Journal articles: 'Black Death Plague Plague'

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Wood, James, and Sharon DeWitte-Aviña. "Was the Black Death yersinial plague?" Lancet Infectious Diseases 3, no. 6 (2003): 327–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1473-3099(03)00651-0.

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Raoult, Didier. "Was the Black Death yersinial plague?" Lancet Infectious Diseases 3, no. 6 (2003): 328. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1473-3099(03)00652-2.

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Wood, James, and Sharon DeWitte-Aviña. "Was the Black Death yersinial plague?" Lancet Infectious Diseases 4, no. 8 (2004): 485. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1473-3099(04)01100-4.

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Callaway, Ewen. "Plague genome: The Black Death decoded." Nature 478, no. 7370 (2011): 444–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/478444a.

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Ziegler, Michelle. "The Black Death and the Future of the Plague." Medieval Globe 1, no. 1 (2015): 259–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17302/tmg.1-1.10.

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This essay summarizes what we know about the spread of Yersinia pestis today, assesses the potential risks of tomorrow, and suggests avenues for future collaboration among scientists and humanists. Plague is both a re-emerging infectious disease and a developed biological weapon, and it can be found in enzootic foci on every inhabited continent except Australia. Studies of the Black Death and successive epidemics can help us to prepare for and mitigate future outbreaks (and other pandemics) because analysis of medieval plagues provides a crucial context for modern scientific discoveries and theories. These studies prevent us from stopping at easy answers, and they force us to acknowledge that there is still much that we do not understand.

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Green, Monica H. "The Four Black Deaths." American Historical Review 125, no. 5 (2020): 1601–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhaa511.

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Abstract The Black Death, often called the largest pandemic in human history, is conventionally defined as the massive plague outbreak of 1346 to 1353 c.e. that struck the Black Sea and Mediterranean, extended into the Middle East, North Africa, and western Europe, and killed as much as half the total population of those regions. Yet genetic approaches to plague’s history have established that Yersinia pestis, the causative organism of plague, suddenly diverged in Central Asia at some point before the Black Death, splitting into four new branches—a divergence geneticists have called the “Big Bang.” Drawing on a “biological archive” of genetic evidence, I trace the bacterial descendants of the Big Bang proliferation, comparing that data to historical human activities in and around the area of plague’s emergence. The Mongols, whose empire emerged in 1206, unwittingly moved plague through Central Eurasia in the thirteenth, not the fourteenth, century. Grain shipments that the Mongols brought with them to several sieges, including the siege of Baghdad, were the most likely mechanism of transmission. The fourteenth century plague outbreaks represent local spillover events out of the new plague reservoirs seeded by the military campaigns of the thirteenth century.

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Singer, Rachel. "The Black Death in the Maghreb." Journal of Medieval Worlds 2, no. 3-4 (2020): 115–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jmw.2020.2.3-4.115.

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The Black Death in the Maghreb is severely understudied. There is little scholarship on the Maghrebi experience of the second pandemic in general. That which exists bases its conclusions on Al-Andalusi and Middle Eastern sources and does not incorporate the paleoscientific data which has shed light on plague outbreaks for which there is less traditional evidence. As a result, little is known about the Maghrebi Black Death, and this ignorance is detrimental to our understanding of the Black Death in adjacent regions, especially Sub-Saharan Africa. This paper surveys the existing scholarship on plague in fourteenth-century North Africa and argues that the field both needs and deserves further attention. It then suggests directions for further study grounded in an interdisciplinary approach incorporating paleoscience, plague ecology, archaeology, and a reexamination of Maghrebi primary texts.

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Alfani, Guido, and Tommy E. Murphy. "Plague and Lethal Epidemics in the Pre-Industrial World." Journal of Economic History 77, no. 1 (2017): 314–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050717000092.

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This article provides an overview of recent literature on plagues and other lethal epidemics, covering the period from late Antiquity to ca. 1800. We analyze the main environmental and institutional factors that shaped both the way in which a plague originated and spread and its overall demographic and socioeconomic consequences. We clarify how the same pathogen shows historically different epidemiological characteristics, and how apparently similar epidemics could have deeply different consequences. We discuss current debates about the socioeconomic consequences of the Black Death and other plagues. We conclude with historical lessons to understand modern “plagues.”

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Daniszewski, Piotr. "Pestis (Yersinia pestis) - As Biological Weapons." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 9 (September 2013): 84–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.9.84.

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Yersinia pestis (formerly Pasteurella pestis) is a type of bacterium. It is believed to have been responsible for plagues of the early 1300s. More accurately, it is a Gram-negative rod-shaped coccobacillus. It is a facultative anaerobe that can infect humans and other animals. Human Y. pestis infection takes three main forms: pneumonic, septicemic, and bubonic plagues. All three forms are widely believed to have been responsible for a number of high-mortality epidemics throughout human history, including the Justinianic Plague of the sixth century and the Black Death that accounted for the death of at least one-third of the European population between 1347 and 1353. It has now been shown conclusively that these plagues originated in rodent populations in China. More recently, Y. pestis has gained attention as a possible biological warfare agent and the CDC has classified it as a category A pathogen requiring preparation for a possible terrorist attack. Every year, thousands of cases of plague are still reported to the World Health Organization, although, with proper treatment, the prognosis for victims is now much better. A five- to six-fold increase in cases occurred in Asia during the time of the Vietnam war, possibly due to the disruption of ecosystems and closer proximity between people and animals. Plague also has a detrimental effect on non-human mammals. In the United States of America, animals such as the black-tailed prairie dog and the endangered black-footed ferret are under threat from the disease.

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Slack, P. "Plague: Black Death and Pestilence in Europe." English Historical Review 119, no. 483 (2004): 1050. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/119.483.1050.

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Callan, Maeve. "Plague, Prejudice, and Possibility." Janus Head 19, no. 1 (2021): 6–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jh20211912.

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This essay explores connections between the fourteenth-century “Black Death” and the current COVID-19 pandemic, focusing on the ways in which prejudice and inequality exacerbate their impacts and considering how the upheaval created by catastrophe creates opportunity for greater equity and community, but also exploitation and oppression, depending on human response.

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Schmid, Boris V., Ulf Büntgen, W. Ryan Easterday, et al. "Climate-driven introduction of the Black Death and successive plague reintroductions into Europe." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 112, no. 10 (2015): 3020–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1412887112.

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The Black Death, originating in Asia, arrived in the Mediterranean harbors of Europe in 1347 CE, via the land and sea trade routes of the ancient Silk Road system. This epidemic marked the start of the second plague pandemic, which lasted in Europe until the early 19th century. This pandemic is generally understood as the consequence of a singular introduction of Yersinia pestis, after which the disease established itself in European rodents over four centuries. To locate these putative plague reservoirs, we studied the climate fluctuations that preceded regional plague epidemics, based on a dataset of 7,711 georeferenced historical plague outbreaks and 15 annually resolved tree-ring records from Europe and Asia. We provide evidence for repeated climate-driven reintroductions of the bacterium into European harbors from reservoirs in Asia, with a delay of 15 ± 1 y. Our analysis finds no support for the existence of permanent plague reservoirs in medieval Europe.

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Dewitte, Sharon N. "The Anthropology of Plague: Insights from Bioarcheological Analyses of Epidemic Cemeteries." Medieval Globe 1, no. 1 (2015): 97–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.17302/tmg.1-1.5.

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Most research on historic plague has relied on documentary evidence, but recently researchers have examined the remains of plague victims to produce a deeper understanding of the disease. Bioarcheological analysis allows the skeletal remains of epidemic victims to bear witness to the contexts of their deaths. This is important for our understanding of the experiences of the vast majority of people who lived in the past, who are not typically included in the historical record. This paper summarizes bioarcheological research on plague, primarily investigations of the Black Death in London (1349–50), emphasizing what anthropology uniquely contributes to plague studies.

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Fazlinejad, Ahmad, and Farajollah Ahmadi. "The Impact of the Black Death on Iranian Trade (1340s-1450s A.D.)." Iran and the Caucasus 23, no. 3 (2019): 221–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20190302.

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The Great Plague, generally known as the Black Death, swept many parts of the three continents of Asia, Africa and Europe in the mid-14th century repeatedly for decades and inflicted widespread demographical, social and economic consequences. Contrary to the common attitude of researchers in neglecting the spread of the Black Death in Iran during the 14th century and its relapse periods, findings of this study indicate that the Great Plague, which had numerous victims in Iran, mostly disrupted the country’s commercial relationships with the plague-stricken trade routes and centers. Moreover, due to the tragic consequences caused by the Black Death, Iran lost its position as one of the main routes in the international trade. In this study, based predominantly on historiographical sources in Persian and Arabic, Iran’s position in international trade in the era of Black Death is analyzed.

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Sergiev, V. P., and B. S. Kaganov. "The Black Death. Part 2. Plague in Moscow." Infekcionnye bolezni 15, no. 3 (2017): 75–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.20953/1729-9225-2017-3-75-88.

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Mengel, D. C. "A Plague on Bohemia? Mapping the Black Death." Past & Present 211, no. 1 (2011): 3–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtq069.

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Dean, Katharine R., Fabienne Krauer, Lars Walløe, et al. "Human ectoparasites and the spread of plague in Europe during the Second Pandemic." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 115, no. 6 (2018): 1304–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1715640115.

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Plague, caused by the bacterium Yersinia pestis, can spread through human populations by multiple transmission pathways. Today, most human plague cases are bubonic, caused by spillover of infected fleas from rodent epizootics, or pneumonic, caused by inhalation of infectious droplets. However, little is known about the historical spread of plague in Europe during the Second Pandemic (14–19th centuries), including the Black Death, which led to high mortality and recurrent epidemics for hundreds of years. Several studies have suggested that human ectoparasite vectors, such as human fleas (Pulex irritans) or body lice (Pediculus humanus humanus), caused the rapidly spreading epidemics. Here, we describe a compartmental model for plague transmission by a human ectoparasite vector. Using Bayesian inference, we found that this model fits mortality curves from nine outbreaks in Europe better than models for pneumonic or rodent transmission. Our results support that human ectoparasites were primary vectors for plague during the Second Pandemic, including the Black Death (1346–1353), ultimately challenging the assumption that plague in Europe was predominantly spread by rats.

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Dumay, Anne, Olivier Gergaud, Maryline Roy, and Jean-Pierre Hugot. "Is Crohn’s Disease the Price to Pay Today for Having Survived the Black Death?" Journal of Crohn's and Colitis 13, no. 10 (2019): 1318–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ecco-jcc/jjz062.

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Abstract Background and Aims Nucleotide Oligomerisation Domain 2 [NOD2] is a key gene of innate immunity which participates in the host defence against pathogens. Several loss-of-function NOD2 mutations are associated with Crohn’s disease [CD]. Their high frequencies in populations of European ancestry suggest a model of balancing selection. Because NOD2 deficiency has been associated with a resistance to Yersinia pseudotuberculosis in mice, we hypothesised that NOD2 mutations have been selected during past plague outbreaks due to the closely related bacterium Yersinia pestis. Methods Contemporary frequencies of the main CD-associated NOD2 mutations [R702W, G908R, and 1007fs], measured in healthy people from European and Mediterranean countries, were collected from 60 studies via a PubMed search. Plague exposure was calculated from a dataset providing outbreaks from 1346 to 1860 in Europe and the Mediterranean Bassin. A plague index was built to capture the intensity of plague exposure in the studied geographical areas. Results NOD2 mutation frequencies were associated with the past exposure to plague. Statistical significance was obtained for the most frequent mutation [R702W, p = 0.03] and for the pooled three mutations [p = 0.023]. The association remained significant when putative demographic biases were considered. Conclusions This result argues for a selection of CD-associated NOD2 mutations by plague outbreaks and further questioned the role of exposure to enteropathogenic Yersinia species in CD.

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Guellil, Meriam, Oliver Kersten, Amine Namouchi, et al. "A genomic and historical synthesis of plague in 18th century Eurasia." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 117, no. 45 (2020): 28328–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2009677117.

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Plague continued to afflict Europe for more than five centuries after the Black Death. Yet, by the 17th century, the dynamics of plague had changed, leading to its slow decline in Western Europe over the subsequent 200 y, a period for which only one genome was previously available. Using a multidisciplinary approach, combining genomic and historical data, we assembledY. pestisgenomes from nine individuals covering four Eurasian sites and placed them into an historical context within the established phylogeny. CHE1 (Chechnya, Russia, 18th century) is now the latest Second Plague Pandemic genome and the first non-European sample in the post-Black Death lineage. Its placement in the phylogeny and our synthesis point toward the existence of an extra-European reservoir feeding plague into Western Europe in multiple waves. By considering socioeconomic, ecological, and climatic factors we highlight the importance of a noneurocentric approach for the discussion on Second Plague Pandemic dynamics in Europe.

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Green, Monica. "Taking "Pandemic" Seriously: Making the Black Death Global." Medieval Globe 1, no. 1 (2015): 27–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.17302/tmg.1-1.3.

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This essay introduces the inaugural issue of The Medieval Globe, “Pandemic Disease in the Medieval World: Rethinking the Black Death”. It suggests that the history of the pathogen Yersinia pestis, as it has now been reconstructed by molecular biology, allows for an expanded definition of the Second Plague Pandemic. Historiography of the Black Death has hitherto focused on a limited number of vector and host species, and on Western Europe and those parts of the Islamicate world touching the Mediterranean littoral. Biological considerations suggest the value of a broadened framework, one that encompasses an enlarged range of host species and draws on new archeological, genetic, and historical researches to look for the presence of plague in the premodern Indian Ocean basin and East Africa, areas where it has previously not been suspected.

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Sergiev, V. P., and B. S. Kaganov. "The Black Death. I. Plague in the medieval Europe." Infekcionnye bolezni 15, no. 2 (2017): 81–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.20953/1729-9225-2017-2-81-94.

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Sergiev, V. P., and B. S. Kaganov. "The Black Death. Part 2. Plague in Moscow (II)." Infekcionnye bolezni 15, no. 4 (2017): 100–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.20953/1729-9225-2017-4-100-111.

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Olson, K., and R. Prusak. "Plague in the 90's — the black death returns." American Journal of Infection Control 21, no. 2 (1993): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0196-6553(93)90250-8.

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Badham, Sally. "Monumental Brasses and The Black Death – A Reappraisal." Antiquaries Journal 80, no. 1 (2000): 207–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581500050228.

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It has long been assumed that the Black Death totally devastated the brass engraving industry in England, but no previous study has focused specifically on this period. Stylistic analysis, particularly of the inscriptions, shows that there was continuity of production in the London A workshop right through the period of recurrent plague and that a second workshop, London B, was established towards the end of the 1350s. The workshops appear to have responded to a reduced supply of skilled labour by limiting their product range. The brasses of the plague years are modest in comparison with earlier brasses, though those commemorated were not of lower social status. No large figure brasses date from this decade, though significant numbers of minor compositions were produced. This temporary inability to supply elaborate, high-quality figure brasses enabled the Tournai ateliers to expand exports to England.

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Ross, Cheryl Lynn. "The Plague of The Alchemist." Renaissance Quarterly 41, no. 3 (1988): 439–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2861756.

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In 1610, the plague hit London with unusual force. Ever since the Black Death more than a century earlier, bubonic plague had been endemic to Britain, and city dwellers were accustomed to the loss often or fifteen lives each year. But when the number of plague deaths exceeded thirty or forty, panic threatened. Then public gathering-places, such as theaters, were closed, since the disease was thought to spread directly through human contact. A predictable exodus from the city began: anyone with money and access to a country house fled for the duration of the epidemic, leaving the less fortunate in the grip of “the Poor's Plague.“’ When members of the dominant social classes decamped, they delegated household authority to their servants. These temporary aristocrats shared the city with quack doctors who sold unicorn's horn and patent nostrums guaranteed to cure the disease. The city took on a macabre carnival atmosphere of license, at least for those who were still healthy.

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Borsch, Stuart. "Plague Depopulation and Irrigation Decay in Medieval Egypt." Medieval Globe 1, no. 1 (2015): 125–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17302/tmg.1-1.6.

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Starting with the Black Death, and continuing over the century and a half that followed, plague depopulation brought about the ruin of Egypt’s irrigation system, the motor of its economy. For many generations, the Egyptians who survived the plague therefore faced a tragic new reality: a transformed landscape and way of life significantly worsened by plague, a situation very different from that of plague survivors in Europe. This article looks at the ways in which this transformation took place. It measures the scale and scope of rural depopulation and explains why it had such a significant impact on the agricultural infrastructure and economy.

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Harper, Kyle. "Pandemics and passages to late antiquity: rethinking the plague of c.249–270 described by Cyprian." Journal of Roman Archaeology 28 (2015): 223–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759415002470.

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Pandemic events are surpassingly rare in human history. Yet the period we call late antiquity could be considered the age of pandemic disease. It began and ended with the Antonine plague that erupted in the mid-160s A.D. and the Justinianic plague of the mid-6th c. Modern interest in these pandemics has waxed and waned. It was long taken for granted that these events played a major rôle in the fate of the Roman empire. In the mid-20th c., however, attention subsided. Historical demography struggled to make inroads into the discipline of ancient history. In the case of the Antonine plague, a critical article of J. F. Gilliam turned focus away from the disease for a generation. Only in the last 20 years, with the rise of historical demography in ancient studies, and a broader interest in environmental history, have the Antonine and Justinianic plagues received their proper due. Attention has focused on the epidemiology and impact of these events. The Antonine plague is most plausibly identified as smallpox, based on the presentation of the disease described by the contemporary physician Galen, and should qualify as the first pandemic in all of human history. It struck the empire at the apex of its power and prosperity. Its severe demographic effects now seem widely accepted, although there is lively debate about its long-term geopolitical and social consequences. For the Justinianic plague neither its demographic scope nor the long-range consequences are in doubt. Securely identified by both clinical description and paleomolecular evidence, Yersinia pestis arrived in 541 and struck recurrently for over two centuries; like the Black Death in the 14th c., the first bubonic plague fundamentally reshaped the trajectory of European populations.

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Winkelstein, W. "The Barbary Plague: The Black Death in Victorian San Francisco." American Journal of Epidemiology 161, no. 3 (2005): 299–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/aje/kwi032.

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Titball, Richard W. "Plague: A natural history of Yersinia pestis." Biochemist 26, no. 2 (2004): 11–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1042/bio02602011.

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Yersinia pestis is the aetiological agent of plague, a disease that has a place in history as one the major causes of death from the 14th to the 17th Centuries1. It is estimated that, during the Black Death pandemic, approximately 30% of the population of Europe died of plague, and so great in number were the corpses that, in many parts of Europe, the dead were placed in burial pits rather than receiving individual burials. Y. pestis has also been responsible for two other pandemics of disease. The first of these, the Justinian plague, occurred during the 1st Century. The third pandemic occurred during the latter part of the 19th Century and was confined mainly to South-East Asia1. Even today, several thousand cases of plague are reported to the World Health Organization each year, mainly from South-East Asia, the southwestern parts of the USA, Madagascar and Africa.

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Bramanti, Barbara, Katharine R. Dean, Lars Walløe, and Nils Chr. Stenseth. "The Third Plague Pandemic in Europe." Proceedings of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences 286, no. 1901 (2019): 20182429. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rspb.2018.2429.

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Plague has a long history on the European continent, with evidence of the disease dating back to the Stone Age. Plague epidemics in Europe during the First and Second Pandemics, including the Black Death, are infamous for their widespread mortality and lasting social and economic impact. Yet, Europe still experienced plague outbreaks during the Third Pandemic, which began in China and spread globally at the end of the nineteenth century. The digitization of international records of notifiable diseases, including plague, has enabled us to retrace the introductions of the disease to Europe from the earliest reported cases in 1899, to its disappearance in the 1940s. Using supplemental literature, we summarize the potential sources of plague in Europe and the transmission of the disease, including the role of rats. Finally, we discuss the international efforts aimed at prevention and intervention measures, namely improved hygiene and sanitation, that ultimately led to the disappearance of plague in Europe.

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Yule, W. L. "A Scottish Doctor's Association with the Discovery of the Plague Bacdllus." Scottish Medical Journal 40, no. 6 (1995): 184–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003693309504000609.

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Plague killed at least a quarter of the population of Europe in 1348.‘ This was the first wave of the epidemic known as ‘The Black Death’ which continued for two years and then recurred sporadically till the late 17th Century. In London in 1603, 22.6% of the population died from plague and in the outbreak known as The Great Plague of London in 1694 there were over 70,000 deaths out of a population of 460,000. Many English villages were completely wiped out at this time. Marseilles suffered severely in 1720. The next serious outbreak was in Canton in China in 1894, the disease spreading to Hong Kong. 80,000 died, the great majority of these being in China. A Scottish doctor played an important part in the management of this epidemic when it reached the British colony, and by chance found himself on the periphery of the controversy about who first discovered Yersinia Pestis, the Gram negative bacillus that causes plague.

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Beal, Jane. "David K. Coley, Death and the Pearl-Maiden: Plague, Poetry, England. Columbus, OH: The Ohio State University Press, 2018, 220 pp." Mediaevistik 32, no. 1 (2020): 469–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/med.2019.01.122.

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David K. Coley (Associate Professor of English, Simon Fraser University, British Columbia) has produced an intriguing new book examining the four poems of the Pearl Manuscript, Cotton Nero A.x. – Pearl, Cleanness, Patience, and Sir Gawain and the Green Knight – in the context of late-medieval English and European plague treatises, texts, and discourses. Coley considers the Black Plague as a cultural trauma, which deeply affected the poet, who, motivated either by subconscious post-traumatic feeling or conscious artistry, used the same language and exempla used in plague texts in key passages of his poems. Coley indicates that his goal in the book <?page nr="470"?>is “to investigate how the history of the medieval plague experience might be simultaneously forgotten and remembered in late medieval literature” (5) and, more specifically, to examine:

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Hardy, Anne. "The Under-Appreciated Rodent: Harbingers of Plague From the Middle Ages to the Twenty-First Century." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 50, no. 2 (2019): 171–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_01408.

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The history of the rat and the wider rodent family in relation to bubonic plague suggests multiple ways in which different research disciplines can contribute to the understanding of mortality, morbidity, and epidemics in the past: For instance, demographic approaches can can clarify long-term trends in, and disruptions to, patterns of mortality; the study of psychological responses to disease since 1850 can lend insights into past disease behaviors; and archaeological discoveries and the still-developing technology of ancient dna analysis can help in the determination of causes and effects. As the link between the black rat and bubonic plague shows, without the collaboration of interdisciplinary methods, our understanding would surely suffer. The history of plague and the Black Death encompasses far more than the involvement of rats, but the enduring sylvatic reservoirs of plague infection that the rats and their many rodent cousins constituted in the past, and still constitute, should not be blithely discounted.

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Marshall, Louise. "Manipulating the Sacred: Image and Plague in Renaissance Italy*." Renaissance Quarterly 47, no. 3 (1994): 485–532. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2863019.

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The Infamous Black Death of 1348 signaled the reappearance of bubonic plague in Europe after long centuries of absence. Contemporary accounts vividly describe the shock and horror of universal and indiscriminate mortality. From Tournai, Gilles Li Muisis observed that “no one was secure, whether rich, in moderate circumstances or poor, but everyone from day to day waited on the will of the Lord.” In any given area, between one third to half of the population would die. Worse still, the Black Death was only the beginning of a worldwide pandemic, or cyclical series of epidemics, recurring at intervals of two to twenty years throughout Europe until well into the seventeenth century.

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Fazlinejad, Ahmad, and Farajollah Ahmadi. "The Black Death in Iran, according to Iranian Historical Accounts from the Fourteenth through Fifteenth Centuries." Journal of Persianate Studies 11, no. 1 (2018): 56–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341321.

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AbstractThe Black Death, as a unique historical event, has long attracted the attention of medieval and medical historians both in terms of the length of the pandemic and its geographical scope. Nevertheless, historical studies on the Black Death have often neglected the role it played in Iran. The present paper examines Iranian historical accounts of events pertaining to the pandemic in the late Middle Ages and its consequent outbreak in Iran. Its findings can open new frontiers for understanding the broad geographical area impacted by plague and, specifically, its spread in Iran. This paper attempts also to highlight the value of Iranian historical sources from the fourteenth through sixteenth centuries for understanding better the outbreak of the plague.

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Butler, Geoffrey. "Plague, Pentecostalism, and Pastoral Guidance." Pneuma 43, no. 1 (2021): 5–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700747-bja10030.

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Abstract Plagues and pandemics are nothing new for the Christian church. Throughout its history, believers have been forced to grapple with outbreaks, the latest being the COVID-19 crisis of 2020. As a relatively young branch of the Christian faith, Pentecostalism itself does not have a great deal of experience with this subject compared to many older traditions. In addition, with its emphasis on divine healing, a triumphalist attitude has unfortunately hindered some segments of the movement from developing a robust response to sickness and suffering at all. Martin Luther’s sixteenth-century response to the Black Death outbreak in Germany, however, might offer a prime example for contemporary Pentecostals to emulate. His pastoral wisdom, approach to suffering, and distinctive theology of the cross together compose a prudent yet ultimately optimistic take on how Christians should behave in such instances, making his voice an invaluable one for the contemporary church to learn from.

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Grácio, A. J. dos Santos, and Maria Amélia A. Grácio. "Plague: A Millenary Infectious Disease Reemerging in the XXI Century." BioMed Research International 2017 (2017): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2017/5696542.

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Plague, in the Middle Ages known as Black Death, continues to occur at permanent foci in many countries, in Africa, Asia, South America, and even the USA. During the last years outbreaks were reported from at least 3 geographical areas, in all cases after tens of years without reported cases. The recent human plague outbreaks in Libya and Algeria suggest that climatic and other environmental changes in Northern Africa may be favourable for Y. pestis epidemiologic cycle. If so, other Northern Africa countries with plague foci also may be at risk for outbreaks in the near future. It is important to remember that the danger of plague reoccurrence is not limited to the known natural foci, for example, those of Algeria, Angola, and Madagascar. In a general context, it is important that governments know the dangerous impact that this disease may have and that the health and medical community be familiar with the epidemiology, symptoms, treatment, and control of plague, so an appropriated and timely response can be delivered should the worst case happen. Plague can be used as a potential agent of bioterrorism. We have concluded that plague is without a doubt a reemerging infectious disease.

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Néfissa, Kmar Ben, and Anne Marie Moulin. "La peste nord-africaine et la théorie de Charles Nicolle sur les maladies infectieuses." Gesnerus 67, no. 1 (2010): 30–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22977953-06701003.

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Many infectious diseases were described in North Africa in 18th–19th centuries by European travellers. Most of them were allegedly imported by new migrant populations coming from sub-Saharan, European or Middle East countries. Plague outbreaks have been described since the Black Death as diseases of the Mediterranean harbours. Charles Nicolle and his collaborators at the Pasteur Institute were witnesses to the extinction of plague and typhus fever in Tunisia. Both could be considered as endemo-epidemic diseases propagated by ancient nomad communities for centuries. Typhus was exported to other countries; plague was imported by Mediterranean travellers but also hid in unknown wild-animal reservoirs. The role of the bite of a rat’s flea was not confirmed and the pneumonic form might have prevailed in the medieval North African cities. Association between plague, typhus, flu and other causes of immune deficiencies could explain the high morbidity and mortality caused by plague in the past. The authors comment the local history of plague at the light of the evolutionary laws of infectious disease proposed by Charles Nicolle in 1930.

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DEAN, TREVOR. "Plague and crime: Bologna, 1348–1351." Continuity and Change 30, no. 3 (2015): 367–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416015000387.

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ABSTRACTThe historiography of epidemics and crime suggests that we might find effects of plague on criminal behaviour in the years of the Black Death and its aftermath, yet this question has not been systematically investigated by late medieval historians. For the first time, a continuous series of trial records covering the 1340s – for the city of Bologna – is here analysed, and the issue of a ‘breakdown in law and order’ is addressed. The particular patterns of criminal prosecution are revealed and explained, including unusual and unexpected features of continuity in 1348, and surprising developments in the years following, with changes in political context and judicial procedures outweighing any ongoing effects of plague.

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Bos, Gerrit. "The Black Death in Hebrew Literature: Ha-Maamar Be-Qaddaat Ha-Dever (Treatise on Pestilential Fever)." European Journal of Jewish Studies 5, no. 1 (2011): 1–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187247111x579250.

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AbstractHa-Maamar be-Qaddaat ha-dever (Treatise on Pestilential Fever), composed by an anonymous author, is one of several treatises devoted to the subject of plague that exist in Hebrew literature. The treatise is basically a concise regimen of health as it was common throughout the Middle Ages that has been adapted to the special case of the plague and that has been supplemented with a final section of remedies for the time of the plague. Although we do not know the name of the author nor where and when he lived and composed the treatise, we can draw some conclusions from the foreign, non-Hebrew terminology used in the treatise. As several of the foreign terms used for the different plants and remedies are in old Spanish, it seems reasonable to suppose that the author hailed from the Iberian Peninsula and possibly composed the treatise there as well. The frequent quotations in the supplementary section 21 from Spanish Islamic physicians like Ibn Rushd, al-Zahrāwī, al-Ghāfiqī and above all Ibn Zuhr also confirm such a supposition.

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Poxton, Ian R. "Bacteria as biological weapons: The war of the flea." Biochemist 26, no. 2 (2004): 7–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1042/bio02602007.

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Since ancient times, centuries before the term ‘biological warfare’ had been coined and before Pasteur and Koch had developed the germ theory of disease, bacteria have been used as weapons. For example; in 1343 an invading Mongol army threw plague-infested bodies over the walls of a besieged city in Northern Italy to cause outbreaks of the Black Death (plague)1. It was common practice to put animal carcasses into wells or watercourses to pollute a water supply.

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Cohn, Samuel K. "4 Epidemiology of the Black Death and Successive Waves of Plague." Medical History 52, S27 (2008): 74–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025727300072100.

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Butler, Thomas. "The black death past and present. 1. Plague in the 1980s." Transactions of the Royal Society of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene 83, no. 4 (1989): 458–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0035-9203(89)90246-0.

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Fancy, Nahyan, and Monica H. Green. "Plague and the Fall of Baghdad (1258)." Medical History 65, no. 2 (2021): 157–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2021.3.

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AbstractThe recent suggestion that the late medieval Eurasian plague pandemic, the Black Death, had its origins in the thirteenth century rather than the fourteenth century has brought new scrutiny to texts reporting ‘epidemics’ in the earlier period. Evidence both from Song China and Iran suggests that plague was involved in major sieges laid by the Mongols between the 1210s and the 1250s, including the siege of Baghdad in 1258 which resulted in the fall of the Abbasid caliphate. In fact, re-examination of multiple historical accounts in the two centuries after the siege of Baghdad shows that the role of epidemic disease in the Mongol attacks was commonly known among chroniclers in Syria and Egypt, raising the question why these outbreaks have been overlooked in modern historiography of plague. The present study looks in detail at the evidence in Arabic sources for disease outbreaks after the siege of Baghdad in Iraq and its surrounding regions. We find subtle factors in the documentary record to explain why, even though plague received new scrutiny from physicians in the period, it remained a minor feature in stories about the Mongol invasion of western Asia. In contemporary understandings of the genesis of epidemics, the Mongols were not seen to have brought plague to Baghdad; they caused plague to arise by their rampant destruction. When an even bigger wave of plague struck the Islamic world in the fourteenth century, no association was made with the thirteenth-century episode. Rather, plague was now associated with the Mongol world as a whole.

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Earn, David J. D., Junling Ma, Hendrik Poinar, Jonathan Dushoff, and Benjamin M. Bolker. "Acceleration of plague outbreaks in the second pandemic." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 117, no. 44 (2020): 27703–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2004904117.

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Historical records reveal the temporal patterns of a sequence of plague epidemics in London, United Kingdom, from the 14th to 17th centuries. Analysis of these records shows that later epidemics spread significantly faster (“accelerated”). Between the Black Death of 1348 and the later epidemics that culminated with the Great Plague of 1665, we estimate that the epidemic growth rate increased fourfold. Currently available data do not provide enough information to infer the mode of plague transmission in any given epidemic; nevertheless, order-of-magnitude estimates of epidemic parameters suggest that the observed slow growth rates in the 14th century are inconsistent with direct (pneumonic) transmission. We discuss the potential roles of demographic and ecological factors, such as climate change or human or rat population density, in driving the observed acceleration.

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Ha, Sha. "Plague and Literature in Western Europe, from Giovanni Boccaccio to Albert Camus." International Journal of Comparative Literature and Translation Studies 9, no. 3 (2021): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.ijclts.v.9n.3p.1.

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In medieval times the plague hit Europe between 1330 and 1350. The Italian novelist Giovanni Boccaccio, one of the exponents of the cultural movement of Humanism, in the introduction (proem) of his “Decameron” described the devastating effects of the ‘black plague’ on the inhabitants of the city of Florence. The pestilence returned to Western Europe in several waves, between the 16th and 17th centuries. William Shakespeare in “Romeo and Juliet” and other tragedies, and Ben Jonson in “The Alchemist” made several references to the plague, but they did not offer any realistic description of that infective disease. Some decennials later Daniel Defoe, in his “A Journal of the Plague Year” (1719), gave a detailed report about the ‘Great Plague’ which hit England in 1660, based on documents of the epoch. In more recent times, Thomas S. Eliot, composing his poem “The Waste Land” was undoubtedly influenced by the spreading of another infective disease, the so-called “Spanish flu”, which affected him and his wife in December 1918. Some decennials later, the French writer and philosopher Albert Camus, in his novel “The Plague”, symbolized with a plague epidemic the war which devastated Europe, North Africa and the Far East from 1937 to 1945, extolling a death toll of over 50 million victims. Those literary works offered a sort of solace to the lovers of literature. To recall them is the purpose of the present paper, in these years afflicted by the spreading of the Covid-19 Pandemic.

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Winder, Alvin E., and Paul E. Pezza. "Book Reviews: The Barbary Plague: The Black Death in Victorian San Francisco." International Quarterly of Community Health Education 21, no. 3 (2002): 291–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/gbmh-a4u6-52ta-hddf.

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An, Lu Vi. "Epidemics and pandemics in human history: Origins, effects and response measures." Science & Technology Development Journal - Social Sciences & Humanities 4, no. 4 (2020): first. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdjssh.v4i4.612.

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Epidemics and pandemics are kind of the regular disasters that not only threaten human health, but also affect economy, social and politic life of many societies and civilizations. In the timeline of human history, there have long been a lot of catastrophic epidemics, rapidly spreading all over the world, leading to massive deaths and becoming horrible challenges to human existence. They included the plague of Antonine in Ancient Rome; the Justinian pandemic and ``the Black Death'' in the Medieval period; the pandemic of cholera and the Asian plague in the modern age; the 1918- 1919 flu pandemic, the HIV/AIDS pandemic, the influenza pandemic in 2009 and the COVID-19 pandemic in 2019-2020. The main infectious diseases that cause pandemics in human history are plagued, smallpox, cholera and flu. By approaching the macrohistory and environmental history, the article made some overviews of epidemics and pandemics in human history from ancient ages to modern ages. Firstly, the article researches the terms ``epidemic, pandemic" and their levels. Next, the article analyzes the origins of epidemics and pandemics, the causes of their appearance, including biological factors, natural conditions and social conditions. Then, the article presents the outbreaks, spreads and impacts of some significant epidemics and pandemics in human history. Hence, the article also initially evaluates some response measures to epidemics and pandemics in history.

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Gamaliia, V. M., S. P. Ruda, and G. V. Zabuga. "Contribution of Ukrainian Scientists into the Fight against Plague." Mikrobiolohichnyi Zhurnal 83, no. 2 (2021): 93–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/microbiolj83.02.093.

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A review about history of the fighting of Ukrainian scientists against one of the most terrible infectious diseases of mankind is proposed. It is noted that plague epidemics have persecuted mankind during many centuries. For a long time, pandemics of the so-called “black death” broke out in different parts of the world. It is shown how a number of measures were organized in Russian Empire against disease spread: the organization of border outposts, the establishment of quarantine hospitals etc. Ways of searching for the sources of the plague by a number of scientists, in particular, graduates of the Kiev-Mohyla Academy, doctors I.A. Poletika, D.S. Samoylovich, K.I. Yagelsky, A.F. Shafonsky are described. The formation of the anti-plague system in Russian Empire is investigated. The activity of the anti-plague laboratory, organized on the initiative of D.K. Zabolotny in 1880 in St. Petersburg, is shown. The contribution of the doctors G.M. Minkh, V.K. Vysokovich and M.F. Gamaliia in revealing the features of the pathogenesis of plague is described. It is noted that only at the beginning of the 20th century laboratories headed by D.K. Zabolotny and I.I. Mechnikov received significant results regarding the distribution of this dangerous infection. It is proved that only the dedicated work of a number of scientists allowed not only to reduce, but also to overcome the sickness rate of plague. It is noted that the first objective confirmation of the fact that the causative agent of the plague can be transmitted from rodents to humans was obtained in 1912. Considerable attention was paid to studies of the plague infection by D.K. Zabolotny during his expeditions to countries where epidemics arose. The role of Ukrainian scientists in establishing the determining factors of the occurrence of plague, as well as the development of methods for preventing this infectious disease, is emphasized.

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Olajide Ajayi, Adedayo. "Milestone of World Pandemics: A Review on Remedy for COVID-19 Diseases to Revitalize Human Race from Deadly Corona Virus." Journal of Biotechnology Research, no. 72 (April 14, 2021): 27–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.32861/jbr.72.27.33.

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Viruses are microscopic organisms that can only grow within living host cells. Various types of animals such as Rats, Bat, Cows, snakes, and related wild animals can serve as vehicles of transmission of this group of organisms. Novel SARS-CoV-2 belongs to the Coronaviridae family that was reported to have emanated from Wuhan, China in December 2019. It alerts world response against strange viral respiratory disease. As the world reflects on pandemics historically. Epidemics like the London plague of 1665 and the Plague that emanates from Marseille, France of 1720 claimed millions of lives. Among the most dreadful world pandemics are the “Antonine Plague” which occurred in 165AD and claimed 5 million lives in Egypt, Asia, Italy, and Greece. “Plague of Justinian” was reported to have occurred between the years 541 and 542. In addition to this, “The Flu Pandemic” is also referred to as Spanish flu ravaged the world during the year 1918 to 1920, which is about a century ago.”3rd Plague of 1855” originated from China and was responsible for the death of 10 million Indians within one year.” The Black Death” which is a 7 years long pandemic devastated the world between the years 1346 to 1353. It leads to the death of half of the global population and was by far the worst pandemic. HIV-AIDS has peak record deaths between 2005-2012. In the year 2019/2020 COVID-19 broke out severely than MERS-CoV and SARS-CoV which occurred in recent years. One possible best approach for the control of COVID-19 diseases caused by SARS-CoV-2 is to improve the hosts’ immune system. Evidence shows that inflammatory conditions militate against the immune systems of COVID-19 patients. Some other control strategies will include the use of face masks, physical distancing, hand washing, or use of alcohol-based sanitizers and related personal hygiene are important to contain the diseases.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Black Death Plague Plague'

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