Relevant bibliographies by topics / Black elites

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers

Academic literature on the topic 'Black elites'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 4 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Black elites"

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Banks, Patricia A. "Ethnicity, Class and Trusteeship at African-American and Mainstream Museums." Cultural Sociology 11, no. 1 (July 7, 2016): 97–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1749975516651288.

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While Pierre Bourdieu argues that cultural capital is grounded in distinct aesthetic knowledge and tastes among elites, Francie Ostrower emphasizes that cultural capital grows out of the social organization of elite participation in the arts. This article builds on Ostrower’s perspective on cultural capital, as well as Milton Gordon’s concept of the ethclass group and Prudence Carter’s concept of black cultural capital, to elaborate how culture’s importance for class and ethnic cohesion is rooted in the separate spheres of arts philanthropy among black and white elites. The argument is empirically illustrated using the case of arguably the most prominent mainstream and African-American museums in New York City – the Metropolitan Museum of Art (the Met) and the Studio Museum in Harlem (SMH). Findings show that relative to the Met board the SMH board is an important site of unification for elite blacks, and in comparison to the SMH board, the Met board is a notable site of cohesion for elite whites. This article advances theory and research on cultural capital by elaborating how it varies among elite ethclass groups. Moreover, it highlights how the growth of African-American museums not only adds color to the museum field, but also fosters bonds among the black middle and upper class.
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Buehler, Matt, and Mehdi Ayari. "The Autocrat’s Advisors: Opening the Black Box of Ruling Coalitions in Tunisia’s Authoritarian Regime." Political Research Quarterly 71, no. 2 (November 8, 2017): 330–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912917735400.

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Why do autocrats retain some elites as core, long-term members of their ruling coalitions for years, while others are dismissed in months? How and why might the type of elites retained within coalitions vary across time and different autocrats? Although what constitutes an authoritarian regime’s ruling coalition varies across countries, often including the military and dominant parties, this article focuses on one critical subcomponent of it—an autocrat’s cabinet and his elite advisors within it, his ministers. Because coalitions function opaquely to prevent coups, scholars consider their inner-workings a black box. We shed light through an original, exhaustive dataset from the Middle East of all 212 ministers who advised Tunisian autocrats from independence until regime collapse (1956–2011). Extracting data from Arabic sources in Tunisian national archives, we track variation in minister retention to identify which elites autocrats made core, long-term advisors within ruling coalitions. Whereas Tunisia’s first autocrat retained elites as ministers due to biographical similarities, capacity to represent influential social groups, and competence, its second autocrat did not. He became more likely to dismiss types of elites retained under the first autocrat, purging his coalition of ministers perceived to be potential insider-threats due to their favored status under his predecessor.
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Dzankic, Jelena. "Cutting the mists of the Black Mountain:Cleavages in Montenegro's divide over statehood and identity." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 3 (May 2013): 412–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.743514.

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The two decades of Montenegro's transition that followed the disintegration of Yugoslavia were marked by the transformation of the ambitions of the ruling political elites, which pushed the republic that once sought to be a member in a federal state towards independence. The shift in the agendas of the political elites also changed the meaning of the notions of “Montenegrin” and “Serb”. Hence, this paper looks at the cleavages that emerged during Montenegro's divide over statehood and identity. It asserts that elite competition in unconsolidated states prompts the emergence of ethno-cultural cleavages, which are necessary for establishing the identities of political elites and of their followers. The study first identifies the critical junctures for the emergence of functional and structural cleavages in Montenegro and associates these cleavages with the changing political context. It proceeds with an analysis of ethno-cultural cleavages, arguing that these emerged from the politicization of historical narratives. The study concludes by arguing that different types of cleavages supported the division over statehood and identity, and that as a result of the changes in identity in Montenegro, the political reinforcement of overlapping cleavages was essential in order to cement the ethno-cultural identities of the two camps.
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Allen, Richard L., Michael C. Dawson, and Ronald E. Brown. "A Schema-Based Approach to Modeling an African-American Racial Belief System." American Political Science Review 83, no. 2 (June 1989): 421–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1962398.

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We use a cognitive schema-based approach to model an African-American racial belief system, showing the content of racial belief systems in a national sample to be associated with the individual's degree of sodoeconomic status, religiosity, and exposure to black media. We find that African-Americans with a higher sodoeconomic status are less supportive of black political autonomy and that they feel themselves more distant from black masses and black elites than do those of lower socioeconomic status. Religiosity, while unrelated to black autonomy, strengthens closeness to black masses and black elites. Black television—and, to a much lesser degree, black print media—had a consistent impact on the racial belief system. We conclude by discussing the complexity of the African-American racial belief system and potential directions for future work.
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WASOW, OMAR. "Agenda Seeding: How 1960s Black Protests Moved Elites, Public Opinion and Voting." American Political Science Review 114, no. 3 (May 21, 2020): 638–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000305542000009x.

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How do stigmatized minorities advance agendas when confronted with hostile majorities? Elite theories of influence posit marginal groups exert little power. I propose the concept of agenda seeding to describe how activists use methods like disruption to capture the attention of media and overcome political asymmetries. Further, I hypothesize protest tactics influence how news organizations frame demands. Evaluating black-led protests between 1960 and 1972, I find nonviolent activism, particularly when met with state or vigilante repression, drove media coverage, framing, congressional speech, and public opinion on civil rights. Counties proximate to nonviolent protests saw presidential Democratic vote share increase 1.6–2.5%. Protester-initiated violence, by contrast, helped move news agendas, frames, elite discourse, and public concern toward “social control.” In 1968, using rainfall as an instrument, I find violent protests likely caused a 1.5–7.9% shift among whites toward Republicans and tipped the election. Elites may dominate political communication but hold no monopoly.
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Taylor, John A. "Black Death, “Industrial Revolution” and Paper Age collapse." Terra Economicus 18, no. 3 (September 25, 2020): 6–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2073-6606-2020-18-3-6-17.

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This essay discusses first English and then world economic history, starting with the Black Death of 1348–1400AD. When the English population and wealth both increased after 1400, the structure of English development by the year 1700 became a little bit like a spiral, this paper says. The aggregate size of wealth increased, but there was little commensurate change in the distribution of wealth. The eighteenth-century English elite absorbed the elites of Wales and Scotland, and then the Protestant elite of Ireland. Then, on the same model of absorption, an English-speaking elite later came to dominate world wealth. As the world population increased in the early modern period, and as aggregate wealth increased apace, the distribution of world wealth became approximately what the distribution of wealth had been in England in 1700. A tiny group of very wealthy people had controlled the wealth of England in 1700. In the late twentieth century, the English elite absorbed the world elite many of whom adopted the English language and much of English culture. They often sent their children to study in Britain or America. Now this tiny elite group, English in language and usually English in culture, controls much of the wealth of the world while at the same time the ongoing increase in population has produced a huge number of very poor people.
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Human, P., and Linda Human. "Silver spoons and black mobility: The white South African economic elite and its implications for the upward mobility of blacks." South African Journal of Business Management 18, no. 2 (June 30, 1987): 65–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/sajbm.v18i2.1001.

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Implicit in any discussion of the concentration of economic power is the assumption that the South African economy is dominated by a coherent and cohesive white economic elite. Two separate but complementary perspectives can be used to explain this phenomenon. The classical social mobility perspective argues that elites in the western world have tended to reproduce themselves. By a process of 'social closure' which involves the use of two main exclusionary devices - property and credentials - groups attempt to optimize their own rewards by restricting access to resources and opportunities to 'insiders'. The related economic argument suggests that higher profit is achieved through a hegemonic kind of social organization which is sufficiently stable to facilitate the exchange of information and expertise between corporations, thus decreasing risk. The sociological and economic perspectives are analysed using data pertaining to South Africa's business elite. It is found that the sociological perspective is valid but that the economic perspective does not hold ground. The implications of exclusionary closure by the white business elite for both black mobility and the transfer of capital to black people are discussed.
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Chambers, Ali D. "The Failure of the Black Greek Letter Organization." Journal of Black Studies 48, no. 7 (May 26, 2017): 627–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934717709016.

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Between 1906 and 1920, eight of the most prominent Black Greek-letter organizations were established. The creation of the Black fraternity had a dual purpose. First, these organizations were established for the greater purpose of pooling the resources of African Americans in the hopes of acquiring an education. Second, these organizations were formed as an attempt by Black students to gain acceptance into American society. Black Greek-letter organizations are some of the most influential organizations in the country. Collectively, these organizations claim approximately 800,000 members, with many coming from the social elite of Black culture. Despite the great influence and vast membership that these organizations possess, the activities of the Black Greek-letter organization have included secret meetings, selective membership, and a preference for lighter-complexioned members. Moreover, the failure and shortcomings of the Black Greek-letter organization have allowed Black elites to create a separate privileged society based on snobbery and arrogance and have thus enabled these organizations to perpetuate the vicious cycle of racial prejudice and White supremacy.
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Jones, Douglas A. "Black Politics but Not Black People: Rethinking the Social and “Racial” History of Early Minstrelsy." TDR/The Drama Review 57, no. 2 (June 2013): 21–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/dram_a_00259.

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Although American blackface minstrelsy in its early period (1829–1843) esteemed the anti-authoritarian potentiality of black alterity, the form's performers and most influential public (the white working class of the urban northeast) spurned actual black people. In minstrelsy they fashioned “blackness,” a new “race” with which to distinguish themselves from socioeconomic elites as well as African Americans.
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Williams, Kim M., and Lonnie Hannon. "IMMIGRANT RIGHTS IN A DEEP SOUTH CITY." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 13, no. 1 (2016): 139–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x16000060.

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AbstractIn 2010, the Alabama GOP took control of the state legislature for the first time since Reconstruction. The next year, in a sharply partisan vote, the legislature passed, and Governor Robert Bentley (R) signed into law, the Beason-Hammon Alabama Taxpayer and Citizen Protection Act, also known as House Bill 56, the harshest immigration law in the country. This punitive state law was the impetus for Black elites in Birmingham to frame the immigration debate as a matter of civil rights and thus to see the issue in a new light. When Alabama Republicans moved to the Right on immigration, Black leaders in Birmingham moved Left. In this study, backed up by an event analysis of local newspapers, an analysis of interviews with members of the Black elite in Birmingham in 2013, who were previously interviewed in 2007, helps to substantiate this claim. In the summer of 2007, against the backdrop of an immigration debate in Washington, our Black elite study participants largely told us they had no stake in immigration. By 2013, many were willing to fight for immigrant rights at the highest level.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Black elites"

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Farmer, Diane Chilufya Chilangwa. "Professional and managerial black African women : Johannesburg and London’s emerging and transnational elites." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2010. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/283/.

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The number of women entering professional and managerial jobs globally has increased over the past thirty years. However, only a small percentage of texts within feminist and organisational theory specifically address the lives and experiences of professional and managerial Black African women within the workplace and family life. As such, many organisational and social research questions in this area remain unanswered. This thesis examines the work and family lives of professional and managerial Black African women living and working in Johannesburg and London. It explores how such women with relatively similar colonial histories, cultures, career and professional backgrounds handle their complex social positioning. This complexity, as discussed in the thesis, is created mainly through the way in which identity characteristics such as gender, race/ethnicity and class intersect and impact on these women when working in an environment where they are in a minority and viewed in some instances as ‘space invaders’. The impact that these complex social categories, combined with the influences of culture and history, have on their identities as career women, mothers, wives, partners and daughters is also examined. As Black African women with careers in major cities on opposite sides of the globe, these emerging and transnational elite Black African women remain a rarity and hidden gem to most – making them unique both in the workplace and in communities. In London, they are not only minorities within the UK population but minorities in their role as professional and managerial women within the corporate private sector. In Johannesburg, although part of the majority population in the country, they still remain minorities within the professional and managerial circles of that country’s corporate private sector. The method I use to gather data is the Life History approach which allows me, the researcher, to reveal my participants’ individual views and interpretation of their own work and family life experiences. I do this by conducting semi-structured interviews as a means of collecting their ‘life stories’. These stories told by Black African professional and managerial women reflect their views of reality. Through a form of Life History analysis, this mode of enquiry further reveals the importance of acknowledging difference when implementing government and organisational policies that combat barriers brought about by corporate practices and cultural attitudes within the workplace and society as a whole.
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Cox, David George. "White American elites and the 'folk-lore' of black Southerners, c. 1875-1900." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609739.

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Araújo, Airton Fernandes. "Novas elites de poder : os negros na alta burocracia brasileira (2003-2010)." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/139391.

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Esta tese analisa a presença dos negros na alta burocracia brasileira que exerciam no período entre 2003-2010, cargos de Direção e Assessoramento Superior (DAS) nos mais variados ministérios e, principalmente, na Secretaria de Políticas de Promoção da Igualdade Racial (SEPPIR) e na Fundação Cultural Palmares. A hipótese central aqui defendida é a de que os mesmos podem ser considerados elites burocráticas nos moldes daquilo que Wright Mills denominou como “método posicional”. O estudo focalizou num grupo de 104 negros que ocupavam cargos de confiança na administração federal em Brasília por ser essa cidade considerada o centro do poder. A partir daí, por intermédio da prosopografia se analisou os dados relativos à trajetória social e políticas destes negros que compõem a alta burocracia brasileira, bem como a sua relação com os movimentos sociais, partidos políticos, sindicatos e sociedade. Além disso, conhecer a sua formação acadêmica, formas de recrutamento, experiência profissional, relevância do cargo ocupado e então, traçar uma radiografia destes negros que ocupam ou ocuparam cargos no governo federal e verificar se existe um caminho para as posições de poder semelhante a outros grupos de elite no Brasil.
This thesis analyzes the presence of blacks in Brazilian high bureaucracy exercised in the period between 2003-2010, Director of positions and Superior Consulting (DAS) in various ministries and especially the Secretariat for the Promotion of Racial Equality (SEPPIR) and the Palmares Cultural Foundation. The central hypothesis defended here is that they can be considered bureaucratic elites along the lines of what Wright Mills termed as "Positional method". The study focused on a group of 104 black held positions of trust in the federal government in Brasilia to be this city considered the center of power. From there, through the prosopography analyzed data on the social and political trajectory of these blacks who make up the Brazilian high bureaucracy, as well as their relationship with the social movements, political parties, trade unions and society. Also, know your academic background, forms of recruitment, work experience, relevance of the position held and then draw a radiograph of those blacks who hold or have held positions in the federal government and whether there is a way for the similar positions of power to other elite groups in Brazil.
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Carey, Kim M. "Straddling the Color Line| Social and Political Power of African American Elites in Charleston, New Orleans, and Cleveland, 1880-1920." Thesis, Kent State University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3618945.

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From 1880-1920 the United States struggled to incorporate former slaves into the citizenship of the nation. Constitutional amendments legislated freedom for African Americans, but custom dictated otherwise. White people equated power and wealth with whiteness. Conversely, blackness suggested poverty and lack of opportunity. Straddling the Color Line is a multi-city examination of influential and prominent African Americans who lived with one foot in each world, black and white, but who in reality belonged to neither. These influential men lived lives that mirrored Victorian white gentlemen. In many cases they enjoyed all the same privileges as their white counterparts. At other times they were forced into uncomfortable alliances with less affluent African Americans who looked to them for support, protection and guidance, but with whom they had no commonalities except perhaps the color of their skin.

This dissertation argues two main points. One is that members of the black elite had far more social and political power than previously understood. Some members of the black elite did not depend on white patronage or paternalism to achieve success. Some influential white men developed symbiotic relationships across the color line with these elite African American men and they treated each other with mutual affection and respect.

The second point is that the nadir in race relations occurred at different times in different cities. In the three cities studied, the nadir appeared first in Charleston, then New Orleans and finally in Cleveland. Although there were setbacks in progress toward equality, many blacks initially saw the setbacks as temporary regressions. Most members of the elite were unwilling to concede that racism was endemic before the onset of the Twentieth Century. In Cleveland, the appearance of significant racial oppression was not evident until after the World War I and resulted from the Great Migration. Immigrants from the Deep South migrated to the North seeking opportunity and freedom. They discovered that in recreating the communities of their homeland, they also created conditions that allowed racism to flourish.

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Carey, Kim M. "Straddling the Color Line: Social and Political Power of African American Elites in Charleston, New Orleans, and Cleveland, 1880-1920." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1366839959.

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Parker, Terrance U. "A Descriptive Analysis of the Election of a Black Male Elite Middle Class to Public Office and its Role in Improving the Quality of Black Life in the City of Atlanta, Georgia, 1989-1996." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 1998. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/2912.

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The purpose of this case study is to conduct a descriptive analysis of the election of Black males to public office and the role they played in improving the quality of Black life in the city of Atlanta, Georgia. The study has analyzed and examined the impact that education, housing, income, and health care demographic factors have contributed to the election of these males to various committees, boards and commissions in the city of Atlanta and Fulton County Georgia. The study has also examined the political activity of college fraternities, urban voluntary associations, and community based organizations that played a role in the city council race of 1992 in electing a Black as mayor and member of the city council. To measure how effective these males were in improving the quality of Black life the following indicators will be utilized in this study, namely: (a) the improvement of the neighborhoods in Atlanta's Black community, (b) the distribution of goods and services to the Black community, (c) the sponsorship of bills and neighborhood economic development related projects through its candidates, in an attempt to exercise political influence, within the state legislature and the city council in Atlanta, Georgia, (d) the improvement of the quality of health care, housing, income, and(e) education. The principal method of analysis employed for explaining Black male political activity in the city of Atlanta, Georgia has been through the use of a research study conducted by the Clark Atlanta University Political Science Department in Atlanta, Georgia. The study was conducted by undergraduate and graduate students and several members of the faculty. The survey comprises telephone interviews with 100 respondents in the city of Atlanta, Georgia. The data are a unique resource that now makes possible an in-depth investigation of the urban issues, attitudes, and political beliefs and activity of a representative local sample of adult Black Atlanta residents. Each respondent was of voting age, but was not necessarily registered to vote. The sample for the Atlanta survey was drawn using a random-digit-dial design that selected participants disproportionately from different geographic areas within the city of Atlanta representing varying densities of Black population. The survey was inclusive of only those residents living within the (404) area code listing. The racial composition of the household was determined by including a direct question about race in the screening instrument. Members of eligible households found in the screening were eligible for the study if they were Black Americans and were at least 18 years of age.
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Jack, Anthony Abraham. "Same Folks, Different Strokes: Class, Culture, and the “New” Diversity at Elite Colleges and Universities." Thesis, Harvard University, 2016. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:33493607.

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Beginning in 1998, selective colleges began adopting no-loan admissions policies to increase socioeconomic diversity. These colleges, however, get their new diversity from old sources. I show how half of lower-income black undergraduates at elite colleges graduate from boarding, day, and preparatory schools like Exeter and Andover, those whom I call the Privileged Poor, while their peers enter from local, typically troubled public schools—those whom I call the Doubly Disadvantaged (Jack 2014, 2015a). This dissertation draws on in-depth interviews with 103 black, Latino, and white undergraduates and two years of ethnographic observation at pseudonymous Renowned University to explore what sociologists Stevens, Armstrong, and Arum (2008) call, “the experiential core of college life,” the often-overlooked moments between college entry and exit when undergraduates employ different cultural competencies to navigate college and how university policies facilitate this process. Each chapter examines moments of social contact: (1) micro-interactions between peers, (2) engagement between undergraduates and college officials, and (3) undergraduates’ experiences navigating university policies. There are instances where lower social class status is oppressive, but also there are times when cultural resources serve as social buffer to class marginalization. Equally important, I document not only how university practices can exacerbate preexisting inequalities, but also how their effects are unequally distributed. Where the Privileged Poor and Doubly Disadvantaged’s experiences differ, disparate cultural endowments play a larger role in shaping undergraduates’ well-being. Where their experiences align, shared economic disadvantage is more salient. Examining the experiences of those who travel different trajectories to college extends theories of social reproduction and deepens our understanding of both the reproduction of inequality in college and how university policies facilitate these processes.
Sociology
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Guzman, Joseph Andrew. "Walking the Intraracial Tightrope: Balancing Exclusion and Inclusion within an Elite Black Social Club." The Ohio State University, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1522856449666485.

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Jackson, Tameka R. "The Lived Experience of Economically Disadvantaged, Black Students Attending Predominantly White, Elite Private Boarding Schools." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2010. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/cps_diss/51.

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The purpose of this phenomenological study was to explore the lived experiences of economically disadvantaged, Black students attending predominantly White, elite private boarding schools. Data were collected utilizing semi-structured interviews with 9 participants, with each interview lasting approximately 90 minutes. The recursive method of data collection and analysis was informed by six steps outlined by Creswell (1998), as well as Consensual Qualitative Research (CQR) methods (Hill, Thompson, & Williams, 1997). Findings revealed 9 themes associated with participants' experiences: classroom experiences, value of Black peer networks, caught between two worlds, racial perceptions, desire to connect with people of all races, socioeconomic challenges, living away from home challenges, impact of peers on level of success, and significance of relationships with Black faculty. Practice and research implications for Black students attending private school, as well as for private school faculty and administrators, are discussed.
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Bosch, Andrew Norman. "A comparative study of acute responses to running in elite black and white marathon athletes." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001839.

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Experienced male marathon runners, 9 black and 10 white, with marathon times of 2 hours 45 minutes or faster, acted as subjects for the study, the purpose of which was to determine whether black runners are better suited to marathon running than whites. Body composition was determined by anthropometry. Maximal oxygen uptake (VO₂ max) and other physiological variables were measured during a continuous, speed-incremented treadmill protocol using a computer-aided data acquisition system. Subjects also ran a simulated marathon at 92.5% of the running speed at which the ventilatory threshold (VT) occurred. Physiological, gait and RPE variables were measured at 10 minute intervals during the marathon. Major findings are detailed below:- The VO₂, max averaged 60.4 ∓ 6.5 and 63.2 ∓ 2.9 mI. kg⁻¹.min⁻¹ in the black and white runners respectively and was highly correlated with best marathon race time (r = 0.86 and 0.85 respectively) and VT (r = 0.84 and 0.60 respectively) (p < 0.05). No significant differences existed between the groups in submaximal oxygen uptake (VO₂,) or % VO₂ max utilised at 16 km.hr⁻¹, but the estimated % VO₂ max utilised during a marathon race was higher in the black (89.0 ∓ 5.5%) than the white runners (81. 5 ∓ 3.1%) {p .( 0.05). The % VO₂ max utilised at 16 km.hr⁻¹ (84.8 ∓ 9.1 and 78.6 ∓ 5.8% in the black and white runners respectively) was significantly correlated with the % VO₂, max utilised while racing in the white (81.5 ∓ 3.1%) (r = 0.70) (p < 0.05), but not the black runners (89.0 ∓ 5.5%). The VT occurred at 82.7 ∓ 7.7 and 75.6 :∓ 6.2% VO₂; max in the black and white groups respectively (p < 0.05). Post-marathon blood lactic acid levels were lower in the black (1.30 ∓ 0.26 mmo1.l⁻¹) than the white runners (1.59 ∓ 0.20 mmol.l⁻¹). The respiratory exchange ratio (R) was higher in the blacks than whites when running at 16 km.hr ⁻¹ (1.03 ∓ 0.07 and 0.98 ∓ 0.03 respectively) and during the marathon (p < 0.05). There was no significant difference in pulmonary minute ventilation (Vı) between the groups, but breathing frequency (f) was higher in the black (59 ∓ 12 breaths.min⁻¹) than the white runners (45 ∓ 8 breaths. min⁻¹ ) and tidal volume (V⊤) lower in the black ( 1.33 ∓ 0.16 l.breath⁻¹) than the white runners (1.75 ∓ 0.36 I.breath⁻¹) during submaximal running at 16 km. hr⁻¹ (p < 0.05). The same trend was observed during the marathon run. During the time-course of the marathon f increased and V⊤ decreased In both groups (p < 0.05). Stroke volume decreased and heart rate increased In both groups during the time-course of the marathon (p< 0.05). Cardiac output was therefore maintained. Thermal responses were similar in the two groups. A significant increase in rectal temperature coincided with a decrease in skin temperature and may have been related to an increase in f (r = 0.86 and 0.67 in the blacks and whites respectively), H/R (r = 0.70 and 0.67 respectively) and "local" (leg) RPE (r = 0.84 and 0.82 respectively). It was concluded that black runners were able to run marathon races at a higher % VO₂ more than whites due to the blacks having lower blood lactic acid levels when running at a similar % VO₂ max. Given similar maximal oxygen uptakes, this would enable blacks to run faster. Cardiopulmonary adjustments occur during the time-course of a marathon which maintains Q and Vı
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Books on the topic "Black elites"

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Gatewood, Willard B. Aristocrats of color: The Black elite, 1880-1920. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1990.

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Aristocrats of color: The Black elite, 1880-1920. Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 2000.

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Black Country élites: The exercise of authority in an industrialized area, 1830-1900. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993.

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Lall, B. R. Financial terrorism: Black money and the Indian elite. New Delhi: Manas Publications, 2010.

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Financial terrorism: Black money and the Indian elite. New Delhi: Manas Publications, 2010.

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Nicodemos, Pollyanna Alves. Adolescentes negros de elite e identidade étnico-racial. Curitiba, Brasil: Editora CRV, 2014.

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Celia Maria Marinho de Azevedo. Onda negra, medo branco: O negro no imaginário das elites--século XIX. Rio de Janeiro, RJ: Paz e Terra, 1987.

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Opting out: Losing the potential of America's young black elite. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2011.

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Thompson, Daniel C. A Black elite: A profile of graduates of UNCF colleges. New York: Greenwood Press, 1986.

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Novas elites de cor: Estudo sobre os profissionais liberais negros de Salvador. São Paulo, SP, Brasil: Annablume, 2002.

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Book chapters on the topic "Black elites"

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Maesse, Jens. "Opening the Black Box of the Elitism Dispositif: Graduate Schools in Economics." In Universities and the Production of Elites, 53–79. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-53970-6_3.

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Hiebl, Ewald. "Politische Lebenswege der bürgerlichen Eliten." In Der forschende Blick, 51–60. Wien: Böhlau Verlag, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/boehlau.9783205790426.51.

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Jack, Anthony Abraham. "William Julius Wilson and the Study of the ‘New’ Diversity Elite Colleges." In The New Black Sociologists, 173–82. New York, NY : Routledge, 2018. | Series: Sociology re-wired: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429507687-16.

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Taylor, Bianca. "Color and Class: The Promulgation of Elitist Attitudes at Black Colleges." In Historically Black Colleges and Universities, 189–206. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230617261_12.

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Korte, Hermann. "Der ethnologische Blick bei Norbert Elias." In Biographische Skizzen zu Norbert Elias, 55–66. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-01178-9_5.

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Kleinspehn, Thomas. "Ein Menschenwissenschaftler — Norbert Elias und seine späte Wirkung in der Soziologie." In Der soziologische Blick, 175–91. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-663-09629-0_10.

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Biffi, Alessandro, Laura Fiaccarini, and Luisa Verdile. "Elite Tennis Player with a Complete Atrio-Ventricular Block." In Sports Cardiology Casebook, 69–75. London: Springer London, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-84882-042-5_10.

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Tate, Shirley Anne. "The Political and Libidinal Economies of Skin Shade: The Poor Bleach, the Middle Class/Elite Tone/Lighten." In Skin Bleaching in Black Atlantic Zones: Shade Shifters, 62–86. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-49846-5_4.

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Bickford-Smith, Vivian. "The Betrayal of Creole Elites, 1880–1920." In Black Experience and the Empire, 194–227. Oxford University Press, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199290673.003.0008.

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Brown, Nadia E., and Danielle Casarez Lemi. "Conclusion." In Sister Style, 172–82. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197540572.003.0009.

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Abstract:
The concluding chapter of this book contextualizes the political implications of Black women’s appearances for both political elites and voters. The chapter centers on Black women’s activism around natural hair and its connection to politics and policy. The natural hair movement signals not just a styling preference but also a way for Black women political elites to descriptively represent constituents. In this chapter, the authors provide a summary of the findings of their study and offer insights into Black women’s representation. The chapter ends by asking readers to assess the values that they ascribe to a Black woman political elite based on what she looks like.
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Conference papers on the topic "Black elites"

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Out, Charlotte, and Ahad N. Zehmakan. "Majority Vote in Social Networks: Make Random Friends or Be Stubborn to Overpower Elites." In Thirtieth International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-21}. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2021/49.

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Consider a graph G, representing a social network. Assume that initially each node is colored either black or white, which corresponds to a positive or negative opinion regarding a consumer product or a technological innovation. In the majority model, in each round all nodes simultaneously update their color to the most frequent color among their connections. Experiments on the graph data from the real world social networks (SNs) suggest that if all nodes in an extremely small set of high-degree nodes, often referred to as the elites, agree on a color, that color becomes the dominant color at the end of the process. We propose two countermeasures that can be adopted by individual nodes relatively easily and guarantee that the elites will not have this disproportionate power to engineer the dominant output color. The first countermeasure essentially requires each node to make some new connections at random while the second one demands the nodes to be more reluctant towards changing their color (opinion). We verify their effectiveness and correctness both theoretically and experimentally. We also investigate the majority model and a variant of it when the initial coloring is random on the real world SNs and several random graph models. In particular, our results on the Erdős-Rényi, and regular random graphs confirm or support several theoretical findings or conjectures by the prior work regarding the threshold behavior of the process. Finally, we provide theoretical and experimental evidence for the existence of a poly-logarithmic bound on the expected stabilization time of the majority model.
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Doerr, Carola, and Johannes Lengler. "Elitist Black-Box Models." In GECCO '15: Genetic and Evolutionary Computation Conference. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/2739480.2754654.

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Doerr, Carola, and Johannes Lengler. "The (1+1) Elitist Black-Box Complexity of LeadingOnes." In GECCO '16: Genetic and Evolutionary Computation Conference. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/2908812.2908922.

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Shcherbyna, Olga, Maksym Zaliskyi, Oleksandr Solomentsev, Nataliia Kuzmenko, Felix Yanovsky, Ivan Ostroumov, Yuliya Averyanova, and Olha Sushchenko. "Diagnostic Process Efficiency Analysis for Block Diagram of Electric Field Parameters Meter." In 2021 IEEE 12th International Conference on Electronics and Information Technologies (ELIT). IEEE, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/elit53502.2021.9501136.

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Kuznyetsov, Oleksiy. "Understanding the Basics of the Model-Based Techniques for Control Engineers with Simulink and BeagleBone Black: Processor-in-the-Loop Simulation of a DC Motor Speed Control." In 2019 XIth International Scientific and Practical Conference on Electronics and Information Technologies (ELIT). IEEE, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/elit.2019.8892299.

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