Academic literature on the topic 'Black Consciousness Movement (BCM)'
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Journal articles on the topic "Black Consciousness Movement (BCM)"
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Morgan, Marcus. "Movement intellectuals engaging the grassroots: A strategy perspective on the Black Consciousness Movement." Sociological Review 68, no. 5 (2020): 1124–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038026119900118.
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Drawing upon activist interviews and framing theory this article proposes that the Black Consciousness Movement (BCM) is better understood not by focusing on the objective status of its leadership as middle-class intellectuals, but by instead looking at what these ‘movement intellectuals’ subjectively did to link their philosophy of liberation to the lifeworlds of those they sought to engage. It argues that this shift reveals three important features of social movements and movement intellectuals more generally. Firstly, it uncovers the meaningful, value-driven, emotional and collective-identity bases for action, alongside the more familiar instrumental motivations. Secondly, given the inevitable clash between movement intent and the contingent constraints under which movements invariably operate, it argues that movement success is better judged not by external criteria that are assumed to hold universally, but instead by reference to the unique strategic intentions articulated by movements themselves. Finally, it shows how, given heterogeneous audiences, the deployment of a diversity of grounded intellectual strategies can help augment the resonance of a movement’s core political message.
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Morgan, Marcus. "Performance and Power in Social Movements: Biko’s Role as a Witness in the SASO/BPC Trial." Cultural Sociology 12, no. 4 (2018): 456–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1749975517752586.
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This article provides a case study of the relationship between performance and power in social movements. It reveals how movements are able to reiterate established cultures of resistance across time and space through performative means. It also shows how – given requisite stage settings and skilful actors – methods of performance allow movements to subvert established structures of domination to their political advantage. It does this through focussing on Steve Biko’s role as a defence witness in an apartheid-era political trial of leaders of the Black Consciousness Movement (BCM). It demonstrates how, within the courtroom setting, Biko and the defendants improvised upon various pre-established codes, scripts, and dramatic techniques, augmenting the likelihood that their performances would resonate successfully with their audiences. In addition, it shows how Biko and the defendants used social performance to subvert many of apartheid’s established culture structures, enabling them not only to explicitly articulate the principles of BC philosophy, but also to implicitly embody and act them out.
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Asheeke, Toivo. "‘Lost Opportunities’: The African National Congress of South Africa (ANC-SA)’s Evolving Relationship with the Black Consciousness Movement (BCM) in Exile, 1970–1979." South African Historical Journal 70, no. 3 (2018): 519–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02582473.2018.1483962.
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Burdick, JOhn. "Brazil’s Black Consciousness Movement." Report on the Americas 25, no. 4 (1992): 23–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10714839.1992.11723119.
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Hirschmann, David. "The Black Consciousness Movement in South Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 28, no. 1 (1990): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00054203.
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Black politics in South Africa changed dramatically after 1976. It spread far and fast, with black organisations multiplying at all kinds of levels. The African National Congress (A.N.C.) returned and the United Democratic Front (U.D.F.) emerged. The trade unions strengthened considerably and black youths demonstrated their power. Ideologies changed and evolved. Yet at the same time as the movement broadened and deepened its hold on black people, internal divisions grew more intense. Organisational, ideological, and strategic differences became more bitter, and leaders continued to accuse each other of betraying the struggle.
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Makino, Kumiko. "The Black Consciousness Movement in South Africa." Journal of African Studies 1997, no. 50 (1997): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.11619/africa1964.1997.3.
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M-Afrika, Andile. "The Black Consciousness Movement and the diplomatic offensive." Journal of African Foreign Affairs 6, no. 1 (2019): 29–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31920/2056-5658/2019/v6n1a2.
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Morgan, Marcus, and Patrick Baert. "Acting out ideas: Performative citizenship in the Black Consciousness Movement." American Journal of Cultural Sociology 6, no. 3 (2017): 455–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41290-017-0030-1.
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Desai, Ashwin. "Indian South Africans and the Black Consciousness Movement under apartheid." Diaspora Studies 8, no. 1 (2014): 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09739572.2014.957972.
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Heffernan, Anne. "Student/teachers from Turfloop: the propagation of Black Consciousness in South African schools, 1972–76." Africa 89, S1 (2019): S189—S209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972018000979.
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AbstractThe movement of school teachers to primary and secondary schools around South Africa and its Bantustans in the early and mid-1970s was an intentional part of the project of propagating Black Consciousness to school learners during this period. The movement of these educators played a key role in their ability to spread Black Consciousness philosophy, and in the political forms and methods they chose in teaching it. These were shaped by their own political conscientization and training in ethnically segregated colleges, but also in large part by the social realities of the areas to which they moved. Their efforts not only laid the foundation for Black Consciousness organization in communities across South Africa, they also influenced student and youth mechanisms for political action beyond the scope of Black Consciousness politics. This article explores three case studies of teachers who studied at the University of the North (Turfloop) and their trajectories after leaving university. All of these teachers moved to Turfloop as students, and then away from it thereafter. The article argues that this pattern of movement, which was a direct result of apartheid restrictions on where black South Africans could live, study and work, shaped the knowledge they transmitted in their classrooms, and thus influenced the political consciousness of a new generation.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Black Consciousness Movement (BCM)"
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Starke, Ansunette. "The implications of ideology for society and education in South Africa." University of the Western Cape, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/8472.
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Magister Educationis - MEd<br>Ideology reveals itself in the commonly shared ideas and ideals which act as the driving force responsible for group formation underlying nationalist aspirations in society. It reveals itself in various ways with politics as the most visible and education as the most powerful, yet unobtrusive, manifestation. In South Africa Afrikaner Nationalism and Black Nationalism have been involved in a titanic battle for the last fifty years. The ideology of Afrikaner Nationalism developed as a striving for political, cultural and educational freedom from British imperialist domination. An important part of this struggle was waged in the field of education, leading to the development of the sub-ideology of Christian National Education. The tenacity with which the Afrikaner pursued his nationalist aspirations was rewarded with the recognition of Afrikaans as official language in 1925, the National Party gaining political power in 1948 and the establishment of the Afrikaner educational ideology, Christian National Education, as state education policy in 1967. The Afrikaner Broederbond, under the cover of an Afrikaner cultural society, exercised a tremendously strong influence in the political, economic and social spheres. With the support of the extremely influential Dutch Reformed Church hegemonic rule was further consolidated. In order to attain its ideals and maintain its position of power, Afrikanerdom engaged in suppressing the Black sector of the population. This manifested in the denial of political and human rights to Blacks, and was reinforced by an education system which offered Blacks inferior education to that of Whites to ensure that they would not become a threat to Afrikaner power. The Afrikaner Broederbond, under the cover of an Afrikaner cultural society, exercised a
tremendously strong influence in the political, economic and social spheres. With the support of the extremely influential Dutch Reformed Church hegemonic rule was further consolidated. In order to attain its ideals and maintain its position of power, Afrikanerdom engaged in suppressing the Black sector of the population. This manifested in the denial of political and human rights to Blacks, and was reinforced by an education system which offered Blacks inferior education to that of Whites to ensure that they would not become a threat to Afrikaner power tendency towards communalism in Black society resulted in Black Nationalism adopting the ideology of Black Liberation Socialism, under whose banner many former colonies had attained independence from their European mother countries. The educational sub ideology
of People's Education served the Black Nationalist ideal by adopting in its curricula, syllabi and organisational structure an approach which supported Black liberation from the apartheid regime. The South African state (government, the police, the legal system, etc.) acted in a
repressive manner under the influence of the Afrikaner ideology. The oppression Afrikaners suffered at the hand of British imperialism was repeated when Afrikaner Nationalism assumed power under the Nationalist government. It subjected Blacks to oppression and totally negated Black nationalist aspirations. Education always serves the dominant ideology - a concept clearly manifested in Christian National Education as it served the Afrikaner Nationalist ideology. In the same manner People's Education proved to be an extension of the Black Liberation Struggle. Ideology is thus in the service of power. Ample evidence exists that Afrikaner Nationalism and Christian National Education served to entrench Afrikanerdom in a position of seemingly unassailable power for an extended period of time after it had discarded the British imperialist yoke. This dominant position was maintained despite being a minority group. Should the same pattern prevail one would expect the African National Congress to abuse its present position of power to oppress the White minority and take revenge for the suffering that the latter had inflicted on Blacks for so many years. Both the Oppressed and the Oppressor are dehumanised in the process of oppression. Although the Afrikaner was in a dominant, powerful position and seemingly free, he became enslaved to his own ideology. He was deprived of independent opinion and thought by the prescriptive ideology of Afrikaner Nationalism and its educational ideology of Christian National Education. Non-compliance was frowned upon and deviants ostracised. It is ironic that, by ousting the Afrikaner nationalist regime, the African National Congress actually became the agent which liberated the Afrikaner from his self inflicted
ideological oppression. Oppression thus seems to follow a vicious circle with both the Oppressor and the Oppressed suffering dehumanisation. Unless the Oppressed is rehumanised the oppressive role model presented by the Oppressor is emulated and the former Oppressed become the new Oppressor. The necessity for the process of rehumanisation to occur in the postapartheid South African society can not be over-emphasised and thus various steps that can be taken to effect rehumanisation are suggested.
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da, Silva Antonio Jose Bacelar. "Voicing Race and Anti-Racism: Rethinking Black Consciousness among Black Activists in Salvador, Brazil." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/265370.
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The Brazilian government has recently enacted some of Latin America's most extensive affirmative action laws and policies, including racial quotas in all public universities and a law that requires schools throughout Brazil to teach Afro-Brazilian history and culture. In this context, a large-scale black consciousness movement has emerged, with a vast array of black organizations (otherwise known as "Black NGOs") using race as a productive political strategy to secure access to resources and rights for people of African descent. Through yearlong ethnographic investigations of three of these organizations in the city of Salvador (Bahia) from 2009-2010, this dissertation examines the effects of such changes on black activists' interpretations of blackness and their understanding of black consciousness. It looks to the complex ways in which black activists are creatively juxtaposing Brazil's long-held racial ideologies on the one hand with discourses and forms of knowledge about race that have been set forth by the new race-conscious legislations and policies on the other. Drawing from and contributing to the field of linguistic anthropology, I demonstrate that language is crucial to their goals of revealing patterns of institutional racism, critiquing commonsense notions of blackness in Brazil, and promoting anti-racism. I show how black activists teach one another elaborate ways of using language to scrutinize deeply entrenched ideas about race and blackness embedded in their own and others' speech as well as new ways of thinking and talking about race in Brazil. The dissertation carries throughout a concern with the status and formation of black consciousness in light of recent cultural and political changes. Drawing on my training in linguistic and cultural anthropology, I combine the analysis of data from participant observations, in-depth interviews, and countless conversations with black activists to examine what I call "affirmative language practices"--linguistic strategies that black activists use to foreground multiple points of views about race and blackness within Brazil's dominant frameworks of racial identification and categorization. I employ the notions of voice, dialogism, participant roles, and intertextuality (explored in the work of Mikhail Bakhtin, Erving Goffman, Jane Hill, and others) to provide evidence that black activists do not require or privilege black identity in the construction of "black consciousness." I argue that for these black activists, black consciousness may be characterized by the emergence of an ideological critique in and through language that allows Afro-Brazilians to articulate competing ideological positions about race and racism in Brazil.
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Weeks, Deborah G. "Movement Of The People: The Relationship Between Black Consciousness Movements, Race, and Class in the Caribbean." [Tampa, Fla.] : University of South Florida, 2008. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0002340.
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Aqeeli, Ammar Abduh. "The Nation of Islam's Perception of Black Consciousness in the Works of Amiri Baraka, Sonia Sanchez, and Other Writers of the Black Arts Movement." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1523466358576864.
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Custódio, Lourival Aguiar Teixeira. "Um estudo de classe e identidade no Brasil: Movimento Negro Unificado (MNU) - 1978 - 1990." Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/100/100135/tde-22052018-122717/.
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Este trabalho teve como objetivo principal realizar uma análise do movimento negro brasileiro entre os anos de 1978 e 1990, expressando neste trabalho o caminho percorrido pelo Movimento Negro Unificado - MNU, que foi fundado em 18 de Junho de 1978, nascendo assim no seio do levante operário de 1978, e que existe até os dias atuais, e como objetivo específico de identificar quais foram as influências mais centrais em sua formação e na linha política que este tomou, tendo sido parte de um imenso movimento social, operário e popular, que se colocou contra a Ditadura Militar, sendo a conformação do MNU como parte e resultado deste processo de mobilização social. A partir desses objetivos foram levantadas as seguintes hipóteses: O MNU influenciou a formação da identidade negra no Brasil e a própria identidade dos entrevistados; contribuiu no Brasil para o debate de Raça e Classe; e recebeu influências externas á experiência vivida no Brasil. Foram feitos levantamentos bibliográficos sobre a história da luta antirracista no Brasil após a Abolição e das organizações oriundas dessa luta, que remontam desde as primeiras décadas do século XX, atravessam o Estado Novo e encontraram dentro do período da ditadura a resistência que dará forma ao Movimento Negro Unificado. Para analisar os processos que influenciaram este desenvolvimento, foram utilizados autores como Florestan Fernandes, Lélia Gonzalez, Abdias do Nascimento, Hamilton Cardoso e Clovis Moura. Para isso foram realizadas dez entrevistas com militantes e integrantes do movimento negro brasileiro que participaram próximos ou no MNU durante o período estudado, sendo estes entrevistados divididos em sete homens e três mulheres. Durante estas entrevistas foi constatado que o MNU teve como referência algumas organizações negras estadunidenses, que fizeram parte do Movimento pelos Direitos Civis, além dos movimentos de libertação de países africanos, com destaque aos países de língua portuguesa, como Moçambique e Angola. No território nacional, os integrantes do MNU foram influenciados pelas experiências vividas nas greves operárias contra a Ditadura e por intelectuais brasileiros que desmistificaram a ideia do negro pacífico, e entre os mais citados temos Abdias do Nascimento e Lélia Gonzalez. Essas influências e atuação política permitiram ao MNU se destacar no cenário político brasileiro no final dos anos de 1970 e durante 1980 como a principal organização do movimento negro brasileiro, porém sem romper com a confiança na burguesia paulista, não dando um caminho independente aos negros no Brasil, tendo expressado suas posições dentro de setores dos movimentos sociais, mas também em setores dos movimentos sindicais e no Partido dos Trabalhadores PT, que foi um grande conciliador de classes e atenuador das tensões nacionais. Desta maneira poderemos entender o papel Movimento Negro Unificado para a composição da identidade do negro brasileiro entre as décadas de 70 e 90, sua relação com o cenário de greves e atos contra a Ditadura Militar e como as pautas levantadas pelos negros foram incorporadas, muito parcialmente, a políticas públicas nos anos seguintes, que apesar de importantes somente foram conquistadas mediante anos de luta do movimento negro brasileiro<br>This work had the main objective of analyzing the Brazilian black movement between 1978 and 1990, expressing in this work the path traveled by the Unified Black Movement (MNU), which was founded on June 18, 1978, 1978, and that exists until the present day, and as a specific objective to identify which were the most central influences in its formation and the political line that this took, having been part of an immense social movement, worker and popular, that is Placed against the Military Dictatorship, being the conformation of the MNU as part and result of this process of social mobilization. From these objectives the following hypotheses were raised: The MNU influenced the formation of the black identity in Brazil and the identity of the interviewees themselves; Contributed in Brazil to the Race and Class debate; And received influences external to the experience lived in Brazil. Bibliographical surveys were made on the history of the anti-racist struggle in Brazil after Abolition and from the organizations that came from that struggle, dating back to the first decades of the twentieth century, cross the Estado Novo and found within the period of the dictatorship the resistance that will shape the Movement Unified Black. For that, ten interviews were carried out with militants and members of the Brazilian black movement who participated in the MNU during the period studied, and these were divided into seven men and three women. During these interviews it was verified that the MNU had as reference some black American organizations, that were part of the Movement for the Civil Rights, besides the movements of liberation of African countries, with emphasis to the countries of Portuguese language, like Mozambique and Angola. In the national territory, the members of the MNU were influenced by the experiences of the workers\' strikes against the dictatorship and by Brazilian intellectuals who demystified the idea of the \"pacific negro\", and among the most cited are Abdias do Nascimento and Lélia Gonzalez. These influences and political action allowed the MNU to stand out in the Brazilian political scenario in the late 1970s and 1980s as the main organization of the Brazilian black movement, but without breaking with confidence in the São Paulo bourgeoisie, not giving an independent path to blacks in the Brazil, having expressed their positions within sectors of social movements, but also in sectors of the trade union movements and in the Workers\' Party (PT), which was a great conciliator of classes and attenuator of national tensions. In this way we will be able to understand the Unified Black Movement\'s role in the composition of the identity of the Brazilian Negro between the 70s and 90s, its relation with the scenario of strikes and acts against the Military Dictatorship and how the patterns raised by the blacks were incorporated, to public policies in the following years, that although important were only conquered through years of struggle of the Brazilian black movement
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Ndalamba, Ken Kalala. "In search of an appropriate leadership ethos : a survey of selected publications that shaped the Black Theology movement." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2010. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_1956_1307356848.
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<p>The understanding and practice of leadership in Sub-Saharan Africa, in all spheres, is at the heart beat of this work. Questions and concerns over the quality of leadership in most countries in this particular region are reasons which have led to revisit and investigate the formative training of the current cohort of African leadership with a special focus on the ethical aspect of leadership. It is an assumption, in this thesis, that the contemporary cohort of African leadership received their formative training especially in the 1960s and 1970s and that they were deeply influenced by the black consciousness movement and, in association with that, by the emergence of black theology. In this respect, this research project explores the notions of ethics and leadership with a view to determine ways in which an appropriate leadership ethos was portrayed and articulated in the writings of selected exponents of the black theology movement, namely ML King (Jr), Desmond Tutu and Allan Boesak. The purpose of this work is therefore mainly descriptive: to map discourse on a leadership ethos in the context especially of black theology.</p>
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Picardie, Michael. "The drama and theatre of two South African plays under apartheid." Link to the Internet, 2009. http://cadair.aber.ac.uk/dspace/handle/2160/3102.
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Masuku, M. T. (Mnyalaza Tobias). "The ministry of Dr Beyers Naude : towards developing a comprehensive mission (communication) strategy towards the victims of oppression." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/25384.
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This thesis proposes that the ministry of Dr Beyers Naudé to the victims of oppression during the apartheid rule in South Africa had a missionary dimension. It argues that the credibility of the Christian faith was challenged by the victims of oppression, as a result of the way in which it was used as a supportive tool for oppression. Through his ministry, Beyers Naudé succeeded in communicating the Christian faith in a special way to the victims of oppression. This led to a change of mind for the victims of oppression with regard to their negative attitude to the Christian faith. This study further resulted in the development of a comprehensive mission (communication) strategy to the victims of oppression. The argument is that there is another form of post-1994 victims of oppression in South Africa made out of those who feel left out by government poverty alleviation, economic development and service delivery programmes. The inability of government to strike a balance between the rich and the poor as well as corruption will always yield the ‘disadvantaged’ section of society who may feel ‘oppressed’, neglected and left out in favour of the few who have ‘connections’ at higher levels of government. These victims’ response will be characterized by anger which results into protest actions similar to those seen during the time of the ministry of Beyers Naudé. The question posed in this study is ‘how to minister to angry people who feel left out by government?’ In order to respond to this challenge and to equip ministers of religion and other interested people, a comprehensive mission (communication) strategy to victims of oppression was therefore developed based on the example of Beyers Naudé. The main question posed in this study around the reason for the success of Beyers Naudé’s ministry is “what ‘muthi’ did he use to win the hearts, love and support of the victims of oppression?” In order to answer this question, there is a three step approach that has been followed. Firstly I looked at factors that made him or influenced his making i.e. his life from his birth to his ‘conversion’, South African political landscape divided into two periods (1940-1963 and 1963-1994) as well as Faith Based Organisations’ response to apartheid. Secondly, I looked at his actual ministry to the victims of oppression from 1963 to 1994. I divided his ministry between the categories of centripetal and centrifugal patterns of mission. Thirdly a comprehensive mission (communication) strategy to the victims of oppression was developed, based on his contribution to a positive Christian witness. In the concluding chapter, I made some proposals for a way-forward in terms of areas for further study which were triggered by this research. The best statement for concluding this study, indicating the commitment of Beyers Naudé for God’s mission and how this was misunderstood by his church (the DRC) was taken from Mokgoebo (2009) who states: Beyers Naudé was a prophet of his time. As the saying goes, ‘the prophet is never respected at his own home’. His witness will remain long after we have gone, as a White man who was grasped by the powerful message of the Kingdom of God, of justice and reconciliation.<br>Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2011.<br>Science of Religion and Missiology<br>unrestricted
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Sikhosana, Nompumelelo Pertunia. "Black consciousness revived: the rise of black consciousness thinking in South African student politics." Thesis, 2017. https://hdl.handle.net/10539/23783.
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University of the Witwatersrand
Faculty of Humanities
Political Studies
Master’s Research Report, February 2017<br>The history of segregation in South Africa is well documented. The shadows of the apartheid system still linger in society to date, especially in the form of racial inequality, race consciousness and racial classification. Contemporary student protests and vandalism in institutions of higher education reveal deep-seated tensions that open a can of worms concerning race and equality – elements that have long been of concern in the Black Consciousness Movement and its ideology in the early 1960s and 70s. This research report assesses how Black Consciousness tenets’ and rhetoric are re-emerging in the current national student movement, from the #RhodesMustFall to the #FeesMustFall movements.
Black Consciousness ideology in South Africa, as articulated by Biko, sought the attainment of a radical egalitarian and non-racial society. Amongst some of the espoused principles of the Black Consciousness Movement that defined South African youth politics in the 1970s, is that Black Consciousness emphasised values of black solidarity, self-reliance, individual and collective responsibility, and black liberation. The year 2015 witnessed the resurgence of Black Consciousness language at the forefront of student movements, most notably the #RhodesMustFall and the #FeesMustFall campaigns.
The #FeesMustFall movement and its supporters uphold that their cause is legitimate because it does not make sense for household incomes to depreciate next to escalating costs of living and rising tuition fees. It further states that the ANC fears it because its demands stand contrary to ANC-led government’s interests and have accused the ANC of attempting to capture the movement – hence the declaration that #FeesMustFall is a direct critique of the entire socio-economic and political order of the ruling ANC and exposes ANC corruption and betrayal. The movement continues, though its cause tends to be diluted and convoluted, the struggle is real but so is the legacy of Biko and the spirit of Black Consciousness.<br>MT2018
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Tafira, Kenneth Mateesanwa. "Steve Biko returns : the persistence of black consciousness in Azania (South Africa)." Thesis, 2014.
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Steve Biko returns and continues to illuminate the postapartheid social order. His contestation by various claimants for different reasons shows his continuing and lasting legacy. However he finds a special niche among a disenfranchised and frustrated township youth who are trapped in township struggles where they attempt to derive a meaning. More important is why these youth who neither saw nor participated in the struggle against apartheid are turning to an age old idea like Black Consciousness in a context of the pervasive influence of non-racialism, rainbowism and triumphalism of neo-liberalism. The realisation is that a human-centred society with a human face which Black Consciousness practitioners advocated and strove for is yet to be realised. This shows the anomalies and maladies of a postcolonial dispensation where ideals, principles and teleology of the liberation struggle are yet to be consummated. Thus Black Consciousness as a node in a long thread of black political thought in the country; and as a spirit, will always be both an emotion, and a motion that finds a new meaning with each generation.
Books on the topic "Black Consciousness Movement (BCM)"
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Liberation and development: Black Consciousness community programs in South Africa. Michigan State University Press, 2016.
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Snail, Mgebwi Lavin. The antecedens [sic] and the emergence of the black consciousness movement in South Africa: Its ideology and organisation. Akademischer Verlag, 1993.
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The law and the prophets: Black consciousness in South Africa, 1968-1977. Ohio University Press, 2010.
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Mangena, Mosibudi. Triumphs and heartaches: A courageous journey by South African patriots. Picador Africa, 2015.
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Turrin, Silvia C. Il Movimento della consapevolezza nera in Sudafrica: Dalle origini al lascito di Stephen Biko. Erga, 2011.
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author, Karis Thomas 1919, and Gerhart Gail M. author, eds. From protest to challenge: A documentary history of African politics in South Africa, 1882-1990. Jacana, 2013.
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Clealand, Danielle Pilar. The Seeds of a Black Movement? Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190632298.003.0010.
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The last chapter of the book, chapter 9, takes a look at formal or above-ground expressions of racial consciousness in Cuba and the development of a space, albeit a small one, for racial dialogue on the island. The chapter looks at organizations that were created after the political opening in the 1990s to address issues of discrimination, and how their focus and influence affect the debate that is beginning to circulate around race. It also highlights how the hip-hop movement, one of the most important and far-reaching messengers of black consciousness in Cuba, uses music to insert a new racial rhetoric into the public sphere that has not been heard prior to this period. Finally, the chapter joins the under- and above-ground components of black consciousness to show that black public opinion regarding organization and activism often aligns with what elites and writing about in the public sphere.
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Hill, Shannen L. Biko's Ghost: The Iconography of Black Consciousness. University of Minnesota Press, 2015.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Black Consciousness Movement (BCM)"
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Myles, Lynette D. "Black Female Movement: Conceptualizing Places of Consciousness for Black Female Subjectivity." In Female Subjectivity in African American Women’s Narratives of Enslavement. Palgrave Macmillan US, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230103160_2.
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K’Meyer, Tracy E. "Empowerment, Consciousness, Defense: The Diverse Meanings of the Black Power Movement in Louisville, Kentucky." In Neighborhood Rebels. Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230102309_8.
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Burki, Namara. "From the Theory to the Practice of Liberation: Fanon, May ‘68 and the Black Consciousness Movement in South Africa." In A Global History of Anti-Apartheid. Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-03652-2_4.
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"The Black Consciousness Movement: Ideology and Action." In Year of Fire Year of Ash. Zed Books, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350251243.ch.006.
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"7 The new black revolution: the black consciousness movement and the black church." In The Black Church in the African American Experience. Duke University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780822381648-009.
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Gaines, Malik. "Nina Simone’s Quadruple Consciousness." In Black Performance on the Outskirts of the Left. NYU Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479837038.003.0002.
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The musical performances of Nina Simone are situated in her activist context, influenced by the civil rights movement and her friends, including playwright Lorraine Hansberry. Simone’s relationship to leftist performance is explored through her uses of materials authored by Bertolt Brecht and Kurt Weill, and the differences between her approach and Brecht’s proposed techniques underscore Simone’s black expressive mode and illustrate modernity’s reliance on blackness. Attention to Simone’s uses of voice, piano, dress, and presence construct a sense of a radically politicized performance mode. Using the song “Four Women” and the legacy of Du Boisian double consciousness, Simone enacts a kind of quadruple consciousness that uses excess to multiply, rather than resolve, the alienations and displacements of black subjectivity in an agile and mobile performance of difference.
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Nero, Charles. "The Souls of Black Gay Folk: The Black Arts Movement and Melvin Dixon’s Revision of Du Boisian Double Consciousness in Vanishing Rooms." In Black Intersectionalities. Liverpool University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5949/liverpool/9781846319389.003.0008.
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Leader-Picone, Cameron. "Introduction." In Black and More than Black. University Press of Mississippi, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781496824516.003.0001.
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The chapter length introduction, “The Post Era,” historicizes both popular cultural (i.e. colorblindness and post-racialism) and scholarly attempts to periodize contemporary African American culture and literary aesthetics (i.e. post-soul, post-black, and postrace). It connects these conceptualizations with the revision of Du Bois’s idea of double consciousness. The introduction locates these shifts in the new millennium in the context of Black politics and the rise of Barack Obama. It also addresses the relationship of the current moment in African American literature with past movements, focusing especially on the post era’s repudiation of the Black Arts Movement.
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Parker, Traci. "The Department Store Movement in the Postwar Era." In Department Stores and the Black Freedom Movement. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469648675.003.0005.
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Chapter 4 considers the department store movement and the birth of a modern middle-class consciousness in the 1940s and 1950s. Department stores remained key battlegrounds and took on greater significance as black purchasing power had reached an unprecedented level of $8-9 million by 1947 and the relationship between consumption and citizenship had changed. For the most part, the department store movement remained a fight for jobs in the immediate postwar era, taking on consumer issues as it saw fit. This phase of the movement marked a period of preliminary testing that would eventually lead to militant protests in the 1950s and 1960s. Under the leadership of the National Urban League (NUL) and American Friends Service Committee (AFSC), the movement relied on intercultural education and moral exhortations. Emblematic of racial liberalism and the early civil rights movement, the NUL and AFSC believed that if respectable blacks and white community leaders simply asked store officials to hire African Americans in sales and clerical, they would, and after that “their attitude about integrated workplaces and African Americans generally would change,” helping them “topple barriers in other industries and locations.”
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Favors, Jelani M. "Black and Tan Academia." In Shelter in a Time of Storm. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469648330.003.0003.
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This chapter examines the peculiar history of Tougaloo College from its founding during the Reconstruction Era to the turn of the century. Tougaloo, is best known for being a haven for black militancy during the modern civil rights movement and one of the few safe spaces for Freedom Riders, marchers, and sit-in activists in the most notoriously violent state in the south – Mississippi. Yet its early years illustrate an institution in constant flux, trying to survive economic hardships, and under the thumb of conservative administrators and teachers who exposed Tougaloo students to the expectations of respectability politics. Nevertheless, black students carved out vital spaces for expression and utilized the pages of their student newspaper to display their expanding social and political consciousness and their desire to resist the oppressive and often violent hardships of America’s lowest point in race relations.