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1
Banks, Patricia A. "Ethnicity, Class and Trusteeship at African-American and Mainstream Museums." Cultural Sociology 11, no. 1 (July 7, 2016): 97–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1749975516651288.
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While Pierre Bourdieu argues that cultural capital is grounded in distinct aesthetic knowledge and tastes among elites, Francie Ostrower emphasizes that cultural capital grows out of the social organization of elite participation in the arts. This article builds on Ostrower’s perspective on cultural capital, as well as Milton Gordon’s concept of the ethclass group and Prudence Carter’s concept of black cultural capital, to elaborate how culture’s importance for class and ethnic cohesion is rooted in the separate spheres of arts philanthropy among black and white elites. The argument is empirically illustrated using the case of arguably the most prominent mainstream and African-American museums in New York City – the Metropolitan Museum of Art (the Met) and the Studio Museum in Harlem (SMH). Findings show that relative to the Met board the SMH board is an important site of unification for elite blacks, and in comparison to the SMH board, the Met board is a notable site of cohesion for elite whites. This article advances theory and research on cultural capital by elaborating how it varies among elite ethclass groups. Moreover, it highlights how the growth of African-American museums not only adds color to the museum field, but also fosters bonds among the black middle and upper class.
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Buehler, Matt, and Mehdi Ayari. "The Autocrat’s Advisors: Opening the Black Box of Ruling Coalitions in Tunisia’s Authoritarian Regime." Political Research Quarterly 71, no. 2 (November 8, 2017): 330–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912917735400.
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Why do autocrats retain some elites as core, long-term members of their ruling coalitions for years, while others are dismissed in months? How and why might the type of elites retained within coalitions vary across time and different autocrats? Although what constitutes an authoritarian regime’s ruling coalition varies across countries, often including the military and dominant parties, this article focuses on one critical subcomponent of it—an autocrat’s cabinet and his elite advisors within it, his ministers. Because coalitions function opaquely to prevent coups, scholars consider their inner-workings a black box. We shed light through an original, exhaustive dataset from the Middle East of all 212 ministers who advised Tunisian autocrats from independence until regime collapse (1956–2011). Extracting data from Arabic sources in Tunisian national archives, we track variation in minister retention to identify which elites autocrats made core, long-term advisors within ruling coalitions. Whereas Tunisia’s first autocrat retained elites as ministers due to biographical similarities, capacity to represent influential social groups, and competence, its second autocrat did not. He became more likely to dismiss types of elites retained under the first autocrat, purging his coalition of ministers perceived to be potential insider-threats due to their favored status under his predecessor.
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Dzankic, Jelena. "Cutting the mists of the Black Mountain:Cleavages in Montenegro's divide over statehood and identity." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 3 (May 2013): 412–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.743514.
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The two decades of Montenegro's transition that followed the disintegration of Yugoslavia were marked by the transformation of the ambitions of the ruling political elites, which pushed the republic that once sought to be a member in a federal state towards independence. The shift in the agendas of the political elites also changed the meaning of the notions of “Montenegrin” and “Serb”. Hence, this paper looks at the cleavages that emerged during Montenegro's divide over statehood and identity. It asserts that elite competition in unconsolidated states prompts the emergence of ethno-cultural cleavages, which are necessary for establishing the identities of political elites and of their followers. The study first identifies the critical junctures for the emergence of functional and structural cleavages in Montenegro and associates these cleavages with the changing political context. It proceeds with an analysis of ethno-cultural cleavages, arguing that these emerged from the politicization of historical narratives. The study concludes by arguing that different types of cleavages supported the division over statehood and identity, and that as a result of the changes in identity in Montenegro, the political reinforcement of overlapping cleavages was essential in order to cement the ethno-cultural identities of the two camps.
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Allen, Richard L., Michael C. Dawson, and Ronald E. Brown. "A Schema-Based Approach to Modeling an African-American Racial Belief System." American Political Science Review 83, no. 2 (June 1989): 421–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1962398.
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We use a cognitive schema-based approach to model an African-American racial belief system, showing the content of racial belief systems in a national sample to be associated with the individual's degree of sodoeconomic status, religiosity, and exposure to black media. We find that African-Americans with a higher sodoeconomic status are less supportive of black political autonomy and that they feel themselves more distant from black masses and black elites than do those of lower socioeconomic status. Religiosity, while unrelated to black autonomy, strengthens closeness to black masses and black elites. Black television—and, to a much lesser degree, black print media—had a consistent impact on the racial belief system. We conclude by discussing the complexity of the African-American racial belief system and potential directions for future work.
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WASOW, OMAR. "Agenda Seeding: How 1960s Black Protests Moved Elites, Public Opinion and Voting." American Political Science Review 114, no. 3 (May 21, 2020): 638–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000305542000009x.
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How do stigmatized minorities advance agendas when confronted with hostile majorities? Elite theories of influence posit marginal groups exert little power. I propose the concept of agenda seeding to describe how activists use methods like disruption to capture the attention of media and overcome political asymmetries. Further, I hypothesize protest tactics influence how news organizations frame demands. Evaluating black-led protests between 1960 and 1972, I find nonviolent activism, particularly when met with state or vigilante repression, drove media coverage, framing, congressional speech, and public opinion on civil rights. Counties proximate to nonviolent protests saw presidential Democratic vote share increase 1.6–2.5%. Protester-initiated violence, by contrast, helped move news agendas, frames, elite discourse, and public concern toward “social control.” In 1968, using rainfall as an instrument, I find violent protests likely caused a 1.5–7.9% shift among whites toward Republicans and tipped the election. Elites may dominate political communication but hold no monopoly.
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Taylor, John A. "Black Death, “Industrial Revolution” and Paper Age collapse." Terra Economicus 18, no. 3 (September 25, 2020): 6–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2073-6606-2020-18-3-6-17.
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This essay discusses first English and then world economic history, starting with the Black Death of 1348–1400AD. When the English population and wealth both increased after 1400, the structure of English development by the year 1700 became a little bit like a spiral, this paper says. The aggregate size of wealth increased, but there was little commensurate change in the distribution of wealth. The eighteenth-century English elite absorbed the elites of Wales and Scotland, and then the Protestant elite of Ireland. Then, on the same model of absorption, an English-speaking elite later came to dominate world wealth. As the world population increased in the early modern period, and as aggregate wealth increased apace, the distribution of world wealth became approximately what the distribution of wealth had been in England in 1700. A tiny group of very wealthy people had controlled the wealth of England in 1700. In the late twentieth century, the English elite absorbed the world elite many of whom adopted the English language and much of English culture. They often sent their children to study in Britain or America. Now this tiny elite group, English in language and usually English in culture, controls much of the wealth of the world while at the same time the ongoing increase in population has produced a huge number of very poor people.
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Human, P., and Linda Human. "Silver spoons and black mobility: The white South African economic elite and its implications for the upward mobility of blacks." South African Journal of Business Management 18, no. 2 (June 30, 1987): 65–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/sajbm.v18i2.1001.
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Implicit in any discussion of the concentration of economic power is the assumption that the South African economy is dominated by a coherent and cohesive white economic elite. Two separate but complementary perspectives can be used to explain this phenomenon. The classical social mobility perspective argues that elites in the western world have tended to reproduce themselves. By a process of 'social closure' which involves the use of two main exclusionary devices - property and credentials - groups attempt to optimize their own rewards by restricting access to resources and opportunities to 'insiders'. The related economic argument suggests that higher profit is achieved through a hegemonic kind of social organization which is sufficiently stable to facilitate the exchange of information and expertise between corporations, thus decreasing risk. The sociological and economic perspectives are analysed using data pertaining to South Africa's business elite. It is found that the sociological perspective is valid but that the economic perspective does not hold ground. The implications of exclusionary closure by the white business elite for both black mobility and the transfer of capital to black people are discussed.
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Chambers, Ali D. "The Failure of the Black Greek Letter Organization." Journal of Black Studies 48, no. 7 (May 26, 2017): 627–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934717709016.
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Between 1906 and 1920, eight of the most prominent Black Greek-letter organizations were established. The creation of the Black fraternity had a dual purpose. First, these organizations were established for the greater purpose of pooling the resources of African Americans in the hopes of acquiring an education. Second, these organizations were formed as an attempt by Black students to gain acceptance into American society. Black Greek-letter organizations are some of the most influential organizations in the country. Collectively, these organizations claim approximately 800,000 members, with many coming from the social elite of Black culture. Despite the great influence and vast membership that these organizations possess, the activities of the Black Greek-letter organization have included secret meetings, selective membership, and a preference for lighter-complexioned members. Moreover, the failure and shortcomings of the Black Greek-letter organization have allowed Black elites to create a separate privileged society based on snobbery and arrogance and have thus enabled these organizations to perpetuate the vicious cycle of racial prejudice and White supremacy.
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Jones, Douglas A. "Black Politics but Not Black People: Rethinking the Social and “Racial” History of Early Minstrelsy." TDR/The Drama Review 57, no. 2 (June 2013): 21–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/dram_a_00259.
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Although American blackface minstrelsy in its early period (1829–1843) esteemed the anti-authoritarian potentiality of black alterity, the form's performers and most influential public (the white working class of the urban northeast) spurned actual black people. In minstrelsy they fashioned “blackness,” a new “race” with which to distinguish themselves from socioeconomic elites as well as African Americans.
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Williams, Kim M., and Lonnie Hannon. "IMMIGRANT RIGHTS IN A DEEP SOUTH CITY." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 13, no. 1 (2016): 139–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x16000060.
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AbstractIn 2010, the Alabama GOP took control of the state legislature for the first time since Reconstruction. The next year, in a sharply partisan vote, the legislature passed, and Governor Robert Bentley (R) signed into law, the Beason-Hammon Alabama Taxpayer and Citizen Protection Act, also known as House Bill 56, the harshest immigration law in the country. This punitive state law was the impetus for Black elites in Birmingham to frame the immigration debate as a matter of civil rights and thus to see the issue in a new light. When Alabama Republicans moved to the Right on immigration, Black leaders in Birmingham moved Left. In this study, backed up by an event analysis of local newspapers, an analysis of interviews with members of the Black elite in Birmingham in 2013, who were previously interviewed in 2007, helps to substantiate this claim. In the summer of 2007, against the backdrop of an immigration debate in Washington, our Black elite study participants largely told us they had no stake in immigration. By 2013, many were willing to fight for immigrant rights at the highest level.
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FELDMAN, GLENN. "SOFT OPPOSITION: ELITE ACQUIESCENCE AND KLAN-SPONSORED TERRORISM IN ALABAMA, 1946–1950." Historical Journal 40, no. 3 (September 1997): 753–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x97007231.
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The traditional division of the Klan phenomenon into three or four separate outbreaks (Reconstruction, 1920s, post-1954, and post-1979) is a useful organizing construct for scholars, but is deceptively simple and not necessarily reflective of reality. Alabama's KKK is examined immediately following World War II. During this alleged period of dormancy there is, instead, a thriving Klan presence in perhaps the most racist of the deep South states. Postwar Alabama was especially tense as black voting registration aspirations and the growing appeal of biracial economic liberalism challenged the status quo. Klan resurgence was part of a determined white supremacist reaction. The concept of soft opposition is also coined and introduced to describe the efforts of elites to combat the Klan. While waging a vigorous opposition, elites were not so concerned with Klan depredations as abominations in and of themselves; rather, they were worried about the threat of federal intervention into southern race relations in response to violence. They opposed Klan excesses to perpetuate traditional elite, white control over southern blacks. Such opposition, while genuine, was less than effective, altruistic, or hard opposition; the kind needed to eliminate the Klan as an accepted part of southern society, which evolved only after 1979.
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Dasgupta, Rohit K. "Ambalavaner Sivanandan and Black Politics in Britain." Theory, Culture & Society 35, no. 7-8 (October 29, 2018): 313–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276418799874.
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This article looks at the contribution made by Ambalavaner Sivanandan to black politics and organising in Britain. It reviews some of his most important writings and analyses their significance and influence on black activism and race studies. Specifically, the article looks at the ways in which class and race intersected in his work and his critical stance towards political elites and advocacy for radical politics.
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Mougoué, Jacqueline-Bethel Tchouta. "Over-MakingNyanga: Mastering “Natural” Beauty and Disciplining Excessive Bodily Practices In Metropolitan Cameroon." African Studies Review 62, no. 2 (May 29, 2019): 175–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2018.110.
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Abstract:This study examines how Anglophone urban elites in 1960s metropolitan Cameroon negotiated local and global ideas about culturally constructed forms of “natural” black beauty. Formally-educated Christian urbanites, such as freelance female journalists, who often worked as civil servants, sought to discipline women’s bodily practices and emotional expressivity in order to regulate the boundaries of perceived feminine respectability and to define a woman’s “natural” beauty, a descriptor with both internal and external implications. The language they used included both local terms such asnyanga, a Cameroonian Pidgin English word for varied ideas about beauty and stylishness, and standard English terms. This specific use of language illustrates the hybridity of understandings of natural beauty and bodily comportment, painting a distinct African imagery denoting the social progression of black Cameroonian elite subcultures.
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Coit, Jonathan S. "“Our Changed Attitude”: Armed Defense and the New Negro in the 1919 Chicago Race Riot." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 11, no. 2 (April 2012): 225–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781412000035.
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The 1919 Chicago race riot sparked a contentious debate among African Americans over the future of antiracist politics. Previous scholars have argued that the actions of “New Negroes” who took up arms in the riot represent a rejection of the politics of respectability dominant among black elites in the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century. This article argues that African American actions in the riot are more complex than previously understood. African Americans participated in the riot in a myriad of ways, and events were fluid and unpredictable. Violent acts spanned a continuum from spontaneous responses to more organized interventions. Moreover, African Americans not only committed aggressive violence, but also fought among themselves about the boundaries of legitimate violence. Based on their divergent interpretations of the events of the riot, black leaders found ample support for different and even contradictory political programs. Black radicals argued that armed defense exposed the irrelevance of established black leaders. Chicago's black elite, however, used riot narratives to create a new vision of respectable politics, in which the willingness to use force both defined and demonstrated manhood and equal citizenship.
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Browne, Irene, Beth Reingold, and Anne Kronberg. "Race Relations, Black Elites, and Immigration Politics: Conflict, Commonalities, and Context." Social Forces 96, no. 4 (February 16, 2018): 1691–720. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sf/sox102.
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Morrison, Minion K. C. "Intragroup Conflict in African–American Leadership: The Case of Tchula, Mississippi." Comparative Studies in Society and History 32, no. 4 (October 1990): 701–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500016704.
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Black electoral leaders in the post-civil rights South have exhibited broad agreement on the nature of the political task of displacing unresponsive white elites from power and directing attention to the previously excluded black constituency. There are a few cases, however, in which the commonly expected solidarity and consensus among the black elected leaders has not occurred, despite intensified hostility from the white elite. In this analysis these circumstances are explored from one small town in Mississippi where blacks won nearly total administrative control in 1977. However, the apparent leadership consensus, though fragile, quickly evaporated, due to conflicts of ideology, class, idiosyncrasy, and racial invidiousness. This ultimately led to administrative paralysis in the allocation and management of scarce political goods. In this town where there were broad disagreements between three sets of political contenders, each sought to dominate the policy process by staffing various public positions. The scarcity of these positions, the diametrically opposed goals of the contenders, and the precariousness of the control exerted even by the administrative leadership produced a hopeless struggle. Eventually the government crumbled. Analysis reveals that the complex sociopolitical environment and certain aspects of the political structure contributed to this breakdown. The rapid development of a tripartite leadership cleavage was hardly accommodated by political structures designed to serve the ends of a racial caste system. The fragility of the political environment and the absence of structural mechanisms for conflict resolution severely diminished the ability of the new leaders to perform.
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Euchner, Eva-Maria, and Elena Frech. "Candidate Selection and Parliamentary Activity in the EU’s Multi-Level System: Opening a Black-Box." Politics and Governance 8, no. 1 (February 13, 2020): 72–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i1.2553.
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Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) have a multitude of parliamentary duties and, accordingly, have to prioritize some parliamentary activities over others. So far, we know comparably little about this prioritization process. Based on principal–agent theory, we argue first, that MEPs’ parliamentary activities are systematically determined by the “visibility” and usefulness of parliamentary instruments for their key principal; second, we expect the exclusiveness of candidate selection procedures of an MEP’s national party—the nomination and the final list placement—to determine her/his key principal (i.e., elites or members of national parties). Combining multi-level mixed effects linear regression models and expert interviews, we show that MEPs who are nominated and whose final list placement is decided by an exclusive circle of national party elites prioritize speeches, whereas MEPs who are nominated or whose final list placement is decided by more inclusive procedures prioritize written questions and opinions or reports. In other words, speeches seem particularly useful to communicate with national party elites, while other activities are used to serve larger groups of party members. These findings open up the black-box of the “national party principal” and illustrate how a complex principal–agent relationship stimulates very specific parliamentary activity patterns in the EU’s multi-level system.
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Scott, Daryl Michael. "Their Faces Were Black, but the Elites Were UntrueMary Frances Berry, My Face Is Black Is True." Journal of African American History 91, no. 3 (July 2006): 318–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jaahv91n3p318.
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Freelon, Deen, Charlton McIlwain, and Meredith Clark. "Quantifying the power and consequences of social media protest." New Media & Society 20, no. 3 (November 15, 2016): 990–1011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444816676646.
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The exercise of power has been an implicit theme in research on the use of social media for political protest, but few studies have attempted to measure social media power and its consequences directly. This study develops and measures three theoretically grounded metrics of social media power—unity, numbers, and commitment—as wielded on Twitter by a social movement (Black Lives Matter [BLM]), a counter-movement (political conservatives), and an unaligned party (mainstream news outlets) over nearly 10 months. We find evidence of a model of social media efficacy in which BLM predicts mainstream news coverage of police brutality, which in turn is the strongest driver of attention to the issue from political elites. Critically, the metric that best predicts elite response across all parties is commitment.
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Glen, Robert, and Richard H. Trainor. "Black Country Elites: The Exercise of Authority in an Industrialised Area, 1830-1900." American Historical Review 100, no. 5 (December 1995): 1576. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2169946.
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Hopkins, Eric, and Richard H. Trainor. "Black Country Elites: The Exercise of Authority in an Industrialized Area, 1830-1900." Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies 27, no. 1 (1995): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4052714.
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Pan, Jeng-Shyang, Qing-Wei Chai, Shu-Chuan Chu, and Ning Wu. "3-D Terrain Node Coverage of Wireless Sensor Network Using Enhanced Black Hole Algorithm." Sensors 20, no. 8 (April 23, 2020): 2411. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/s20082411.
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In this paper, a new intelligent computing algorithm named Enhanced Black Hole (EBH) is proposed to which the mutation operation and weight factor are applied. In EBH, several elites are taken as role models instead of only one in the original Black Hole (BH) algorithm. The performance of the EBH algorithm is verified by the CEC 2013 test suit, and shows better results than the original BH. In addition, the EBH and other celebrated algorithms can be used to solve node coverage problems of Wireless Sensor Network (WSN) in 3-D terrain with satisfactory performance.
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Zirker, Daniel. "Cablegate and the continuing US penetration in Brazil." Tensões Mundiais 11, no. 21 (October 3, 2018): 125–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.33956/tensoesmundiais.v11i21.411.
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Jan Black outlined the US penetration of Brazilian politics in the 1960s and 1970s, including the linkages with military and business elites, revealing their compromise on national sovereignty. Based on cables released by WikiLeaks, this study shows a renewed emphasis by the US government to manipulate Brazilian domestic and foreign policies in the late 1990s and 2000s.
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Zirker, Daniel. ""Cablegate" e a intervenção continuada dos EUA no Brasil." Tensões Mundiais 11, no. 21 (October 3, 2018): 97–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.33956/tensoesmundiais.v11i21.410.
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Jan Black delineou a penetração estadunidense na política brasileira nas décadas de 1960 e 1970, seus vínculos com elites militares e comerciais, apontandopara o comprometimento da soberania nacional. Este estudo mostra uma ênfase renovada dos EUA para manipular as políticas doméstica e externa do Brasil nofinal dos anos 1990 e 2000, com base em telegramas divulgados pelo WikiLeaks.
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Qi, Shu. "Based on the Puritan Concept and Ethical Spirit: the Preliminary Formation of African American Political Culture." International Journal of Social Science Studies 7, no. 2 (February 20, 2019): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v7i2.4015.
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Puritan ideas and ethics are not only the cradle of the mainstream political culture in America, but also the ideological source of the African American political culture. However, what was the significance of puritanism for the emergence of early political ideas among black American? To answer the question, it is necessary to delve into the meaning of puritanism to the political culture of the black American. This paper will elaborate on the crucial role of puritanism in the formation of black political culture in America from three aspects, that is, establishing a close relationship between puritanism and African American political culture. In order to understand it profoundly, three relationships will be established and explained. Respectively, the first one is to establish the relationship between Puritan idea especially the concept of equality and African American political idea; the second one is to establish the relationship between Puritan life and African American political elites; the third one is to establish the relationship between Puritan ethical spirits and moral norms and African American self-consciousness. More specifically, First of all, the germination of the early political ideas of African American was based on Puritan ideas; Secondly, Puritan life was the cradle of the growth of black political elites; Finally, the Puritan ethical spirit, such as diligence and frugality, diligence and hard work, tidiness and cleanliness, decent behavior and other basic behavioral norms, had a deep influence on the cultivation of the moral behavior norms and the formation of self-consciousness of African American.
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Werbner, Pnina. "Many Gateways to the Gateway City: Elites, Class and Policy Networking in the London African Diaspora." African Diaspora 3, no. 1 (2010): 131–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187254610x505691.
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Abstract Can we speak of the existence of an ‘African diaspora’ over and above the many discrete national diaspora groups in Britain? The present paper explores the conviviality and reach of black African elite networks in London across ethnic boundaries, their mastery of a shared language of governance and their capacity as actors and activists operating in civil society. Their achievement has been, the paper argues, to create a nascent black African diasporic public sphere in which the diaspora is imagined, constructed and mobilised across divisions of language, religion, nation and class. New multicultural policies in Britain have facilitated this networking, which is grounded in ethical notions of caring, justice and ethnic permeability.
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Becker, Marjorie. "Black and White and Color: Cardenismo and the Search for a Campesino Ideology." Comparative Studies in Society and History 29, no. 3 (July 1987): 453–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500014675.
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It is well known that upon emerging victorious from the Mexican Revolution in 1920, the Constitutionalists confronted a dilemma. Having defeated the popular armies of Emiliano Zapata and Pancho Villa, they believed that they had won the right to construct a postrevolutionary state reflecting their interests. Yet the spectors of the popular armies were to haunt them. The new revolutionary elites were forced to determine how to create a state in their own Constitutionalist image and simultaneously how to avoid provoking further popular insurrection.
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Gomes, Lilian Cristina Bernardo. "A HISTÓRICA VIOLÊNCIA DE LONGA DURAÇÃO DAS ELITES BRASILEIRASHist." Sapere Aude 8, no. 16 (December 21, 2017): 363. http://dx.doi.org/10.5752/p.2177-6342.2017v8n16p363.
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<p>RESUMO</p><p>Os processos de colonização estão imbuídos de uma violência pela ambição de conquista e acúmulo. No Brasil, isso não foi diferente e os 350 anos de escravização de negras e negros pelas elites portuguesas é uma marca desse processo. Contudo, mesmo após a Independência (1822), a Abolição da Escravidão (1888) e a Proclamação da República as próprias elites brasileiras buscaram modos de perpetuar essa violência em função de uma hierarquia social, econômica, política e simbólica com padrões que marcaram a história de longa duração do Brasil pautados no patriarcalismo, patrimonialismo, machismo, sexismo, racismo e homofobia. O presente artigo perpassará diferentes momentos da história do Brasil indicando que as elites brasileiras reinventaram, ao longo da história, formas de perpetuar a violência através da exclusão dos grupos não-brancos, estabelecendo hierarquizações e colocando o homem, branco, proprietário e heterossexual no topo da pirâmide num processo de subalternização dos outros grupos.</p><p> </p><p>ABSTRACT</p><p> </p><p>The processes of colonization around the world are pervaded by violence that has its roots in the ambition of conquest and accumulation. In Brazil, that was not different and the 350 years of enslavement of black people by the Portuguese elites marks this process. However, even after the Independence of Brazil (1822), Slavery Abolition (1888) and Proclamation of the Republic, the Brazilian elites sought ways in order to perpetuate violence based on social, economic, political and symbolic hierarchy with patterns that marked a <em>longue durée</em> history of patriarchalism, patrimonialism, chauvinism, sexism, racism and homophobia. Thus, the elites naturalized themselves as holders of the power and the market in Brazil. This article will cover different moments in Brazilian history, indicating how the elites they have reinvented, throughout history, ways of perpetuating violence by excluding nonwhite groups, establishing hierarchies and placing the men, not only white, but owner and heterosexual on the top of the pyramid in a process of subalternity of the other groups.</p><p>KEY WORDS: elites, racism, patriarchalism, violence, subalternity. </p>
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Mueller, Max Perry. "The “Negro Problem,” the “Mormon Problem,” and the Pursuit of “Usefulness” in the White American Republic." Church History 88, no. 4 (December 2019): 978–1012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640719002488.
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By examining Booker T. Washington's (little studied) relationship with Mormon elites, this article introduces the category of “usefulness” to scholars who investigate how racially and religiously marginalized Americans have sought acceptance in the “white American republic.” Washington's 1913 visit to Utah was the high point in a decade-long public campaign of mutual admiration. Washington and the Mormons’ high regard for each other—an aberration in much of black-Mormon relations—was based on similar histories of discrimination at the hands of white Protestant Americans. It was also based on similar beliefs that to overcome their status as “problem” people, Washington-led blacks and Mormons had to prove their “usefulness”—a form of respectability politics—to themselves and to the American republic. To do so, they pointed to the fruits of their own and each other's usefulness: economic productivity, educational advancement, and middle-class mores. While these fruits were similar, the roots were different, and racialized. For the Mormons, usefulness arose from a post-polygamy Mormon religion through which they asserted their whiteness. For Washington, usefulness arose not from the “Negro” church—the only independent black institution in American history—but from educational institutions like Tuskegee, which promoted black advancement under the control of white supremacy.
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Kelly, Brian. "Black Laborers, the Republican Party, and the Crisis of Reconstruction in Lowcountry South Carolina." International Review of Social History 51, no. 3 (November 1, 2006): 375–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859006002537.
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The wave of strikes that swept across the South Carolina rice fields in late 1876 offer rich material for revisiting the most compelling issues in the postwar Reconstruction of the US's former slave states. They expose sharp tensions between the Republican Party's black, working-class constituency and its mostly white, bourgeois leadership. Recent studies, based almost entirely on Northern published opinion, have made the case that Northern Republican elites were driven to “abandon the mid-century vision of an egalitarian free labor society” by assertive ex-slaves oblivious to the “mutual interests” that ostensibly bound them and their employers. This article, based on extensive archival research, asserts that similar fissures opened up between freedpeople and southern Republican officials. In a series of highly effective mobilizations against local planters and determined attempts to block party officials from betraying their interests, rice fieldhands demonstrated a clear understanding of the critical issues at stake during the months leading up to the collapse of Reconstruction. Their intervention contrasted not only with the feeble holding operation pursued by moderates in the upper levels of the Republican party, but also with the timidity of many locally rooted black officials nearer to the grassroots.
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Milewski, Melissa. "Reframing Black Southerners’ Experiences in the Courts, 1865–1950." Law & Social Inquiry 44, no. 4 (May 27, 2019): 1113–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lsi.2019.5.
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In civil cases that took place in southern courts from the end of the Civil War to the mid-twentieth century, black men and women frequently chose to bring litigation and then negotiated the white-dominated legal system to shape their cases and assert rights. In some ways, these civil cases were diametrically opposite from the criminal cases of black defendants who did not choose to enter a courtroom and often received unequal justice. However, this article draws on almost 2,000 cases involving black litigants in eight state supreme courts across the South between 1865 to 1950 to argue that in both civil and criminal cases African Americans were at times shaping their cases and fighting for their rights, as well as obtaining decisions that aligned with the interests of white elites. Southern state courts during the era of Jim Crow were thus spaces for negotiating for rights and sites of white domination, in both criminal and civil cases.
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Aksan, Virginia H. "Locating the Ottomans Among Early Modern Empires." Journal of Early Modern History 3, no. 2 (1999): 103–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006599x00017.
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AbstractThis paper describes the evolution of Ottoman military and defensive strategies in the Balkans from 1600 to 1800. It argues that three major imperial crises, engendered by sustained warfare, forced a transition from a standing army to state commissioned militias. To do so, it sites the Ottoman imperial context in a discussion of multiethnic eastern European empires, comparing Ottoman options and limitations with those of the Habsburgs and the Romanovs for the same period. The geopolitics of Danubian and Black Sea frontier territories, and the relationship between imperial center and native elites serve as two points of comparison, emphasizing the interplay between sovereignty, religious affiliation, and assimilation. By the end of the eighteenth century, Ottoman contraction and the movement of large numbers of Muslim refugees from surrendered territories, meant the increased nomadization of central Ottoman lands, and the almost total reliance on undisciplined, volunteer militias as a fighting force, whose acculturation to "Ottomanism" was never desired nor attempted by the ruling elite.
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Aksan, Virginia H. "Locating the Ottomans Among Early Modern Empires." Journal of Early Modern History 3, no. 3 (1999): 103–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006599x00189.
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AbstractThis paper describes the evolution of Ottoman military and defensive strategies in the Balkans from 1600 to 1800. It argues that three major imperial crises, engendered by sustained warfare, forced a transition from a standing army to state commissioned militias. To do so, it sites the Ottoman imperial context in a discussion of multiethnic eastern European empires, comparing Ottoman options and limitations with those of the Habsburgs and the Romanovs for the same period. The geopolitics of Danubian and Black Sea frontier territories, and the relationship between imperial center and native elites serve as two points of comparison, emphasizing the interplay between sovereignty, religious affiliation, and assimilation. By the end of the eighteenth century, Ottoman contraction and the movement of large numbers of Muslim refugees from surrendered territories, meant the increased nomadization of central Ottoman lands, and the almost total reliance on undisciplined, volunteer militias as a fighting force, whose acculturation to "Ottomanism" was never desired nor attempted by the ruling elite.
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Porter, Eric. "“A Black Future in the Air Industry?”." California History 97, no. 2 (May 1, 2020): 88–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2020.97.2.88.
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This essay charts a history of black liberation and complicity in the struggle for economic advancement at San Francisco International Airport (SFO) from the late 1950s into the 1980s. Joining scholars who have explored commercial aviation as a site of black mobility and immobility as well as those who have theorized Black Power's intersections with municipal policymaking, labor organizing, business and community development projects, and affirmative action programs, I examine the spheres of airport employment and entrepreneurialism to show how struggles to overcome social and spatial confinement in the Bay Area were often shaped by the entanglements of heterogeneous actors and systems. Indeed, such efforts at SFO responded to and were made possible by shifting interfaces of public and private capital investment; government action and inaction; the work of local and national networks of business elites, labor organizers, and activists; the efforts of individual black people to make their lives better; and a concomitant symbolic economy regarding the black presence in the Bay Area. As this story concludes in the 1980s, it demonstrates that despite some successes, such struggles had advanced in the Bay Area only so far as offering a precarious and patchy inclusion: a kind of holding pattern characterized by piecemeal professional integration and the more widespread consignment of black men and women to low-wage, low-skilled work, intermittent employment, and unemployment.
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Kelly, Michael. "Emmanuel Mounier and the Awakening of Black Africa." French Cultural Studies 17, no. 2 (June 2006): 207–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957155806064442.
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Emmanuel Mounier, Director of the Catholic review Esprit, was a pioneering participant in criticising French colonial activities. The debates of the 1940s were strongly framed by France's ‘mission to civilise’ its colonies, which was supported by universal humanist aspirations but was also criticised as masking policies of exploitation and oppression. The resulting tensions are well demonstrated by Emmanuel Mounier's book L'Éveil de l'Afrique noire, published after a visit to several areas of French West Africa in the spring of 1947, at a crucial moment in France's relations with its colonies. This article focuses on the components published in Esprit, Combat, and Présence africaine, which outlined the positive roles that France could play in the region, but warned against the dangers if opportunities were missed, and recognised the particular difficulties confronting the rising African elites. A closer examination of the discursive strategies he deployed shows that Mounier's frame of reference remained within the paternalist paradigm of republican humanism, and that he saw France's role as a duty to guide the development of Africa. However, in the myths and metaphors he adopted, a more radical vision can be identified, which expressed an underlying anti-colonialism.
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Altwaiji, Mubarak, and Muna Telha. "Socio-economic Issues Related to Immigrants in American Political and Election Discourses." International Journal of English Linguistics 8, no. 5 (May 23, 2018): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijel.v8n5p63.
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Nativism is conceptually different from xenophobia. A xenophobe is not necessarily a nativist. Nativism can broadly mean binarism and racism together. This study traces the history of American politicians’ nativist rhetoric and its reflection on the life of the immigrants. In the United States, nativism has largely been a part of the leaders’ political and cultural agendas and motivated the Black-White racial binarism. Moreover, nativism continues to second this binarism and secure it from criticism by projecting it as a high level of nationalism. This paper investigates, firstly, how the nativist speech influences common man; and secondly, how the life of the immigrants is affected by this discourse. This study contrasts with many dominant theories, which hypothesize that American political discourse is controlled by the elites and directed by their nativist agendas. This study, however, finds that American political discourse is subject to the nativist pride of common white citizens who share this anima with the elites.
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Jones, Calvert W. "Adviser to The King: Experts, Rationalization, and Legitimacy." World Politics 71, no. 1 (December 24, 2018): 1–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887118000217.
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AbstractDo experts rationalize and legitimize authoritarian governance? Although research on expert actors in contexts of democracy and international governance is now extensive, scholarly work on their role in authoritarian settings remains limited. This article helps open the black box of authoritarian decision-making by investigating expert advisers in the Arab Gulf monarchies, where ruling elites have enlisted them from top universities and global consulting firms. Qualitative fieldwork combined with three experiments casts doubt on both the rationalization and legitimacy hypotheses and also generates new insights surrounding unintended consequences. On rationalization, the evidence suggests that experts contribute to perverse cycles of overconfidence among authoritarian ruling elites, thereby enabling a belief in state-building shortcuts. On legitimacy, the experiments demonstrate a backfire effect, with experts reducing public support for reform. The author makes theoretical contributions by suggesting important and heretofore unrecognized conflicts and trade-offs across experts’ potential for rationalizing vis-à-vis legitimizing.
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Olund, Eric. "Multiple racial futures: Spatio-temporalities of race during World War I." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 35, no. 2 (March 27, 2017): 281–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263775817696499.
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Using the example of the WWI-US Commission on Training Camp Activities, I argue that racialized biopolitical projects entail multiple, specific spatio-temporalities that seek to enact different racial futures within and between racial categories. What I call “victorious whiteness”, “infinite whiteness” and “static blackness” assembled by the Commission on Training Camp Activities, and an “advancing blackness” pursued by black elites in opposition, interacted in a complex topology of early 20th-century efforts to protect trainee soldiers from venereal disease, and efforts to prevent racial violence, both of which endangered the war effort and thus the future of the white nation. This counters a tendency in much current literature on racial biopolitics to assert a stark binary between and homogeneity within the facilitation of white futurity and black risk failure within individual biopolitical projects.
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D. Clark, Meredith. "DRAG THEM: A brief etymology of so-called “cancel culture”." Communication and the Public 5, no. 3-4 (September 2020): 88–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057047320961562.
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The term “cancel culture” has significant implications for defining discourses of digital and social media activism. In this essay, I briefly interrogate the evolution of digital accountability praxis as performed by Black Twitter, a meta-network of culturally linked communities online. I trace the practice of the social media callout from its roots in Black vernacular tradition to its misappropriation in the digital age by social elites, arguing that the application of useful anger by minoritized people and groups has been effectively harnessed in social media spaces as a strategy for networked framing of extant social problems. This strategy is challenged, however, by the dominant culture’s ability to narrativize the process of being “canceled” as a moral panic with the potential to upset the concept of a limited public sphere.
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Barros, Bárbara Sepúlveda, and Luci Helena Martins. "EXISTIR, RESISTIR, EXIGIR! ASPECTOS DA CONSTRUÇÃO HISTÓRICO- IDEOLÓGICA DO RACISMO BRASILEIRO E O LUGAR DO MOVIMENTO NEGRO NA LUTA A FAVOR DA SUA DESCONSTRUÇÃO." Revista Prâksis 1 (February 15, 2019): 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.25112/rpr.v1i0.1732.
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O trabalho em questão busca resgatar, a partir de uma pesquisa bibliográfica, os principais condicionantes históricos do racismo no Brasil, demonstrando o impacto entre nós das teorias que se desenvolviam na Europa entre os séculos XVIII e XIX. Tais teorias promoveram uma hierarquização dos grupos humanos, a partir dos caracteres físicos e biológicos, atestando a superioridade da raça branca, caucasiana ou ariana, e a inferioridade das demais. A referida pesquisa objetiva demonstrar como, no contexto brasileiro, esse diagnóstico implicou numa não inclusão dos negros na categoria cidadão, mesmo no pós-abolição, quando os ideais de liberdade e igualdade trazidos pelo liberalismo acabam sendo “filtrados” pelas elites locais, não englobando toda a população. Ideologias como o branqueamento e a democracia racial são levadas a cabo pelo Estado, ampliando sua marginalização. Apresenta-se, ainda, o processo de mobilização e amadurecimento do Movimento Negro Brasileiro, a partir do qual vislumbra-se uma mudança, sobretudo pela conquista das ações afirmativas nos anos 2000.Palavras-chave: Racismo. Questão racial. Movimento Negro Brasileiro.ABSTRACTThe work in question seeks to recover, from a bibliographical research, the main historical determinants of racism in Brazil, showing the impact between us, the theories that developed in Europe between the XVIII and XIX centuries. Such theories promoted a hierarchy of human groups, from the physical and biological characters, attesting to the superiority of the Caucasian, Caucasian or Aryan race, and to the inferiorities of the others. This research aims to demonstrate how, in the Brazilian context, this diagnosis implied a non-inclusion of blacks in the citizen category, even in post-abolition, when the ideals of freedom and equality brought about by liberalism end up being "filtered" by the local elites, the entire population. Ideologies such as money laundering and racial democracy are carried out by the state, widening its marginalization. It also presents the process of mobilization and maturation of the Black Brazilian Movement, from which a change can be seen, above all by the conquest of affirmative actions in the 2000s.Keywords: Racism. Racial issues. Brazilian black movement.
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Fleming, Crystal M., and Lorraine E. Roses. "Black cultural capitalists: African-American elites and the organization of the arts in early twentieth century Boston." Poetics 35, no. 6 (December 2007): 368–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.poetic.2007.09.003.
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Lynn, Denise. "Deporting black radicalism: Claudia Jones' deportation and policing blackness in the cold war." Twentieth Century Communism 18, no. 18 (March 30, 2020): 39–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864320829334780.
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This article looks at the relationship between Claudia Jones, the pioneering black Marxist feminist, and the border regime of the United States. The article makes the case that Jones' denial of citizenship, legal harassment, and later expulsion was not merely a product of the transgression of the restrictive Cold War limitation of freedom of speech but instead concretely related to her Blackness. Jones is placed as a key figure in challenging the economic determinism within party thought, placing emphasis on her as a trailblazer in position racial oppression as a form of racialised social control which transcended a purely-economic basis. This was a form of social control that political and economic elites exploited to control working-class and minority populations and prevent working-class unity. Her involuntary bordercrossing experiences are shown to reveal how anticommunism, white supremacy, and gender-based oppression cohered in post-war America, shaping Jones' ideas which would challenge fellow communists on both sides of the Atlantic.
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Lohse, Russell. "“La Negrita” Queen of The Ticos: The Black Roots of Costa Rica's Patron Saint." Americas 69, no. 03 (January 2013): 323–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500002315.
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In sharp contrast to her mestizo and mulatto neighbors, Costa Rica is one of a handful of Latin American countries commonly regarded as “white.” For more than a century, national elites and foreign observers alike attributed Costa Rica's relative political stability, high rate of literacy, and prosperity to the nation's supposed racial homogeneity. The “Switzerland of Central America” was rarely regarded as part of the African Diaspora, yet people of African descent have been part of Costa Rican society since its colonial beginnings. In fact, the patron saint of Costa Rica has always been depicted as black. Known affectionately as La Negrita, the Virgen de los Angeles is believed to have appeared with a divine mandate of harmony at a remote time when Costa Rica was divided by racial tensions. In the legend of her apparition some have found the key to Costa Rica's tradition of “rural democracy.”
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Lohse, Russell. "“La Negrita” Queen of The Ticos: The Black Roots of Costa Rica's Patron Saint." Americas 69, no. 3 (January 2013): 323–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2013.0025.
Full textAbstract:
In sharp contrast to her mestizo and mulatto neighbors, Costa Rica is one of a handful of Latin American countries commonly regarded as “white.” For more than a century, national elites and foreign observers alike attributed Costa Rica's relative political stability, high rate of literacy, and prosperity to the nation's supposed racial homogeneity. The “Switzerland of Central America” was rarely regarded as part of the African Diaspora, yet people of African descent have been part of Costa Rican society since its colonial beginnings. In fact, the patron saint of Costa Rica has always been depicted as black. Known affectionately as La Negrita, the Virgen de los Angeles is believed to have appeared with a divine mandate of harmony at a remote time when Costa Rica was divided by racial tensions. In the legend of her apparition some have found the key to Costa Rica's tradition of “rural democracy.”
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Travis, Toni-Michelle C. "Black Atlantic Politics: Dilemmas of Political Empowerment in Boston and Liverpool. By William E. Nelson Jr. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2000. 344p. $74.50 cloth, $25.95 paper." American Political Science Review 96, no. 3 (September 2002): 667–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402800363.
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Studies of local politics have often narrowly focused on elites, the role of competing interest groups, or the influence of the business community in making key decisions. Nelson's comparative study raises the level of discourse by drawing our attention to the often overlooked role of blacks in municipal politics. In comparing Boston and Liverpool the study expands our understanding of the similarities between racial politics in the United States and in Great Britain.
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Epperly, Brad, Christopher Witko, Ryan Strickler, and Paul White. "Rule by Violence, Rule by Law: Lynching, Jim Crow, and the Continuing Evolution of Voter Suppression in the U.S." Perspectives on Politics 18, no. 3 (March 25, 2019): 756–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592718003584.
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Although restricting formal voting rights—voter suppression—is not uncommon in democracies, its incidence and form vary widely. Intuitively, when competing elites believe that the benefits of reducing voting by opponents outweigh the costs of voter suppression, it is more likely to occur. Internal political and state capacity and external actors, however, influence the form that voter suppression takes. When elites competing for office lack the ability to enact laws restricting voting due to limited internal capacity, or external actors are able to limit the ability of governments to use laws to suppress voting, suppression is likely to be ad hoc, decentralized, and potentially violent. As political and state capacity increase and external constraints decrease, voter suppression will shift from decentralized and potentially violent to centralized and mostly non-violent. We illustrate our arguments by analyzing the transition from decentralized, violent voter suppression through the use of lynchings (and associated violence) to the centralized, less violent suppression of black voting in the post-Reconstruction South. We also place the most recent wave of U.S. state voter suppression laws into broader context using our theoretical framework.
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Thomas, Terrence, Befikadu Legesse, and Cihat Gunden. "Community-based Organizations and Issues in Community Development in an Era Constant Change." Journal of Business and Economics 10, no. 7 (July 20, 2019): 585–605. http://dx.doi.org/10.15341/jbe(2155-7950)/07.10.2019/001.
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The failure of top-down categorical approaches for generating solutions to many local problems has led to the adoption of alternate approaches. Many scholars believe that a confluence of local and global forces have generated complex problems, which call for new approaches to problem solving. Previously, the top-down approach relied entirely on the knowledgeable elite. Communities were seen as passive study subjects and information flow was one way only- from knowledgeable elites to the less knowledgeable community agents or community-based organization acting on behalf of communities. The objectives of this study are to provide a review of governance as a means of organizing community action to address community problems in the Black Belt Region (BBR) of the Southeastern United States, and an assessment of community problems in the BBR from the perspectives of community-based organizations (CBOs). Data was collected from CBOs via a telephone survey in eleven Southeastern states and via listening sessions conducted with CBOs in 9 Southeastern states. The study provides valuable insight regarding the challenges faced by these organizations and strategies they employ in adapting to serve their communities.
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Sotiropoulou, Irene. "Persistent Food Shortages in Venetian Crete: A First Hypothesis." Journal of Risk and Financial Management 14, no. 4 (April 1, 2021): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/jrfm14040151.
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This paper examines the persistent food shortages in the island of Crete under Venetian rule (1204–1669) through the prism of the monetary system of Venetian territories and in combination with the other economic policies of the Venetian empire. From the available sources and analysis, it seems that the policies of Venice which prioritised the food security of the metropolis, the financial support to the elites, and the elite-favouring monetary and taxation system were contradictory and self-defeating. In particular, the monetary structure of the colonial economy and the taxation system seem to have been forcing both Cretans and Venetian settlers to produce wine for export instead of grain despite the repeated food shortages. The parallel circulation of various high-value (white money) and low-value (black money) currencies in the same economy and the insistence of the Venetian administration to receive taxes in white money seems to have been consistently undermining the food security policy adopted by the same authorities. The paper contributes to the discussion of how parallel currencies can stabilise an economy or can create structural destabilisation propensities, depending on coeval economic structures that usually go unexamined when we examine monetary instruments.
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VALENTINO, NICHOLAS A., VINCENT L. HUTCHINGS, and ISMAIL K. WHITE. "Cues that Matter: How Political Ads Prime Racial Attitudes During Campaigns." American Political Science Review 96, no. 1 (March 2002): 75–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402004240.
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Recent evidence suggests that elites can capitalize on preexisting linkages between issues and social groups to alter the criteria citizens use to make political decisions. In particular, studies have shown that subtle racial cues in campaign communications may activate racial attitudes, thereby altering the foundations of mass political decision making. However, the precise psychological mechanism by which such attitudes are activated has not been empirically demonstrated, and the range of implicit cues powerful enough to produce this effect is still unknown. In an experiment, we tested whether subtle racial cues embedded in political advertisements prime racial attitudes as predictors of candidate preference by making them more accessible in memory. Results show that a wide range of implicit race cues can prime racial attitudes and that cognitive accessibility mediates the effect. Furthermore, counter-stereotypic cues—especially those implying blacks are deserving of government resources—dampen racial priming, suggesting that the meaning drawn from the visual/narrative pairing in an advertisement, and not simply the presence of black images, triggers the effect.
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Gomza, Ivan, and Johann Zajaczkowski. "Black Sun Rising: Political Opportunity Structure Perceptions and Institutionalization of the Azov Movement in Post-Euromaidan Ukraine." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 5 (September 2019): 774–800. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2019.30.
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AbstractThis article explores the rise of the Azov movement and explains the process through the political opportunity structure theory. We argue that a loosely coherent winning coalition of the post-Euromaidan ruling elites enabled Azov’s participation in conventional politics. As a result, Azov launched the ongoing institutionalization process which is largely responsible for Azov’s success as compared to other far-right movements. We show that two movement entrepreneurs’ profiles, namely political activist and radical, dominated the Azov leadership structure and managed to promote their strategic vision on cooperation with state officials effectively combined with contentious action. We find that political activist entrepreneurs tend to push institutionalization alongside particular institutionalization axes, namely adaptability, reification, and systemness, whereas radical entrepreneurs are responsible for Azov’s transformation into an intense policy demander.