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1
Morgan, Marcus. "Movement intellectuals engaging the grassroots: A strategy perspective on the Black Consciousness Movement." Sociological Review 68, no. 5 (January 10, 2020): 1124–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038026119900118.
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Drawing upon activist interviews and framing theory this article proposes that the Black Consciousness Movement (BCM) is better understood not by focusing on the objective status of its leadership as middle-class intellectuals, but by instead looking at what these ‘movement intellectuals’ subjectively did to link their philosophy of liberation to the lifeworlds of those they sought to engage. It argues that this shift reveals three important features of social movements and movement intellectuals more generally. Firstly, it uncovers the meaningful, value-driven, emotional and collective-identity bases for action, alongside the more familiar instrumental motivations. Secondly, given the inevitable clash between movement intent and the contingent constraints under which movements invariably operate, it argues that movement success is better judged not by external criteria that are assumed to hold universally, but instead by reference to the unique strategic intentions articulated by movements themselves. Finally, it shows how, given heterogeneous audiences, the deployment of a diversity of grounded intellectual strategies can help augment the resonance of a movement’s core political message.
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Morgan, Marcus. "Performance and Power in Social Movements: Biko’s Role as a Witness in the SASO/BPC Trial." Cultural Sociology 12, no. 4 (February 28, 2018): 456–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1749975517752586.
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This article provides a case study of the relationship between performance and power in social movements. It reveals how movements are able to reiterate established cultures of resistance across time and space through performative means. It also shows how – given requisite stage settings and skilful actors – methods of performance allow movements to subvert established structures of domination to their political advantage. It does this through focussing on Steve Biko’s role as a defence witness in an apartheid-era political trial of leaders of the Black Consciousness Movement (BCM). It demonstrates how, within the courtroom setting, Biko and the defendants improvised upon various pre-established codes, scripts, and dramatic techniques, augmenting the likelihood that their performances would resonate successfully with their audiences. In addition, it shows how Biko and the defendants used social performance to subvert many of apartheid’s established culture structures, enabling them not only to explicitly articulate the principles of BC philosophy, but also to implicitly embody and act them out.
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Asheeke, Toivo. "‘Lost Opportunities’: The African National Congress of South Africa (ANC-SA)’s Evolving Relationship with the Black Consciousness Movement (BCM) in Exile, 1970–1979." South African Historical Journal 70, no. 3 (July 3, 2018): 519–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02582473.2018.1483962.
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Burdick, JOhn. "Brazil’s Black Consciousness Movement." Report on the Americas 25, no. 4 (February 1992): 23–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10714839.1992.11723119.
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Hirschmann, David. "The Black Consciousness Movement in South Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 28, no. 1 (March 1990): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00054203.
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Black politics in South Africa changed dramatically after 1976. It spread far and fast, with black organisations multiplying at all kinds of levels. The African National Congress (A.N.C.) returned and the United Democratic Front (U.D.F.) emerged. The trade unions strengthened considerably and black youths demonstrated their power. Ideologies changed and evolved. Yet at the same time as the movement broadened and deepened its hold on black people, internal divisions grew more intense. Organisational, ideological, and strategic differences became more bitter, and leaders continued to accuse each other of betraying the struggle.
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Makino, Kumiko. "The Black Consciousness Movement in South Africa." Journal of African Studies 1997, no. 50 (1997): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.11619/africa1964.1997.3.
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M-Afrika, Andile. "The Black Consciousness Movement and the diplomatic offensive." Journal of African Foreign Affairs 6, no. 1 (April 15, 2019): 29–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31920/2056-5658/2019/v6n1a2.
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Morgan, Marcus, and Patrick Baert. "Acting out ideas: Performative citizenship in the Black Consciousness Movement." American Journal of Cultural Sociology 6, no. 3 (June 21, 2017): 455–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41290-017-0030-1.
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Desai, Ashwin. "Indian South Africans and the Black Consciousness Movement under apartheid." Diaspora Studies 8, no. 1 (October 3, 2014): 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09739572.2014.957972.
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Heffernan, Anne. "Student/teachers from Turfloop: the propagation of Black Consciousness in South African schools, 1972–76." Africa 89, S1 (January 2019): S189—S209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972018000979.
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AbstractThe movement of school teachers to primary and secondary schools around South Africa and its Bantustans in the early and mid-1970s was an intentional part of the project of propagating Black Consciousness to school learners during this period. The movement of these educators played a key role in their ability to spread Black Consciousness philosophy, and in the political forms and methods they chose in teaching it. These were shaped by their own political conscientization and training in ethnically segregated colleges, but also in large part by the social realities of the areas to which they moved. Their efforts not only laid the foundation for Black Consciousness organization in communities across South Africa, they also influenced student and youth mechanisms for political action beyond the scope of Black Consciousness politics. This article explores three case studies of teachers who studied at the University of the North (Turfloop) and their trajectories after leaving university. All of these teachers moved to Turfloop as students, and then away from it thereafter. The article argues that this pattern of movement, which was a direct result of apartheid restrictions on where black South Africans could live, study and work, shaped the knowledge they transmitted in their classrooms, and thus influenced the political consciousness of a new generation.
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Omar, Ayesha. "Sam C. Nolutshungu: Race, Reform, Resistance and the Black Consciousness Movement." Comparative Political Theory 1, no. 1 (June 16, 2021): 80–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26669773-01010006.
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Abstract This paper excavates and historically contextualizes the political theory of a largely neglected thinker within South African black intellectual history, Sam C. Nolutshungu. It seeks to rectify the current imbalance in South African intellectual history which largely neglects or effaces the contribution of black thinkers in the colonial or Apartheid period notwithstanding significant black contributions in theorizing racial submission, domination, reform and popular resistance in the context of state oppression. In this paper I argue that two such areas of inquiry are present in Nolutshungu’s overall position on political reform. The first is with regards to his intervention in the race- class debates which dominated political and intellectual discussions during the late Apartheid period. Here, Nolutshungu, argues that political domination could not be reformed with simple concessions as a result of its racially exclusionary nature. Thus Nolutshungu argued that race rather than class was the fundamental source of domination. The second is the theoretical evaluation of the social and political significance of the Black Consciousness Movement as an important symbol of resistance and racial solidarity. The link between these two aspects of his thought, I argue are not insignificant and should be carefully considered. Nolutshungu’s valuable analysis on the route to political reform is strengthened by his evaluation of the role of the Black Consciousness Movement, which for Nolutshungu was an instance of how resistance was mobilized along racial rather than class lines. Moreover, the Black Consciousness Movement not only prioritized the question of race as a primary factor in its mode of resistance but served to illustrate how and why meaningful change in South Africa was contingent on the abolition of racial oppression and the overturning of the institutions of Apartheid. Finally, I argue that there is a contextual urgency in undertaking projects that seek to establish the importance of black intellectual ideas and reclaiming these ideas in order to give content and meaning to contested contemporary debates on justice, legitimacy, liberty, equality and land rights in South Africa. While the discourse of the negotiated settlement and reconciliation sparks intense debate often resulting in greater forms of racial polarisation, historical rumination and reflection offers a powerful and enduring opportunity for collective inquiry.
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Jeffries, Bayyinah S. "Prioritizing Black Self-Determination: The Last Strident Voice of Twentieth-Century Black Nationalism." Genealogy 4, no. 4 (November 20, 2020): 110. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy4040110.
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Black self-determination, like the movement for civil rights, has long been a struggle on both the national and international stage. From the Black consciousness campaign of South Africa to the Black Power crusades of the United States and Caribbean, and the recent global affirmations of Black Lives Matter, Black nationalist ideology and desires for equity and independence seem ever more significant. While marginal characteristics of Black nationalism clearly persist in the calls for justice and equality, only one voice of twentieth-century Black nationalism remains committed to the full dimensions of the Black nationalist agenda. This essay documents the one leader and movement that has remained committed to a Black nationalist platform as a response to persistent white supremacy. The author reflects on the valuable contributions of twentieth-century Black nationalism and what form, if any, Black nationalism will take when this last Black nationalist movement leader is gone.
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Semmes, Clovis E. "Entrepreneur of Health: Dick Gregory, Black Consciousness, and the Human Potential Movement." Journal of African American Studies 16, no. 3 (December 13, 2011): 537–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12111-011-9208-8.
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Moodley, Kogila. "The Continued Impact of Black Consciousness in South Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 29, no. 2 (June 1991): 237–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00002731.
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The idea of Black Consciousness heralded an era of alternative political awareness in the late 1960s. A self-empowering, vibrant, reconstructionist world-view emphasised the potential rôle of black initiatives and responsibility in articulating the power of the powerless. Between 1968–76, the Black Consciousness Movement (B.C.M.), as it became known, was one of the most important developments in South Africa, not only as the result of the self-confident protest and rebellion that it unleashed, but also ‘because of the questions it posed about the nature of oppositional politics in South Africa and its relation to the nature of South African society’.1
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Namberger, Verena. "Südafrikas Born Free-Generation im Aufstand: Ein feministisches Revival des Black Consciousness Movement." FEMINA POLITICA – Zeitschrift für feministische Politikwissenschaft 25, no. 1 (May 2, 2016): 153–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/feminapolitica.v25i1.23421.
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Hine, Darlene Clark. "Black Professionals and Race Consciousness: Origins of the Civil Rights Movement, 1890-1950." Journal of American History 89, no. 4 (March 1, 2003): 1279. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3092543.
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Febriyanti, Irma. "THE POWER OF AMIRI BARAKA’S POLITICAL THOUGHTS TO THE AFRICAN-AMERICAN MOVEMENT IN AMERICA." Rubikon : Journal of Transnational American Studies 2, no. 2 (September 1, 2015): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/rubikon.v2i2.34259.
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Imamu Amiri Baraka is an artist, activist, and also an African-American leader who was born in Newark, New Jersey. Throughout his prolific career in American literature, he was able to generate some important political issues in defending the Black Power which was a perpetuating challenge for African-American intellectuals in the 1960s-1970s.This research is written under American Studies discipline, which takes politics to gain an African-American politics’ point of view, sociology to explore the theory of race and social conflict in the United States, and cultural studies to understand the struggle of African-Americans towards white Americans.The findings of this research show Baraka’s adeptness in his dual role as artist and politician through his political thoughts which has a never-ending development of his political consciousness. Baraka’s intellectual and political thought formation has moved through verydistinct stages and they are: Black Cultural Nationalism, Black Solidarity and Black Marxism. His final political stage has a broader consciousness that reveals capitalism in the Western world and this revelation of capitalism declared its theme of death and despair, moral and social corruption with its concomitant decrying Western values and ethics, the struggle against selfhatred, and a growing ethnic awareness.Keywords: Amiri Baraka, black power, political thought, African-American politics, andconflict
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Not Available, Not Available. "Call for Papers: Black Urban Responses to Modernity: Reflections on Steve Bantu Biko and the Black Consciousness Movement." Social Identities 9, no. 3 (September 1, 2003): 437–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1350463032000129000.
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Welang, Nahum. "Triple Consciousness: The Reimagination of Black Female Identities in Contemporary American Culture." Open Cultural Studies 2, no. 1 (October 1, 2018): 296–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/culture-2018-0027.
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Abstract My article underscores the intermediate existence of black American women between race and gender by stressing the role white patriarchy and black hypermasculinity play in the marginalisation of black female voices and the prioritisation of white women’s interests within and beyond mainstream feminist spaces. In order to legitimise this intermediate existence of black women, my article develops the triple consciousness theory (TCT). Inspired by W.E.B. Du Bois’ concept of double consciousness, TCT argues that black women view themselves through three lenses and not two: America, blackness and womanhood. Black feminists, TCT affirms, are able to reimagine misguided narratives of black womanhood in contemporary American culture by unpacking the complexity of this threefold consciousness. In Bad Feminist, Roxane Gay strives for the inclusion of pluralist voices in the mainstream feminist movement and in Lemonade, Beyonce uses Afrofuturist tropes, reappropriation and gothic imagery to exorcise the generational pain of betrayal by black men and white women. With Insecure, Issa Rae radicalises feminist theory by critiquing archetypes attached to black womanhood and in Marvel’s Black Panther, not only do black women possess the unprecedented agency to shape their own identities on their own terms, there is also an existential reconnection with their past.
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Marx, Anthony W. "South African Black Trade Unions as an Emerging Working-Class Movement." Journal of Modern African Studies 27, no. 3 (September 1989): 383–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00020358.
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The Recent resumption of popular protest signals a new phase in South Africa's internal opposition, characterised notably by the rising political engagement of black labour unions and their federations. Membership in these unions has reached over a million workers, reflecting the dramatic expansion of South Africa's industrial manufacturing sector in the last 20 years. With severe restrictions placed on the leading national and local political organisations since 1985, the unions have developed beyond their initially narrow concerns for their members into the forefront of opposition to established economic and political order. As a result, class consciousness and working-class organisation have increasingly been combined with, and taken precedence over, previous conceptions of opposition based on racial and national identity. This development has exacerbated both remaining ideological divisions and pressures for united action within the union movement.
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Chism, Jonathan Langston. "“The Saints Go Marching”: Black Pentecostal Critical Consciousness and the Political Protest Activism of Pastors and Leaders in the Church of God in Christ in the Civil Rights Era." Pneuma 35, no. 3 (2013): 424–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700747-12341350.
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Abstract Although black Pentecostal leaders are known for their emphasis on holiness and spiritual empowerment, they are not renowned for having led and spearheaded political protest struggles during the Civil Rights movement. In this paper I discuss black Pentecostals’ postures toward political protest struggles, and I analyze reasons why some black Pentecostals participated in the Civil Rights movement while others did not. My central argument is that critical consciousness formation played an integral role in motivating a minority of Church of God in Christ (COGIC) clergy and leaders to engage in Civil Rights protest struggles. That is to say, many black Pentecostals who took part in the movement reconciled their strivings for spiritual empowerment against evil with critical reflection upon complex social, political, and economic realities. They recognized the utility of opposing structures of oppression through direct, nonviolent means.
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Hadfield, Leslie. "CHALLENGING THESTATUS QUO: YOUNG WOMEN AND MEN IN BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS COMMUNITY WORK, 1970s SOUTH AFRICA." Journal of African History 54, no. 2 (July 2013): 247–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853713000261.
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AbstractYoung activists who took part in South Africa's Black Consciousness movement challenged the apartheidstatus quowith their bold calls for black psychological liberation. This article uses new evidence to elucidate the work these youthful activists did in health and economic projects in the rural Eastern Cape that, in part, upheld certain customs. The article also brings young professional women into the history of African youth, arguing that the involvement of professional black female activists changed the way activists and villagers perceived the abilities and roles of young black women.
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Guerra, Lillian. "Poder Negro in Revolutionary Cuba: Black Consciousness, Communism, and the Challenge of Solidarity." Hispanic American Historical Review 99, no. 4 (November 1, 2019): 681–718. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-7787175.
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AbstractThis article analyzes the personal experiences of African American refugees in Cuba as well as the ways in which the Cuban government sought to mitigate and frequently repress the appeal of the movement of Black Power / poder negro to which Cubans might autonomously ascribe. By universalizing Communist standards of culture, behavior, and political values that leaders glossed as colorless, state agents ranging from the Ministry of Education and the media to Fidel Castro and Cuba's top intelligence chiefs anticipated and co-opted historical memories of slavery as well as cultural expressions of black pride. They did so, however, with varying degrees of success, much as the long legacy of devotion to slave-crafted religiosity and the survival of black discourses of identity reveal then and today.
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Powell, Edward. "Equality or unity? Black Consciousness, white solidarity, and the new South Africa in Nadine Gordimer’s Burger’s Daughter and July’s People." Journal of Commonwealth Literature 54, no. 2 (February 13, 2017): 225–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021989416687349.
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In the early 1970s, the Black Consciousness movement called on black radicals to dissociate themselves from dissident white South Africans, who were accused of frustrating the anti-apartheid cause in order to safeguard their ill-gotten privileges. In turn, liberal whites condemned this separatism as a capitulation to apartheid’s vision of “separate development”, despite the movement’s avowed aspiration towards a nonracial South Africa. This article considers how black separatism affected Nadine Gordimer’s own perspective on the prospect of achieving this aspiration. For Gordimer, Black Consciousness was necessary for black liberation, and she sought ways of reconciling white dissidents with black separatism. Still, these efforts didn’t always sit well together with her continuing belief that if there were to be a place for whites in a majority-ruled South Africa, then they needed to join blacks in a “common culture”. I consider how this tension marks Gordimer’s portraits of whites responding to being rejected by blacks in Burger’s Daughter and July’s People. In both novels, white efforts to resist apartheid’s racial segregations appear to be at odds with black self-liberation, with the effect that whites must find a way of doing without the as-yet deferred prospect of establishing a “common culture” in South Africa.
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Adomako Ampofo, Akosua. "Re-viewing Studies on Africa, #Black Lives Matter, and Envisioning the Future of African Studies." African Studies Review 59, no. 2 (August 30, 2016): 7–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2016.34.
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Abstract:This article considers what African Studies needs to look like in order for it to retain its disciplinary relevance for the next generation and in the larger context of the Black Lives movement globally. It asks questions about where we have come from in terms of race consciousness in our discipline and why this issue matters today. It begins by tracing the development of African Studies’ epistemic journey, and follows this with an examination of the recent Black student movements in South Africa and the U.S. It concludes by suggesting where we should be going.
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Martynov, Andriy. "American memory war of the protest movement «Black live matter»." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 10 (2020): 9–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2020.10.1.
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Americans as a nation are more focused on the present and the future than on the past. Until recently, various «historical traumas» have not been the subject of current American political discourse. The American dream focuses on the needs of everyday life, not on the permanent experience of the past. The aim of the article is to highlight the peculiarities of symbolic conflicts over the sites of the Civil War in the United States in the context of the 2020 election campaign. Research methods are based on a combination of the principles of historicism and special historical methods, in particular, descriptive, comparative, method of actualization of historical memory. The scientific novelty of the obtained results is determined by the historical and political analysis of the “wars of memory” during the presidential election campaign in the United States in 2020. Radical political confrontation exacerbates the conflicts of collective memory. This process is not prevented by the postmodern state of collective consciousness, the virtualization of political processes, attempts to form a «theater society». The coronavirus pandemic has raised the issue of choosing a strategy for the development of the globalization process as harshly as possible. Current events break the link between the past and the present, which makes the future unpredictable. Developed liberal democracy is considered the «end of history». Multiculturalism has created different interpretations of US history. Conclusions. Trump’s victory deepened the rift between different visions of the history of the Civil War. The Democratic majority unites African Americans, Latinos, women with higher education, and left liberals. Attacks on the memorials of the heroes of the former Confederacy became symbols of the war of memory. The dominant trend is an increase in the democratic and electoral numbers of non-white Americans. The «classic» United States, dominated in all walks of life by white Americans with Anglo-Saxon Protestant identities and relevant historical ideas, is becoming history. The situation is becoming a political reality when white Americans become a minority. It is unlikely that such a «new minority» will abandon its own interpretation of any stage of US history, including the most acute. This means that wars of memory will become an organic element of political processes.
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Edmondson, Brandy S., Vickie Cox Edmondson, Jann Adams, and Jodi Barnes. "We Challenge You to Join the Movement: From Discourse to Critical Voice." Journal of Management Education 44, no. 2 (June 10, 2019): 247–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1052562919856643.
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Despite the advances made since the civil rights era, racial and ethnic differences are still salient and politically divisive in the United States. Businesses increasingly have diversity, equity, and inclusion goals and business management faculty can play an important role in helping them achieve those goals. In this article, we argue that businesspersons, especially leaders of enterprises that have diversity, equity, and inclusion goals and the faculty who educate them, have a responsibility to help identify issues regarding, and solutions to, some of the world’s most pressing problems and can do so through consciousness-raising experiences aimed at helping their students develop a critical voice that signals they are more likely to contribute to a respectful and productive work environment. Five illustrative scenarios are set forth as consciousness-raising experiences that faculty members can draw on as tools to prepare students to use their critical voice as socially and culturally conscious future organizational leaders. Although the scenarios can be applied to multiple causes, we offer the Black Lives Matter movement, a social justice movement that has gained global attention, as a frame for this discussion.
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Nunnally, Shayla C. "LEARNING RACE, SOCIALIZING BLACKNESS." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 7, no. 1 (2010): 185–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x10000159.
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AbstractContemporary discourse about Black Americans questions the loyalties of younger Blacks to the advancement of the Black racial group. This discourse often compares the commitment of Black Americans who came of age during the Civil Rights Movement era to those who came of age during the post-Civil Rights Movement era. Fueling this discourse is a working assumption that somehow younger Black Americans have a different understanding about race and its role in Blacks' political interests. This begs the question whether there are generational differences in the ways that Black Americans learn about race, or racial socialization, perhaps with implications for distinct value orientations about Black politics. Using public opinion data from an original survey, the 2007 National Politics and Socialization Survey (NPSS), this paper compares the racial socialization experiences of four generations of Black Americans—(1) World War II generation (age 67 and older, born in and before 1940); (2) civil rights generation (ages 54–66, born 1953–1941); (3) mid-civil rights generation (ages 43–53, born 1964–1954); and (4) post-civil rights generation Black Americans (age 42 and under, born 1965 and after). Results of ordered probit regression analyses indicate minimal generational differences. Differences emerge in emphases on racial socialization messages about Black public behavior, Black intraracial relations, Black interracial relations, and composite factor loadings of Black consciousness and Black protectiveness messages.
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Maaba, Brown Bavusile. "The Archives of the Pan Africanist Congress and the Black Consciousness-Orientated Movements." History in Africa 28 (2001): 417–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172227.
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On 19 September 1998, Professor Sibusiso Bhengu, the South African Minister of Education, officially opened the National Arts and Heritage Cultural Centre (NAHECS) archives at the University of Fort Hare. This archive houses documentation from three former liberation movements: the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania, the Azanian People's Organization and the Black Consciousness Movement of Azania. Bhengu, from 1991 to 1994 the first black rector of Fort Hare, had signaled a new era for the university.It was during Bhengu's administration that the university received ANC archival documents, firstly from the Solomon Mahlangu Freedom College (SOMAFCO), the ANC school in Tanzania during the exile period between 1978 and 1992, followed by other documents from ANC missions in different parts of the world. The arrival of these sources, which are lodged in the University Library, was followed by the official opening of the ANC archives on 17 March 1996 by Deputy President Thabo Mbeki of behalf of Nelson Mandela. Even before they were officially opened, the university had begun to receive scholars who combed the documents in an effort to reconstruct the history of the exiled liberation movements. Fort Hare historians also utilized the archives.The presence of the ANC archives at Fort Hare seems to have inspired Mbulelo Mzamane, Bhengu's successor as Vice Chancellor, to state that Fort Hare should be a home for all South African liberation movements' archival material. Soon, sources from the three liberation movements were sent to the university and the former Centre for Cultural Studies (CCS), now NAHECS, took charge of the documents. While these papers were being sorted out, a building was being constructed on campus to house the papers.
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Shumakov, A. A. "Dialectics of the development of the Black rights movement in the United States in the 60s of the XX century on the example of its outstanding representatives." Moscow State University Bulletin. Series 18. Sociology and Political Science 27, no. 2 (May 31, 2021): 44–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.24290/1029-3736-2021-27-2-44-63.
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This paper examines and explores in detail the key theoretical aspects and leading ideological and political trends of The black rights movement in the United States in the 1960s. As the main sources, the author uses the works and speeches of its most famous representatives, such as: Martin Luther king, Malcolm X, Stokely Carmichael, Huey Percy Newton, Robert Seal, Eldridge cleaver, highlighting the main trends and dominant trends. Materialistic dialectics is suggested as the main research method. This makes it possible to consider the process of formation of the Movement for the rights of african americans directly in development. The author not only conducts a comparative analysis of various trends and ideological and political views of the most prominent representatives of this movement, but also does it in dynamics, explaining the nature and mechanism of qualitative changes taking place using the laws of materialistic dialectics. In particular, the opposing classical concepts of integrationism and black nationalism, which underlie the definition of the notorious ambivalence of african-american consciousness, were replaced in the second half of the 1960s by revolutionary black nationalism and revolutionary socialism, which negate the previous two and are simultaneously closely related to them. As a conclusion, the concept of understanding the qualitative transformations of The black rights Movement in the United States is proposed, and parallels are drawn with the current rise of the socio-racial movement, taking place within the same discursive Reld, which was finally formed in the 1960s and continues to dominate the protest-minded part of the african-american population to this day. This gives the author the opportunity to make a forecast for the future development of the situation in the United States and the scenario of the Movement.
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Łobodziec, Agnieszka. "Literariness and Racial Consciousness in Paule Marshall’s Memoir Triangular Road and Gloria Naylor’s Fictionalized Memoir 1996." Studia Anglica Posnaniensia 50, no. 2-3 (December 1, 2015): 51–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/stap-2015-0023.
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Abstract Black American women writers were side-lined by the literary canon as recently as the 1980s. Today, as a result of their agency, a distinct literary tradition that bears witness to black women’s particular expressiveness is recognized. Bernard Bell observes that the defining features common to most literary works by black American women are a focus on racist oppression, black female protagonists, the pursuit of demarginalization, women’s bonding, women’s relationship with the community, the power of emotions, and black female language. Although these elements refer predominantly to novels, they are also present in Paule Marshall’s memoir Triangular Road (2009) and Gloria Naylor’s fictionalized memoir 1996 (2005). Moreover, the two works are fitting examples of racial art, the point of departure of which, according to Black Arts Movement advocates, should be the black experience. Actually, since through memoirs the authors offer significant insights into themselves, the genre seems closer to this objective of racial art than novels. At the same time, taking into consideration the intricate plot structures, vivid images, and emotional intensity, their memoirs evidence the quality of literariness i.e., in formalist terms, the set of features that distinguish texts from non-literary ones, for instance, reports, articles, text books, and encyclopaedic biographical entries. Moreover, Marshall and Naylor utilize creative imagination incorporating fabulation, stories within stories, and people or events they have never personally encountered, which dramatizes and intensifies the experiences they relate. In Marshall’s memoir, the fictitious elements are discernable when she imagines the historical past. Naylor demarks imagined narrative passages with separate sections that intertwine with those based upon her actual life experience.
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Edwards, Fiona C. "Open the Doors and Let Us Out: Escaping the Coloniality of Racism." Cultural and Pedagogical Inquiry 12, no. 1 (February 1, 2021): 278–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.18733/cpi29553.
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Racism is an integral part of racialized groups’ experiences as Whiteness continues to foster the power and privilege it affords to White people. This has resulted in the racialization of Black bodies inflicted by racism. For Black youth, escaping the coloniality of racism may seem to be an impossible task as racism is ubiquitous, and has been deeply embedded in societal structures for hundreds of years. However, a heightened consciousness of racism provides a platform to fight against racial injustice. Instead of being locked in systems of oppression whereby Black bodies are wounded, there is a movement in the youth population to end intergenerational racist ideologies of what it means to be Black. Open the doors and let us out: Escaping the coloniality of racism empowers Black youth to embrace their Blackness, use their bodies and voices to reconstruct their racial identities and positionalities in society with pride and dignity.
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O’Malley, Riahl. "Pocket Political Education: A New Tool from United for a Fair Economy." Labor Studies Journal 44, no. 2 (November 23, 2018): 184–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x18814316.
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At the time of this writing, the richest 1 percent owns nearly 40 percent of private wealth in the United States. The bottom 50 percent owns just 1 percent of that same pie. Meanwhile, the median black family owns just ten cents for every dollar of wealth owned by white families. Women make up three-quarters of the low-wage workforce and 36 percent of low-wage workers are women of color. Thanks to movements like Occupy, Black Lives Matter, #MeToo, and the hard work of movement educators around the country, consciousness around economic, racial, and gender inequality is growing. And yet while more are aware these problems exist, few see the links between them or agree on how we can solve them. Pocket Political Education from United for a Fair Economy supports interactive dialogue that helps working people connect the dots between economic, racial, and gender inequality to inform their strategic action for change. The tool is highly adaptable so that organizers and educators working in diverse contexts can create spaces for consciousness-raising that move people and groups to action.
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Kelly, Madeleine, and John Duckitt. "Racial Preference and Self-Esteem in Black South African Children." South African Journal of Psychology 25, no. 4 (December 1995): 217–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/008124639502500403.
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Discrimination against black minority children was originally viewed as causing them to evaluate their own-group negatively and the white out-group positively, resulting in impaired self-esteem. Research, however, has produced inconsistent findings, possibly because of social change and the black consciousness movement. The present study investigated this issue among black South African children, a social group that has experienced particularly severe racial discrimination. As expected, the findings indicated that self-esteem, own-group racial pride, and overall ethnocentrism were significantly higher amongst older ( n = 37; 10 to 12-years old) than among younger black children ( n = 41; 6 to 8-years old). The younger children showed a slight though non-significant tendency to out-group favouritism, while the pattern for the older children was non-preference. However, the correlations of self-esteem with in-group pride, out-group prejudice, and overall ethnocentrism were non-significant suggesting that the own-group and out-group attitudes of minority children do not necessarily effect their self-attitudes.
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Kgatla, Thias. "CLERGY’S RESISTANCE TO VENDA HOMELAND’S INDEPENDENCE IN THE 1970S AND 1980S." Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 42, no. 3 (February 23, 2017): 121–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2412-4265/1167.
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The article discusses the clergy’s role in the struggle against Venda’s “independence” in the 1970s and 1980s, as well as resistance to the apartheid policy of “separate development” for Venda. It also explores the policy of indirect white rule through the replacement of real community leaders with incompetent, easily manipulated traditional chiefs. The imposition of the system triggered resistance among the youth and the churches, which led to bloody reprisals by the authorities. Countless were detained under apartheid laws permitting detention without trial for 90 days. Many died in detention, but those responsible were acquitted by the courts of law in the Homeland. The article highlights the contributions of the Black Consciousness Movement, the Black People Conversion Movement, and the Student Christian Movement. The Venda student uprising was second in magnitude only to the Soweto uprising of 16 June 1976. The torture of ministers in detention and the response by church leaders locally and internationally, are discussed. The authorities attempted to divide the Lutheran Church and nationalise the Lutherans in Venda, but this move was thwarted. Venda was officially re-incorporated into South Africa on 27 April 1994.
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Austin, David. "Dread Dialectics." Small Axe: A Caribbean Journal of Criticism 24, no. 3 (November 1, 2020): 228–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07990537-8749914.
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Rounding out a discussion of Moving Against the System: The 1968 Congress of Black Writers and the Making of Global Consciousness, the author engages in a dialogue with his respondents about the significance of the congress. This essay assesses the legacy of the 1968 congress as a manifestation of the black radical tradition and a critical involvement with socialism. Drawing on C. L. R. James and Sylvia Wynter, it argues that black freedom struggles in the Americas and Europe, including slave revolts, have been an essential part of the history of labor and freedom struggles. It also contends that race has been overdetermined in ways that have historically understated the centrality of black labor to the emergence of modern capitalism, to anticapitalist struggle, and to the movement for universal freedom and a more broadly defined socialism. The essay concludes by asserting that black radical politics pose a challenge to the color- and colonial-blindness of the conventional Left while at the same time reimaging what freedom can mean in the present.
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Mgbako, Ofole. "“My Blackness is the Beauty of this Land”: Racial Redefinition, African American Culture, and the Creation of the Black World in South Africa's Black Consciousness Movement." Safundi 10, no. 3 (July 2009): 305–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17533170903020924.
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Kuumba, M., and Femi Ajanaku. "Dreadlocks: The Hair Aesthetics of Cultural Resistance and Collective Identity Formation." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 3, no. 2 (October 1, 1998): 227–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.3.2.nn180v12hu74j318.
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Growing dreadlocks, a hair practice usually associated with the Rastafarian movement, has become increasingly popular among people of African descent globally. In concert with other "makers," dreadlocks became symbolic accompaniment to oppositional collective identities associated with the African liberation/Black Power movements. Its spread among African liberationists, womanists, radical artists of African descent reflects counterhegemonic politics. From a combined new social movement and African cultural studies perspective, this research traces the sociopolitical and historical phases of "locking." On the microsociological level, the role that dreadlocks are perceived as playing along three main dimensions of collective identity formation: boundary demarcation, consciousness and negotiation, are explored. The study combines data from fifty-two dreadlocked persons' responses in surveys, interviews, and a focus group with historical documents and sources. Dreadlocks, as contemporary hair aesthetics, can be considered an example of culturally contextualized everyday resistance.
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Ha, Quan Manh, and Conor Hogan. "The Violence of Duality in Adrienne Kennedy’s Funnyhouse of a Negro." Anglica. An International Journal of English Studies, no. 27/1 (September 17, 2018): 121–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.7311/0860-5734.27.1.09.
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Adrienne Kennedy’s psychodrama Funnyhouse of a Negro personifies in her protagonist, Sarah, the internalized racism and mental deterioration that a binary paradigm foments. Kennedy also develops the schizoid consciousness of Sarah to accentuate Sarah’s hybridized and traumatized identity as an African American woman. Kennedy’s play was controversial during the Black Arts Movement, as she refrained from endorsing black nationalist groups like Black Power, constructing instead a nightmare world in which race is the singular element in defining self-worth. In her dramatized indictment of both white supremacy and identity politics, American culture’s pathologized fascination with pigmentation drives the protagonist to solipsistic isolation, and ultimately, to suicide. Kennedy, through the disturbed cast of Sarah’s mind, portrays a world in which race obsession triumphs over any sense of basic humanity. The play urges the audience to accept the absurdity of a dichotomized vision of the world, to recognize the spectral nature of reality, and to transcend the devastation imposed by polarizing rhetoric.
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Harris, Paul W. "Racial Identity and the Civilizing Mission: Double-Consciousness at the 1895 Congress on Africa." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 18, no. 2 (2008): 145–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2008.18.2.145.
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AbstractThe Congress on Africa was held in Atlanta, Georgia, in December 1895 as part of a campaign to promote African American involvement in Methodist missions to Africa. Held in conjunction with the same exposition where Booker T. Washington delivered his famous Atlanta Compromise address, the Congress in some ways shared his accommodationist approach to racial advancement. Yet the diverse and distinguished array of African American speakers at the Congress also developed a complex rationale for connecting the peoples of the African diaspora through missions. At the same time that they affirmed the need for “civilizing” influences as an indispensable element for racial progress, they also envisioned a reinvigorated racial identity and a shared racial destiny emerging through the interactions of black missionaries and Africans. In particular, the most thoughtful participants in the Congress anticipated the forging of a black civilization that combined the unique gifts of their race with the progressive dynamics of Christian culture. These ideas parallel and likely influenced W. E. B. Du Bois's concept of double-consciousness. At a time when the missionary movement provided the most important source of awareness about Africa among African Americans, it is possible to discern in the proceedings of the Congress on Africa the glimmerings of a new pan-African consciousness that was destined to have a profound effect on African American intellectual life in the twentieth century.
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Zwelakhe, Sisulu, and Thomas Karis. "People’s Education for People’s Power." Issue 15 (1987): 18–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004716070050599x.
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When the 35-year-old Zwelakhe Sisulu arose to deliver the keynote address reproduced below, he stepped into a spotlight of national leadership toward which he had been moving for a decade. From an important role in the Black Consciousness Movement, he had become a leading strategic thinker for the United Democratic Front, South Africa’s most widely representative, nonracial coalition. Described by a colleague as “a charismatic, handsome figure with a resonant voice,” a man of “sharp intellect” and “sharp wit,” he is now recognized as one of the country’s outstanding younger leaders, comparable to Steve Biko, who died at the hands of the security police in 1977.
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Naidoo, Leigh-Ann. "The Role of Radical Pedagogy in the South African Students Organisation and the Black Consciousness Movement in South Africa, 1968–1973." Education as Change 19, no. 2 (May 4, 2015): 112–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/16823206.2015.1085614.
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Garrin, Ashley R., and Sara B. Marcketti. "The Impact of Hair on African American Women’s Collective Identity Formation." Clothing and Textiles Research Journal 36, no. 2 (December 5, 2017): 104–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0887302x17745656.
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The Black Pride and Power Movements of the 1960s and 1970s changed the aesthetic of the larger African American community, promoting self-affirmation and reclaiming African pride. As individuals engaged in the movement, they began to internalize new meanings and understandings of themselves, leading to self-transformation and collective identity that promoted the specific political ideology and agenda of the group. In this research, the lived experiences of African American women who were emerging adults (ages 18–25) during the Civil Rights Movement from 1960 to 1974 were examined, through in-depth interviews, to understand their experiences with wearing natural hairstyles during this time. Seven participants highlighted how wearing natural hair was used in the three dimensions of collective identity formation: boundaries, consciousness, and negotiation. Participants’ counterhegemonic use of appearance constructed, created, and negotiated a collective identity that was aligned with demonstration for racial equality of African Americans.
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Yakovenko, Iryna. "Women’s voices of protest: Sonia Sanchez and Nikki Giovanni’s poetry." Vìsnik Marìupolʹsʹkogo deržavnogo unìversitetu. Serìâ: Fìlologìâ 13, no. 23 (2020): 130–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-3055-2020-13-23-130-139.
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The paper explores contemporary African American women’s protest poetry in the light of the liberation movements of the mid-20th century – Black Power, Black Arts Movement, Second Wave Feminism. The research focuses on political, social, cultural and aesthetic aspects of the Black women’s resistance poetry, its spirited dialogue with the feminist struggle, and undertakes its critical interpretation using the methodological tools of Cultural Studies. The poetics and style of protest poetry by Sonia Sanchez and Nikki Giovanni, whose literary works have received little scholarly attention literary studies in Ukraine, are analyzed. Protest poetry is defined as politically and socially engaged verse which is oppositional, contestatory and resistant in its subject matter, as well as in the form of (re)presentation. Focusing on political and societal issues, such as slavery, racism, segregation, gender inequality, African American protest poetry is characterized by discourse of resistance and confrontation, disruption of standard English grammar, as well as conventional spelling and syntax. It is argued that militant poems of Sonia Sanchez are marked by the imitations of black speech rhythms and musical patterns of jazz and blues. Similarly, Nikki Giovanni relies on the oral tradition of African American people while creating poetry which was oriented towards performance. The linguistic content of Sanchez and Giovanni’s verses is lowercase lettering for notions associated with “white america”, obscenities targeted at societal racist practices, and erratic capitalization, nonstandard spacing, onomatopoeic syllables, use of vernacular as markers of Black culture. The works of African American women writers, which are under analysis in the essay, constitute creative poetic responses to traumatic history of African American people. Protest poetry of Sonia Sanchez and Nikki Giovanni explicitly express the rhetoric of Black nationalism and comply with the aesthetic principles of the Black Arts movement. They are perceived as consciousness-raising texts by their creators and the audiences they are addressed to. It is argued that although protest and resistance poetry is time- and context-bound, it can transcend the boundaries of historical contexts and act as timeless texts.
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Bakhtiar, Siavash. "Black Skin, Red Masks: Racism, Communism and the Quest of Subjectivity in Ralph Ellison’ Invisible Man." European Journal of Social Science Education and Research 6, no. 1 (April 30, 2019): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v6i1.p6-14.
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This essay aims at proposing a study of Ralph Ellison’s novel Invisible Man (1952), where the author focuses on the difficult journey of black intellectuals in quest for a strong black identity in post-war America. The theoretical reflection in this paper is based, in a first phase, on the philosophical and political perspectives of thinkers such as Jean-Paul Sartre, Maurice Merleau-Ponty and Frantz Fanon, whose works and debates have articulated an important source to understand the quest of subjectivity and intellectual consciousness in the 1950s, a period marked not only by the emergence of civil rights movement and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, but also the progressive replacement of Communism by alternative emancipatory currents such as existentialism, postcolonialism and (post-) structuralism. From this discussion, the essay indicates, how (post-) Marxist thinkers, like Etienne Balibar, investigate the limits of the a priori paradigms promoted by the traditional humanistic (natural law-positive law) and communist narratives (alienation-emancipation), which lack conceptual and historical efficacy when it comes to understand and respond to new (bio-capitalist) forms of discrimination, which constantly evolve according to the epoch and the place.
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Boisseau, Tracey Jean. "Coming of Age with Anne Moody." Meridians 19, no. 1 (April 1, 2020): 32–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15366936-8117713.
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Abstract This essay offers a close reading of Anne Moody’s widely read but under-theorized memoir of the civil rights movement, Coming of Age in Mississippi (1968). This essay’s focus mirrors a main focus in Moody’s narrative: her relationship with her mother. Much of the body of literary criticism, as well as historical writings dealing with African American mother-daughter conflict, centers on the observation that Black mothers have often found themselves in conflict with daughters whom they seek to protect by schooling them in accommodationist behavior to better survive in the face of white racism and violence. To strand the analysis there, however, leaves one unable to understand the historically specific nature of the acute generational conflict between Moody and her mother and leaves one without structural explanation for young people’s unprecedented involvement in the 1950s–1960s civil rights movement. This article explores Anne Moody’s daughterly point of view as expressed in her writing to understand why and how Anne was able to develop a distinct sense of self and consciousness, one that alienated her from her mother and laid the groundwork for her activist leadership as well as that of her generational cohort.
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Guyver, Robert. "Doing justice to their history: London’s BAME students and their teachers reflecting on decolonising the history curriculum." Historical Encounters: A journal of historical consciousness, historical cultures, and history education 8, no. 2 (May 6, 2021): 156–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.52289/hej8.209.
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This paper examines qualitative data emerging from interviews in five London schools with different groups of BAME ([British] Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic) students aged between 14 and 18 (a total of 33), and seven of their teachers. The students are questioned about their reactions to the taught curriculum especially in the light of their sometimes complex but common postcolonial identities. The methodology followed here, that of Bourdieusian relational phenomenology (Atkinson, 2020), mirrors both the literature review and the conclusions, in that the history of the movement of peoples as a consequence of colonisation and empire not only explains the way Britain is but also defines an imperative for societal and curriculum change. The contextual literature relates to some of the history of migration and settlement including in London, and to some aspects of historiography, especially the work of Peter Fryer (1984/2018), Catherine Hall (2002), Rosina Visram (1994, 2002) and David Olusoga (2014, 2015) to demonstrate that Black history is British history and that there is a mutual responsibility to rediscover what has been hidden and forgotten. But that history, with its power relations, is also intertwined and interrelated with relationships between citizens in society today. The core and periphery paradigm (Mycock, 2017) is clearly reflected in the concept of double-consciousness (Du Bois, 1903; Gilroy, 1993) as both a personal and curriculum dimension. The findings demonstrate the importance of a history education that connects migration, empire and postcoloniality, for all citizens, including those wielding official power. Four themes emerge for analysis: double-consciousness; curriculum and pedagogy; understanding power relations; and citizenship, social justice and curriculum change.
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Sène, Jean-Jacques Ngor. "For Africans in World History: Extended Forms of Democratic Pluralism." Asian Review of World Histories 7, no. 1-2 (January 23, 2019): 24–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22879811-12340045.
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Abstract Few scholars have been successful at articulating with as much clarity as Patrick Manning does, the relevance and centrality of African history to world history. The historical experiences of the peoples of Africa, within, above, and beyond the Anthropocene, had not been synthetized with a view of globalizing certain Forms of the African Past as integral pieces of the mosaic of the Human Adventure. This essay presents the extent of Manning’s contributions to the debates regarding the general concept of Afrocentricity in practice, namely in relation to the construction of functional global institutions where learned citizens congregate to boost humanity’s intellectual capital. Pat Manning stands out for deconstructing in engaging arrangements—that is, in bravura and substance—the marginalization of Africa and Africans in the academic deliberations about the emergence of cosmopolitan Modernity over the past six or seven centuries at a global scale. Manning-Senseï reverberates in global academia the influences of Black peoples on “the Human System in Movement.” On the other hand, Manning arguably evades the moralization of the discourse that participates in the travails for the restoration of historical consciousness in Black Africa, inducing thereby the ubiquitous question of contemporary world historians’ political responsibility.
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Boing, Leonessa, Aline Dandara Rafael, Helena de Oliveira Braga, Alan de Jesus Pires De Moraes, Fabiana Flores Sperandio, and Adriana Coutinho de Azevedo Guimarães. "Dance as treatment therapy in breast cancer patients – a systematic review." Revista Brasileira de Atividade Física & Saúde 22, no. 4 (July 1, 2017): 319–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.12820/rbafs.v.22n4p319-331.
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This systematic review aimed to identify and analyse articles which investigated the influence of dance as adjuvant therapy in breast cancer. The selected databases were PsycInfo, PubMed, The Cochrane Library, ScienceDirect and the Virtual Health Library (VHL). The following descriptors were considered for the selection of articles: [dance therapy] OR [movement therapy] OR [complementary therapies] AND [breast cancer] OR [cancer neoplasms] OR [breast tumor] OR [breast carcinoma] present in the titles or abstracts of the articles. The quality of the data was evaluated by means of the methodological criteria proposed by Downs and Black. Eleven articles were found. The approach followed in methodologies were dance therapy movement, Greek dance, Sacred dance, ballroom dance, classical ballet and jazz. Favorable results were found for self-image, femininity, mood, self-esteem, physical well-being, perceived stress, pain, consciousness, depression, couples trust, anxiety and fear. It was observed better range of motion and strength in upper limp, and also improvement in functional capacity. The authors pointed dance as an effective alternative adjuvant treatment in breast cancer. Dance promotes psychological benefits in women in breast cancer, as well as improvements in upper limbs. Future studies are recommended with best scientific evidence, in order to investigate interventions with dance during other treatment and disease stage and with other forms of dance.
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Kangwa, Jonathan. "Reading The Bible With African Lenses: Exodus 20:1–17 As Interpreted by Simon Kapwepwe." Expository Times 132, no. 11 (June 23, 2021): 465–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00145246211021861.
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The bible has been differently received, read, interpreted and appropriated in African communities. Political freedom fighters in Zambia used the bible to promote black consciousness and an awareness of African identity. The first group of freedom fighters who emerged from the Mwenzo and Lubwa mission stations of the Free Church of Scotland in North Eastern Zambia read and interpreted the bible in a manner that encouraged resistance against colonialism and the marginalization of African culture. This paper adds to current shifts in African biblical scholarship by considering Simon Mwansa Kapwepwe’s interpretation of Exodus 20:1–17 in the context of Zambia’s movement for political and ecclesiastical independence. Kapwepwe belonged to the first group of freedom fighters - fighting alongside Kenneth Kaunda who would become the first President of Zambia. The present paper shows how Kapwepwe brought the biblical text into dialogue with the African context to address urgent issues of his time, including colonialism.