period (before ca. 600 ¹⁴C B.P.) in the north-central Great Basin? (2) if so, how ancient is this practice? and (3) did the methods or behaviors of the participants of these communal hunts vary through time? Detailed analysis of sites containing dozens, and in many cases, hundreds of projectile points that predate ca. 600 ¹⁴C B.P. found in or near existing juniper branch corrals and wings suggest that communal pronghorn hunting has occurred for at least 4,000 to 5,000 years in the north-central Great Basin. Further, behavioral variability is seen through time in the material remains of these communal hunts, with earlier (Middle Archaic) communal kills characterized by greater use of local toolstone sources, gearing-up just prior to the kill, and perhaps a greater reliance on shooting the trapped pronghorn rather than clubbing compared to Protohistoric communal kills.

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Rowley-Conwy, Peter. "Bison Hunting and Human Adaptation. A Case of Comparative Study of the Upper Palaeolithic of Southern Ukraine. By GennadyKrasnokutsky." Archaeological Journal 155, no. 1 (January 1998): 389–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00665983.1998.11078866.

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Oetelaar, Gerald Anthony. "Better homes and pastures: Human agency and the construction of place in communal bison hunting on the Northern Plains." Plains Anthropologist 59, no. 229 (February 2014): 9–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/2052546x13y.0000000004.

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Mihesuah, Devon. "Searching for Haknip Achukma (Good Health): Challenges to Food Sovereignty Initiatives in Oklahoma." American Indian Culture and Research Journal 41, no. 3 (January 1, 2017): 9–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.17953/aicrj.41.3.mihesuah.

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In the last three decades, tribes have initiated numerous food projects, including seed distribution, farmers' markets, cattle and bison ranching, and community and school gardens. These enterprises are steps towards achieving what many food activists refer to as “food sovereignty,” that is, tribal self-sufficiency and the ability to supply nutritious and affordable foods to tribal members. As many food activists have discovered, food production and distribution and maintaining healthy environments for farming, hunting, and gathering involve a complex meshing of social, political, religious, economic, and environmental concerns. Oklahoma is home to thirty-eight tribal nations. The state's multifaceted history, environmental issues, and current politics—including uneven food quality, poor indigenous health, intratribal factionalism, racism, and the glaring dichotomy of affluence and extreme poverty—presents opportunities for discussion about food initiatives. This paper discusses the meaning of “food sovereignty” and uses examples from Oklahoma to address some challenges of creating self-sufficient food systems and reconnecting tribal members with their traditional foodways.

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Hill, Matthew E., Matthew G. Hill, and Christopher C. Widga. "Late Quaternary Bison diminution on the Great Plains of North America: evaluating the role of human hunting versus climate change." Quaternary Science Reviews 27, no. 17-18 (September 2008): 1752–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.quascirev.2008.07.002.

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Leshchinskiy, S. V. "Results of latest paleontological, stratigraphic and geoarchaeological research of the Volchia Griva mammoth fauna site." Proceedings of the Zoological Institute RAS 322, no. 3 (September 26, 2018): 315–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.31610/trudyzin/2018.322.3.315.

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The Volchia Griva is the largest site in Asia where the mammoth fauna remains are buried in situ. It is located in the Baraba forest-steppe (Western Siberia). In the 20th century, remains of at least 70 mammoths, 5 horses, 3 bisons and 1 wolf, as well as 37 stone artifacts were found here. The latest excavations of 2015–2017 on ~30 m2 revealed over 1500 bones and teeth, 95% of which belong to mammoths (at least 14 individuals), and the rest are from horses (3), bison, wolf, red fox, arctic fox, and rodents; associated artifacts – 23 items. With an average thickness of the bonebearing lens ~ 0.3–0.5 m, the local remain concentration exceeded 130/m2. The forty five crossed 14C dates were obtained from these materials, which reveal a burial period of ~20–10 ka BP. Obviously, there was the southernmost and one of the youngest mammoth refugia of Eurasia on this territory. The favorable Ca-Na geochemical landscape of the beast solonetz was the main reason for mammoth to visit the Volchia Griva. During the mineral starvation, the site attracted hundreds of large mammals, the remains of which were buried in mud baths and erosion forms. The main levels of the bone-bearing horizon have been forming for several thousand years, and that matched two waves of the megafauna’s geochemical stress in the Last Glacial Maximum and Late Glacial. Typical bone pathologies, such as exostoses, osteoporosis, erosion of articular surfaces, etc., characterize this process. These facts, together with the lack of strong evidence of hunting and butchering, indicate that the Volchia Griva was the natural mammoth death site, which was well known and used by Palaeolithic humans.

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White, A. J., Samuel E. Munoz, Sissel Schroeder, and Lora R. Stevens. "After Cahokia: Indigenous Repopulation and Depopulation of the Horseshoe Lake Watershed AD 1400–1900." American Antiquity 85, no. 2 (January 24, 2020): 263–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aaq.2019.103.

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The occupation history of the Cahokia archaeological complex (ca. AD 1050–1400) has received significant academic attention for decades, but the subsequent repopulation of the region by indigenous peoples is poorly understood. This study presents demographic trends from a fecal stanol population reconstruction of Horseshoe Lake, Illinois, along with information from archaeological, historical, and environmental sources to provide an interpretation of post-Mississippian population change in the Cahokia region. Fecal stanol data indicate that the Cahokia region reached a population minimum by approximately AD 1400, regional population had rebounded by AD 1500, a population maximum was reached by AD 1650, and population declined again by AD 1700. The indigenous repopulation of the area coincides with environmental changes conducive to maize-based agriculture and bison-hunting subsistence practices of the Illinois Confederation. The subsequent regional depopulation corresponds to a complicated period of warfare, epidemic disease, Christianization, population movement, and environmental change in the eighteenth century. The recognition of a post-Mississippian indigenous population helps shape a narrative of Native American persistence over Native American disappearance.

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Diedrich, Cajus G. "Palaeopopulations of Late Pleistocene Top Predators in Europe: Ice Age Spotted Hyenas and Steppe Lions in Battle and Competition about Prey." Paleontology Journal 2014 (February 20, 2014): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2014/106203.

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Late Pleistocene spotted hyena Crocuta crocuta spelaea (Goldfuss, 1823) and steppe lion Panthera leo spelaea (Goldfuss, 1810) were top predators in Central Europe. The fossil record (2.303 hyena/1.373 lion bones = ratio 3/1) from 106 cave and open air sites demonstrates comparable associations to modern African hyenas/lions resulting in competition about prey and territory. Cannibalism within extinct spotted hyenas is well documented, including two individual skeletons. Those hyenas produced bone accumulations at dens. Feeding specializations on different megamammal groups are demonstrated for Late Pleistocene hyenas whose prey partly overlaps (e.g., cave bears) with those of lions and wolves. At most fossil sites, 1–3% of the lion remains indicate scavenging of lions by hyenas. The larger Late Pleistocene felids focussed on cervids (reindeers specialization during the high glacial = LGM), on bovids (steppe bison/aurochs), and possibly on saiga antelope and on the cave bear, hunting deep in caves during their hibernations and targeting cubs. The cave bear feeding was the target of all three top predators (lions, hyenas, and wolves) in the Late Pleistocene boreal forests which caused deathly conflicts in caves between them, especially with lions/hyenas and herbivorous cave bears that have no modern analogue.

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Colpitts, George. "Peace, War, and Climate Change on the Northern Plains: Bison Hunting in the Neutral Hills during the Mild Winters of 1830–34." Canadian Journal of History 50, no. 3 (December 2015): 420–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.ach.50.3.002.

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riely, elizabeth gawthrop. "John James Audubon's Tastes of America." Gastronomica 11, no. 2 (2011): 29–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/gfc.2011.11.2.29.

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John James Audubon (1785–1851), the ornithologist and artist, traveled widely through the great American wilderness searching for bird specimens to draw for what became The Birds of America (1827–38). He observed them closely in their natural environment, keeping detailed field notes and journals under difficult conditions. Out of curiosity and hunger, he often cooked and ate these birds after drawing them and wrote down how they tasted—another kind of evidence. The article concentrates on his written descriptions (lively, humorous, wry, or astonished) and tasting notes in the wild. Audubon traveled down the Mississippi River to New Orleans, north to Labrador, south to the Florida Keys, and later, when searching for mammals to draw for The Viviparous Quadrupeds of North America, northwest up the Missouri River. There he wrote about hunting American buffalo (bison), sometimes comparing customs and rituals of white hunters and various Indian tribes, and even sampled dog served by a Blackfoot princess. During the western expansion of the early nineteenth century, Audubon witnessed and recorded profound changes in the American landscape. Settlers’ encroachment on habitat and hunters’ wanton destruction of wildlife increasingly alarmed him. He presaged the extinction of some species whose habits and tastes he described. Conservation is an implicit theme.

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Diedrich, Cajus. "Recycling of Badger/Fox Burrows in Late Pleistocene Loess by Hyenas at the Den Site Bad Wildungen-Biedensteg (NW, Germany): Woolly Rhinoceros Killers and Scavengers in a Mammoth Steppe Environment of Europe." Journal of Geological Research 2013 (April 30, 2013): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2013/190795.

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The Late Pleistocene (MIS 5c-d) Ice Age spotted hyena open air den and bone accumulation site Bad Wildungen-Biedensteg (Hesse, NW, Germany) represents the first open air loess fox/badger den site in Europe, which must have been recycled by Crocuta crocuta spelaea (Goldfuss, 1823) as a birthing den. Badger and fox remains, plus remains of their prey (mainly hare), have been found within the loess. Hyena remains from that site include parts of cub skeletons which represent 10% of the megafauna bones. Also a commuting den area existed, which was well marked by hyena faecal pellets. Most of the hyena prey bones expose crack, bite, and nibbling marks, especially the most common bones, the woolly rhinoceros Coelodonta antiquitatis (NISP = 32%). The large amount of woolly rhinoceros bones indicate hunting/scavenging specializing on this large prey by hyenas. Other important mammoth steppe hyena prey remains are from Mammuthus primigenius, Equus caballus przewalskii, Bison/Bos, Megaloceros giganteus, Cervus elaphus, and Rangifer tarandus. The few damaged bone remains of a scavenged cave bear Ursus spelaeus subsp. are unique for an open air situation. Abundant micromammal, frog, and some fish remains were concentrated in “pellets” that contain mainly mammoth steppe micromammals and also frog and fish remains that seem to originate from the nearby river/lake.

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Rodríguez-Hidalgo, Antonio, Palmira Saladié, Andreu Ollé, Juan Luis Arsuaga, José María Bermúdez de Castro, and Eudald Carbonell. "Human predatory behavior and the social implications of communal hunting based on evidence from the TD10.2 bison bone bed at Gran Dolina (Atapuerca, Spain)." Journal of Human Evolution 105 (April 2017): 89–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jhevol.2017.01.007.

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Andrews, Brian N., Jason M. LaBelle, and John D. Seebach. "Spatial Variability in the Folsom Archaeological Record: A Multi-Scalar Approach." American Antiquity 73, no. 3 (July 2008): 464–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002731600046825.

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Most models of Folsom adaptation consider specialized bison hunting and high rates of residential mobility to be defining characteristics. We use spatial and assemblage content data from a sample of 619 Folsom sites located throughout the Great Plains, Rocky Mountains, and Southwest to evaluate whether the archaeological record actually reflects these characteristics. Three spatial scales of analysis are utilized. First, site scale analysis of a subset of sites shows a great deal of variability in spatial and temporal characteristics. Sites can be roughly divided into small, single occupation locales and large, serially occupied sites. Second, day-to-day foraging occurs at what we term the foraging scale. This intermediate spatial scale is poorly understood for Folsom groups, though large sites such as Blackwater Draw and Lindenmeier provide clues that are supplemented by information from the ethnographic record. Third, the macro-regional scale analysis utilizes the entire site sample and indicates that the Folsom archaeological record consists primarily of small locales scattered across the landscape punctuated by only a few large, serially occupied sites. Overall, our analysis suggests that Folsom adaptive systems were more variable than normally recognized, and, in certain settings, may have been characterized by reduced residential mobility. Furthermore, we postulate that Folsom land use, rather than being conditioned primarily by mobile prey, may have been at least partly conditioned by more predictable resources such as wood, water, and toolstone.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Bison hunting'

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