Relevant bibliographies by topics / Black Conciousness Movement of South Africa

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
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Academic literature on the topic 'Black Conciousness Movement of South Africa'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 16 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Black Conciousness Movement of South Africa"

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Hirschmann, David. "The Black Consciousness Movement in South Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 28, no. 1 (March 1990): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00054203.

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Black politics in South Africa changed dramatically after 1976. It spread far and fast, with black organisations multiplying at all kinds of levels. The African National Congress (A.N.C.) returned and the United Democratic Front (U.D.F.) emerged. The trade unions strengthened considerably and black youths demonstrated their power. Ideologies changed and evolved. Yet at the same time as the movement broadened and deepened its hold on black people, internal divisions grew more intense. Organisational, ideological, and strategic differences became more bitter, and leaders continued to accuse each other of betraying the struggle.
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Makino, Kumiko. "The Black Consciousness Movement in South Africa." Journal of African Studies 1997, no. 50 (1997): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.11619/africa1964.1997.3.

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Moodley, Kogila. "The Continued Impact of Black Consciousness in South Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 29, no. 2 (June 1991): 237–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00002731.

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The idea of Black Consciousness heralded an era of alternative political awareness in the late 1960s. A self-empowering, vibrant, reconstructionist world-view emphasised the potential rôle of black initiatives and responsibility in articulating the power of the powerless. Between 1968–76, the Black Consciousness Movement (B.C.M.), as it became known, was one of the most important developments in South Africa, not only as the result of the self-confident protest and rebellion that it unleashed, but also ‘because of the questions it posed about the nature of oppositional politics in South Africa and its relation to the nature of South African society’.1
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Webster, Eddie. "The two faces of the black trade union movement in South Africa." Review of African Political Economy 14, no. 39 (September 1987): 33–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056248708703731.

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Mazibuko, Mbali. "Being a Feminist in the Fallist Movement in Contemporary South Africa." Critical Times 3, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 488–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/26410478-8662368.

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Abstract This short essay offers reflective feminist insight into the Fees Must Fall Movement of 2015–16 that was led by students and workers at universities in South Africa. It considers the ways in which Black feminist life is negotiated and embodied in a contemporary student-worker movement that remains oriented by and toward hegemonic hypermasculinities. This text further argues that Black feminist intervention and mobilization is distinct from women's movements as they happened under apartheid. Feminist organizing is principled in particular ways, and these ways are evidenced by Black feminist interventions within the Fees Must Fall (FMF) movement. This essay demonstrates how intersectionality functions as more than a diagnostic tool. Intersectionality and how it is imagined and used in the contemporary South African feminist context does not only recognize multiple and interlocking oppressions. Intersectionality is also in itself a methodology. Intersectionality as demonstrated by feminists and the LGBTIQA community of the FMF movement is a methodological choice that requires that various forms of protest and intervention be used simultaneously to challenge systemic oppressions. Centering intersectionality as methodology works to disrupt archaic perspectives on what is and is not activism, thought, or feminist work. Relying on the intellectual work of student-activists in the movement, otherwise known as “fallists,” and memory and story-telling as methodological tools, this essay begins to imagine how we can think, research, and write in ways that memorialize and archive our lives, our histories, and our collective imaginaries.
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Moll, P. G. "Black South African Unions: Relative Wage Effects in International Perspective." ILR Review 46, no. 2 (January 1993): 245–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979399304600203.

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Despite the disenfranchisement of blacks in South Africa, the state's refusal to officially recognize black unions until 1980, and police repression of the union movement, this analysis of data for 1985 shows that black unions in South Africa had by that year made wage gains similar to those of unions in more developed countries. The union effect on wages for black blue-collar workers was 24%, which is in the range of effects found in studies of U.S. unions and above the range of effects found for European unions. Another finding is that black unions compressed wages across skill levels, an effect probably owing to black unions' primary emphasis on improving the lot of unskilled workers.
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Ferguson, J. W. H., J. A. J. Nel, and M. J. de Wet. "Social organization and movement patterns of Black-backed jackals Canis mesomelas in South Africa*." Journal of Zoology 199, no. 4 (May 6, 2010): 487–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-7998.1983.tb05101.x.

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Buhlungu, Sakhela. "The Rise and Decline of the Democratic Organizational Culture in the South African Labor Movement, 1973 to 2000." Labor Studies Journal 34, no. 1 (February 26, 2008): 91–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x07308522.

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From 1973 to 2000, the emerging black union movement in South Africa made efforts to construct a collectivist and democratic organizational culture. The development and decline of this culture correspond with three phases in the history of the black trade union movement. Political and economic changes in the past fifteen years have affected this culture, specifically the unions' political engagement and new pressures arising out of globalization. However, although it is true that union democracy in the South African labor movement is under stress, it is premature to conclude that this labor movement has become oligarchic.
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Heffernan, Anne. "Student/teachers from Turfloop: the propagation of Black Consciousness in South African schools, 1972–76." Africa 89, S1 (January 2019): S189—S209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972018000979.

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AbstractThe movement of school teachers to primary and secondary schools around South Africa and its Bantustans in the early and mid-1970s was an intentional part of the project of propagating Black Consciousness to school learners during this period. The movement of these educators played a key role in their ability to spread Black Consciousness philosophy, and in the political forms and methods they chose in teaching it. These were shaped by their own political conscientization and training in ethnically segregated colleges, but also in large part by the social realities of the areas to which they moved. Their efforts not only laid the foundation for Black Consciousness organization in communities across South Africa, they also influenced student and youth mechanisms for political action beyond the scope of Black Consciousness politics. This article explores three case studies of teachers who studied at the University of the North (Turfloop) and their trajectories after leaving university. All of these teachers moved to Turfloop as students, and then away from it thereafter. The article argues that this pattern of movement, which was a direct result of apartheid restrictions on where black South Africans could live, study and work, shaped the knowledge they transmitted in their classrooms, and thus influenced the political consciousness of a new generation.
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Hadfield, Leslie. "CHALLENGING THESTATUS QUO: YOUNG WOMEN AND MEN IN BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS COMMUNITY WORK, 1970s SOUTH AFRICA." Journal of African History 54, no. 2 (July 2013): 247–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853713000261.

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AbstractYoung activists who took part in South Africa's Black Consciousness movement challenged the apartheidstatus quowith their bold calls for black psychological liberation. This article uses new evidence to elucidate the work these youthful activists did in health and economic projects in the rural Eastern Cape that, in part, upheld certain customs. The article also brings young professional women into the history of African youth, arguing that the involvement of professional black female activists changed the way activists and villagers perceived the abilities and roles of young black women.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Black Conciousness Movement of South Africa"

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Starke, Ansunette. "The implications of ideology for society and education in South Africa." University of the Western Cape, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/8472.

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Magister Educationis - MEd
Ideology reveals itself in the commonly shared ideas and ideals which act as the driving force responsible for group formation underlying nationalist aspirations in society. It reveals itself in various ways with politics as the most visible and education as the most powerful, yet unobtrusive, manifestation. In South Africa Afrikaner Nationalism and Black Nationalism have been involved in a titanic battle for the last fifty years. The ideology of Afrikaner Nationalism developed as a striving for political, cultural and educational freedom from British imperialist domination. An important part of this struggle was waged in the field of education, leading to the development of the sub-ideology of Christian National Education. The tenacity with which the Afrikaner pursued his nationalist aspirations was rewarded with the recognition of Afrikaans as official language in 1925, the National Party gaining political power in 1948 and the establishment of the Afrikaner educational ideology, Christian National Education, as state education policy in 1967. The Afrikaner Broederbond, under the cover of an Afrikaner cultural society, exercised a tremendously strong influence in the political, economic and social spheres. With the support of the extremely influential Dutch Reformed Church hegemonic rule was further consolidated. In order to attain its ideals and maintain its position of power, Afrikanerdom engaged in suppressing the Black sector of the population. This manifested in the denial of political and human rights to Blacks, and was reinforced by an education system which offered Blacks inferior education to that of Whites to ensure that they would not become a threat to Afrikaner power. The Afrikaner Broederbond, under the cover of an Afrikaner cultural society, exercised a tremendously strong influence in the political, economic and social spheres. With the support of the extremely influential Dutch Reformed Church hegemonic rule was further consolidated. In order to attain its ideals and maintain its position of power, Afrikanerdom engaged in suppressing the Black sector of the population. This manifested in the denial of political and human rights to Blacks, and was reinforced by an education system which offered Blacks inferior education to that of Whites to ensure that they would not become a threat to Afrikaner power tendency towards communalism in Black society resulted in Black Nationalism adopting the ideology of Black Liberation Socialism, under whose banner many former colonies had attained independence from their European mother countries. The educational sub ideology of People's Education served the Black Nationalist ideal by adopting in its curricula, syllabi and organisational structure an approach which supported Black liberation from the apartheid regime. The South African state (government, the police, the legal system, etc.) acted in a repressive manner under the influence of the Afrikaner ideology. The oppression Afrikaners suffered at the hand of British imperialism was repeated when Afrikaner Nationalism assumed power under the Nationalist government. It subjected Blacks to oppression and totally negated Black nationalist aspirations. Education always serves the dominant ideology - a concept clearly manifested in Christian National Education as it served the Afrikaner Nationalist ideology. In the same manner People's Education proved to be an extension of the Black Liberation Struggle. Ideology is thus in the service of power. Ample evidence exists that Afrikaner Nationalism and Christian National Education served to entrench Afrikanerdom in a position of seemingly unassailable power for an extended period of time after it had discarded the British imperialist yoke. This dominant position was maintained despite being a minority group. Should the same pattern prevail one would expect the African National Congress to abuse its present position of power to oppress the White minority and take revenge for the suffering that the latter had inflicted on Blacks for so many years. Both the Oppressed and the Oppressor are dehumanised in the process of oppression. Although the Afrikaner was in a dominant, powerful position and seemingly free, he became enslaved to his own ideology. He was deprived of independent opinion and thought by the prescriptive ideology of Afrikaner Nationalism and its educational ideology of Christian National Education. Non-compliance was frowned upon and deviants ostracised. It is ironic that, by ousting the Afrikaner nationalist regime, the African National Congress actually became the agent which liberated the Afrikaner from his self inflicted ideological oppression. Oppression thus seems to follow a vicious circle with both the Oppressor and the Oppressed suffering dehumanisation. Unless the Oppressed is rehumanised the oppressive role model presented by the Oppressor is emulated and the former Oppressed become the new Oppressor. The necessity for the process of rehumanisation to occur in the postapartheid South African society can not be over-emphasised and thus various steps that can be taken to effect rehumanisation are suggested.
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Rubushe, Melikaya. "Trade union investment schemes: a blemish on the social movement unionism outlook of South African unions?" Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003119.

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South African trade unions affiliated to Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) have taken advantage of the arrival of democracy and newly found opportunities available through Black Economic Empowerment to venture into the world of business by setting up their own investment companies. The declared desire behind these ventures was to break the stranglehold of white capital on the economy and to extend participation in the economic activities of the country to previously disadvantaged communities. Using the National Union of Mineworkers and the Mineworkers’ Investment Company as case studies, this dissertation seeks to determine whether unions affiliated to the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) are advancing the struggle for socialism through their investment schemes. Secondly, the dissertation determines whether, in the activities of the schemes, internal democracy is preserved and strengthened. The theoretical framework of this dissertation emerges from arguments advanced by Lenin and Gramsci on the limitations of trade unions in terms of their role in the struggle against capitalism. In addition, the argument draws on the assertions by Michels regarding the proneness of trade union leadership to adopt oligarchic tendencies in their approach to leadership. Of interest is how, according to Gramsci, trade unions are prone to accepting concessions from the capitalist system that renders them ameliorative rather than transformative. Drawing from Michels’ ‘iron law of oligarchy’, the thesis examines whether there is space for ordinary members of the unions to express views on the working of the union investment companies. By looking at the extent to which the investment initiatives of the companies mirror the preferences of the ordinary members of the unions, one can determine the level of disjuncture between the two. The study relies on data collected through interviews and documentary material. Interviews provide first-hand knowledge of how respondents experience the impact of the investment schemes. This provides a balanced analysis given that documents reflect policy stances whereas interviews provide data on whether these have the stated impact. What the study shows is a clear absence of space for ordinary members to directly influence the workings of union investment companies. It is also established that, in their current form, the schemes operate more as a perpetuation of the capitalist logic than offering an alternative system.
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Picardie, Michael. "The drama and theatre of two South African plays under apartheid." Link to the Internet, 2009. http://cadair.aber.ac.uk/dspace/handle/2160/3102.

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Ruiters, Alistair P. "The development and politics of black co-operatives in South Africa 1906-1990 : a critical examination of the relationship between social movement support and the formation and failure of co-operatives." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.358702.

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Rodriguez, Miguel. "Confrontational Christianity: Contextual Theology and Its Radicalization of the South African Anti-Apartheid Church Struggle." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2012. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/5466.

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This paper is intended to analyze the contributions of Contextual Theology and Contextual theologians to dismantling the South African apartheid system. It is intended to demonstrate that the South African churches failed to effectively politicize and radicalize to confront the government until the advent of Contextual Theology in South Africa. Contextual Theology provided the Christian clergy the theological justification to unite with anti-apartheid organizations. Its very concept of working with the poor and oppressed helped the churches gain favor with the black masses that were mostly Christian. Its borrowing from Marxist philosophy appealed to anti-apartheid organizations. Additionally, Contextual theologians, who were primarily black, began filling prominent leadership roles in their churches and within the ecumenical organizations. They were mainly responsible for radicalizing the churches and the ecumenical organizations. They also filled an important anti-apartheid political leadership vacuum when most political leaders were banned, jailed, or killed.
ID: 031001426; System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.; Mode of access: World Wide Web.; Adviser: Ezekiel Walker.; Title from PDF title page (viewed June 19, 2013).; Thesis (M.A.)--University of Central Florida, 2012.; Includes bibliographical references (p. 142-149).
M.A.
Masters
History
Arts and Humanities
History
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van, Louw Trevor John Arthur. "Koloniale en post-koloniale onderwys in Suid-Afrika en die erkenning van diversiteit as teenvoeter vir diskriminerende praktyke in skole." University of the Western Cape, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/8482.

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Philosophiae Doctor - PhD
This thesis examines the way in which the recognition of diversity can be applied as a strategy in South African education to erode the bitter legacy of colonial education. The establishment of formal education, built on a western foundation, was set up against a background of colonisation as a process aimed at political subjugation and economic exploitation. It is especially how education was utilised as a tool of colonisation in order to facilitate the above-mentioned subjugation and exploitation through a process of cultural subjugation that will be placed under the spotlight. In chapter three, the process of cultural subjugation outlined in chapter two, is related to the establishment and development of colonial education in South Africa and also how Apartheid was a form of internal colonialism with apartheid education continuing the process of cultural subjugation for political control and economic exploitation. Colonial subjugation was, however, not passively accepted by the subjugated. From the outset, subjugation spawned resistance and would eventually grow into large-scale opposition aimed at the overall casting off of the colonial yoke. This opposition eventually led to the political freedom of 1994. The political freedom of 1994 and the judicial framework for the dismantling of the legacy of colonial education would not, on its own or overnight, be able to dismantle the effects of centuries of subjugation. The dismantling of the inheritance of colonialism, together with colonial education, requires deliberate and constructive action. Such a process will have to include putting an end to the subjugation of the numerous voices characteristic of South Africa. Ending this subjugation does not mean the continuation of a position alongside and beneath a socially constructed dominant, but rather a process (a struggle?) where it can take its place impartially, alongside and equal to other voices in the greater diverse whole. It is against the above background that teaching strategies for the handling of diversity will be critically examined and for which recommendations are made for strategies, within the South African context, through which the dismantling of the colonial legacy of cultural subjugation for political control and economic exploitation can take place.
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Maimela, Mabel Raisibe. "Black consciousness and white liberals in South Africa : paradoxical anti-apartheid politics." Thesis, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/17296.

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This research challenges the hypothesis that Biko was anti-liberal and anti-white. Biko's clearly defined condemnation of traditional South African white liberals such as Alan Paton is hypothesised as a strategic move in the liberation struggle designed to neutralise the "gradualism" of traditional white liberalism which believe that racism could be ultimately superseded by continually improving education for blacks. Biko neutralised apartheid racism and traditional white liberalism by affirming all aspects of blackness as positive values in themselves, and by locating racism as a white construct with deep roots in European colonialism and pseudoDarwinian beliefs in white superiority. The research shows that Biko was neither anti-liberal nor anti-white. His own attitudes to the universal rights, dignity, freedom and self-determination of all human beings situate him continuously with all major human rights theorists and activists since the Enlightenment. His unique Africanist contribution was to define racist oppression in South Africa as a product of the historical conditioning of blacks to accept their own alleged inferiority. Biko's genius resided in his ability to synthesize his reading of Marxist, Africanist, European and African American into a truly original charter for racial emancipation. Biko' s methodology encouraged blacks to reclaim their rights and pride as a prelude to total emancipation. The following transactions are described in detail: Biko's role in the founding of SASO and Black Consciousness; the paradoxical relations between white liberal theologians, Black Consciousness and Black Theology; the influence on BC of USA Black Power and Black Theology; the role of Black Theologians in South African churches, SACC and WCC; synergic complexities ofNUSAS-SASO relations; relations between BC, ANC and PAC; the early involvement of women in BCM; feminist issues in the liberation struggle; Biko's death in detention; world-wide and South African liberal involvement in the inquest and anti-apartheid organisations.
History
D. Litt. et Phil. (History)
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Dlakavu, Simamkele Blossom. "Asisjiki: black women in the Economic Freedom Fighters, owning space, building a movement." Thesis, 2018. https://hdl.handle.net/10539/25703.

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"Dance-movement therapy in a black rehabilitation ward : an exploratory study." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/12868.

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Sikhosana, Nompumelelo Pertunia. "Black consciousness revived: the rise of black consciousness thinking in South African student politics." Thesis, 2017. https://hdl.handle.net/10539/23783.

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University of the Witwatersrand Faculty of Humanities Political Studies Master’s Research Report, February 2017
The history of segregation in South Africa is well documented. The shadows of the apartheid system still linger in society to date, especially in the form of racial inequality, race consciousness and racial classification. Contemporary student protests and vandalism in institutions of higher education reveal deep-seated tensions that open a can of worms concerning race and equality – elements that have long been of concern in the Black Consciousness Movement and its ideology in the early 1960s and 70s. This research report assesses how Black Consciousness tenets’ and rhetoric are re-emerging in the current national student movement, from the #RhodesMustFall to the #FeesMustFall movements. Black Consciousness ideology in South Africa, as articulated by Biko, sought the attainment of a radical egalitarian and non-racial society. Amongst some of the espoused principles of the Black Consciousness Movement that defined South African youth politics in the 1970s, is that Black Consciousness emphasised values of black solidarity, self-reliance, individual and collective responsibility, and black liberation. The year 2015 witnessed the resurgence of Black Consciousness language at the forefront of student movements, most notably the #RhodesMustFall and the #FeesMustFall campaigns. The #FeesMustFall movement and its supporters uphold that their cause is legitimate because it does not make sense for household incomes to depreciate next to escalating costs of living and rising tuition fees. It further states that the ANC fears it because its demands stand contrary to ANC-led government’s interests and have accused the ANC of attempting to capture the movement – hence the declaration that #FeesMustFall is a direct critique of the entire socio-economic and political order of the ruling ANC and exposes ANC corruption and betrayal. The movement continues, though its cause tends to be diluted and convoluted, the struggle is real but so is the legacy of Biko and the spirit of Black Consciousness.
MT2018
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Books on the topic "Black Conciousness Movement of South Africa"

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Charney, Craig. Civil society vs. the State: Identity, institutions and the Black Conciousness Movement in South Africa. Ann Arbor: UMI Disertation Services, 2000.

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The black theatre movement in the United States and in South Africa. Valencia: Universitat de València, 2008.

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Liberation and development: Black Consciousness community programs in South Africa. East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 2016.

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The ANC and Black workers in South Africa, 1912-1992: An annotated bibliography. London: H. Zell Publishers, 1993.

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Kock, Wessel De. Usuthu! cry peace!: The black liberation movement Inkatha and the fight for a just South Africa. Cape Town: Open Hand Press, 1986.

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Snail, Mgwebi Lavin. The antecedents and the emergence of the black consiciousness movement in South Africa: Its ideology and organization. [Düsseldorf: Hans, Böckler, Stiftung, 1992.

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The law and the prophets: Black consciousness in South Africa, 1968-1977. Athens: Ohio University Press, 2010.

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Snail, Mgebwi Lavin. The antecedens [sic] and the emergence of the black consciousness movement in South Africa: Its ideology and organisation. München: Akademischer Verlag, 1993.

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Lowry, Donovan. 20 years in the labour movement: The Urban Training Project and change in South Africa 1971-1991. Johannesburg: Wadmore, 1999.

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The Soweto Uprising. Auckland Park, South Africa: Jacana Media, 2014.

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Book chapters on the topic "Black Conciousness Movement of South Africa"

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Tafira, Hashi Kenneth. "The Black Nationalist Movement in Azania." In Black Nationalist Thought in South Africa, 15–42. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-58650-6_2.

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Tafira, Hashi Kenneth. "Some Considerations in a Youth Political Movement." In Black Nationalist Thought in South Africa, 107–17. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-58650-6_5.

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Tafira, Hashi Kenneth. "The Idea of Nation in South Africa, 1940 to Post-1994: Conceptualizations from the Black Liberation Movement." In Black Nationalist Thought in South Africa, 287–321. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-58650-6_12.

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Burki, Namara. "From the Theory to the Practice of Liberation: Fanon, May ‘68 and the Black Consciousness Movement in South Africa." In A Global History of Anti-Apartheid, 105–30. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-03652-2_4.

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Marable, Manning. "Free South Africa Movement: Black America's Protest Connections with South Africa." In Speaking Truth to Power, 189–96. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429497223-19.

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Murray, Georgina. "Black Empowerment: a Tripartite Engagement with Capitalism." In Rethinking the Labour Movement in the ‘New South Africa’, 81–95. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315198514-6.

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SNEDEGAR, KEITH. "The Congressional Black Caucus and the Closure of NASA’s Satellite Tracking Station at Hartebeesthoek, South Africa." In NASA and the Long Civil Rights Movement, 167–80. University Press of Florida, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvwvr33k.13.

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Snedegar, Keith. "The Congressional Black Caucus and the Closure of NASA’s Satellite Tracking Station at Hartebeesthoek, South Africa." In NASA and the Long Civil Rights Movement, 167–80. University Press of Florida, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9780813066202.003.0009.

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Keith Snedegar explores the impact of the civil rights movement on decisions related to NASA facilities outside the United States. Snedegar maintains that when Charles C. Diggs Jr., one of the founders of the Black Congressional Caucus, visited the NASA satellite tracking station at Hartesbeesthoek, South Africa, in 1971, he discovered a racially segregated facility where technical jobs were reserved for white employees and black Africans essentially performed menial labor. Upon his return to the United States, the Detroit congressman embarked on a two-year struggle, first to improve workplace equity at the tracking station, and later, for the closure of the facility. NASA administration under James Fletcher was largely indifferent to demands for change at the station. It was only after Representative Charles Rangel proposed a reduction in NASA appropriations did the agency announce plans to end its working relationship with the white minority regime of South Africa. NASA’s public statements suggested that a scientific rationale lay behind the station’s eventual closure in 1975, but this episode clearly indicates that NASA was acting only under political pressure, and its management remained largely insensitive to global issues of racial equality.
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"The Anti-Apartheid Movement And The Formation Of The Black And Ethnic Minority Committee During The 1980s." In The Politics of Race in Britain and South Africa. I.B.Tauris, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9780755623884.ch-004.

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Royles, Dan. "The South within the North." In To Make the Wounded Whole, 195–222. University of North Carolina Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469661339.003.0008.

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This chapter describes the work of SisterLove, an Atlanta-based organization that takes an avowedly intersectional approach to fighting AIDS among Black women, also turned its attention to AIDS in Africa during the 1990s. Dázon Dixon Diallo, the founder and CEO of SisterLove, got her start in women’s health as a student at Spelman College, where she became involved in the abortion rights movement as well as in the Black women’s health movement. Those early experiences would shape her approach to AIDS education through SisterLove, where she took care to include all kinds of Black women in the group’s outreach, at times focusing specifically on rural women, recently incarcerated women, and women in public housing. Dixon Diallo and SisterLove started from the notion that AIDS programs for African American women needed to address the ways that their lives were shaped by the simultaneous interlocking oppressions of racism and sexism. As the group expanded into South Africa, it also considered the ways that other axes of power, including those of class, region, and nation, shaped Black women’s experiences with AIDS and thus should shape SisterLove’s work as well.
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