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1

Smith, Jennifer Bradford. "The evolution of the Black Panther Party." The Ohio State University, 1988. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1240404453.

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Smith, Jennifer B. "An international history of the Black Panther party /." New York (N.Y.) : Garland publ, 1999. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37322424v.

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3

Preusser, John. "The Washington chapter of the Black Panther Party : from revolutionary militants to community activists /." Electronic version (PDF), 2007. http://dl.uncw.edu/etd/2006/preusserj/johnpreusser.pdf.

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4

Vario, Lisa. ""All power to the people" : the influence and legacy of the Black Panther Party, 1966-1980 /." Youngstown State University / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ysu1197081489.

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5

Castle, E. A. "Black and native American women's activism in the Black Panther Party and the American Indian Movement." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.597362.

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The transition of activism in the late 1960s from a non-violent, citizenship-based appeal for Civil Rights to a Nationalist, potentially violent call for revolution, marked a shift to a more radical and confrontational politics of social change. Hidden in this history are the narratives of women’s participation which dramatically revise the current historical record in these ground-breaking social movements. During this period, women and men organised for social change, often around identity-based issues, and challenged the status quo. This work examines two organisations which emerged in the late sixties as vanguards of an era defined by the self-determined chants of ‘black and red power’, a time of social and political rebellion against the leaders of the waning Civil Rights movement and an increasingly repressive government. This thesis seeks to foreground the hitherto unknown involvement of women in male-identified organisations such as the Black Panther Party and the American Indian Movement. It will highlight previously untold stories of key women activists in these two organisations. Not only will it demonstrate that women comprised a majority of the participants, but also that they performed all manner of functions ranging from high-level negotiations to meal preparation. Contemporary coverage of both organisations in the media obscured such involvement. The majority of the groups that defined themselves as revolutionary or radical were unable to deal with issues of gender inequality within their ranks. Many of these groups espoused a rhetorical philosophy of equality yet they were frequently unable to match such ideals in practice. This was certainly the case for the BPP and AIM. By equating liberation with manhood, women in these groups found themselves not only struggling for the cause but also competing with oppressive notions of masculinity. Women’s liberationists failed to offer any common cause, focusing on race-specific issues and advocating the separation of sexes which alienated women of color.
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6

Yañez, Angélica María. "Chicano and black radical activism of the 1960s a comparison between the Brown Berets and the Black Panther Party in California /." Diss., [La Jolla] : University of California, San Diego, 2010. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p1474777.

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of California, San Diego, 2010.
Title from first page of PDF file (viewed April 15, 2010). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Includes bibliographical references (p. 92-100).
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7

Nissim-Sabat, Ryan. "On the prowl : a socio-historical examination of the Black Panther Party in Cleveland, Ohio." Connect to resource, 1999. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1184190361.

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8

Johnson, Calvin D. "Radicals for righteousness an examination of the Black Panther Party as a model for ministry /." Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2001. http://www.tren.com.

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9

Ogbar, Jeffrey Ogbonna Green. "From the bottom up : popular black reactions to the Nation of Islam and the Black Panther Party, 1955-1975." Ann Arbor, Mich. : ProQuest Information and Learning, 2005. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?res_dat=xri:ssbe&url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_dat=xri:ssbe:ft:keyresource:Vann_Diss_02.

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10

Burke, Lucas, and Lucas Burke. "The Model City: Civil Rights, the Black Panther Party, and the Revolution of Urban Politics in Portland, Oregon." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/12551.

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In recent decades, scholars have praised Portland as a model for urban planning and citizen participation. This thesis complicates Portland's rose-colored image by situating it within recent histories on the long civil rights movement in the West, the Black Panther Party, and civil rights and metropolitan space. The history of Portland's Black Panthers represents an important moment for the black freedom struggle in Northeast Portland's Albina district and for the city's approach to urban planning. Excluded from politics, spatially confined, and subjected to destructive urban renewal projects by the 1960s, blacks in Albina experimented with innovative forms of political participation. These approaches ranged from moderate demands for neighborhood involvement with urban planners to radical, separatist opposition. Although the Panthers' vision of socioeconomic uplift and community control declined, a citywide revolution in politics co-opted their approach, responded to moderate voices, and dismantled much of the undemocratic planning structure in the 1970s.
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11

Tudor-Tangeman, Jessie F. E. "An Ethical Analysis of The Black Panther Party and The United States Government’s Sickle Cell Anemia Initiatives." The Ohio State University, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1587119362677946.

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12

Oppenheimer, Rachel Alayna. "Of Prisons and Polities: The Black Panther Party, Irish Republican Army and Radical Socio-Political organization, 1966-1983." Research Showcase @ CMU, 2017. http://repository.cmu.edu/dissertations/979.

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This dissertation uses the idea of a moral polity as an organizing concept to help understand how the Irish Republican Army and Black Panther Party understood their own actions and the imprisonment of large numbers of their members. In referring to the “moral polity” this study describes socio-political structures and relations created by people who are animated by a series of collectively held ideas about how authorities and populations should interact. The collectively held ideas that provide the foundation for a moral polity emphasize reciprocities between authorities and a population living under those authorities, fairness and justice between these two parties, and trust between the authorities and that population. Moral Polities promote human dignity and the welfare of the community, and the beliefs that undergird them are formed in opposition to established socio-political structures. The first chapters reveal the moral polities created by the BPP and IRA, looking first at precursors of these moral polities and then focusing on the opposition their creators faced from the governments and security forces of the United States, Northern Ireland, and Britain. As the Panthers and IRA espoused a radical reordering of society based on their collectively held beliefs, they threatened power structures who resorted to counterintelligence and internment without trial in their attempts to quell the threats they saw coming from the BPP an IRA, which in turn resulted in in large numbers of prisoners. The last chapters examine the decline of the Black Panther Party and the rise of the Irish republican prisoner. The BPP was unable to overcome the divisions within their party which the FBI exploited in the years before 1973. This left them unable to uphold the moral polity they had created around chapters across the nation. Although some members of the Party struggled to keep the Party and its envisioned society afloat, the BPP did not last beyond 1982. Conversely, when British authorities revoked special category status in Northern Irish prisons, and therefore, destroyed the IRA’s reordering of prison society, the IRA embarked on five years of sustained protest which resulted in a recreation of their moral polity.
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Waggener, Tamara Ann. "Gender, race, and political violence in US social movements : 1965-1975 /." Digital version accessible at:, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.

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14

Poston, Lance E. "Queer Bedfellows: Huey Newton, Homophobia, and Black Activism in Cold War America." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1337961685.

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15

Sandberg, Camilla. "Svart organisation kontra vit institution : The Black Panther Party i populärkultur, det amerikanska historiebruket och film som socialt minne." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för kulturvetenskaper, KV, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-17405.

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16

Jones, James T. III. "Creating revolution as we advance: the revolutionary years of The Black Panther Party for self-defense and those who destroyed It." The Ohio State University, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1118262119.

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17

Jones, James Thomas. "Creating revolution as we advance : the revolutionary years of the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense and those who destroyed it /." Connect to resource, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1118262119.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2005.
Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains viii, 190 p.; also includes graphics. Includes bibliographical references (p. 186-190). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center
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18

Blackmon, Janiece L. "I Am Because We Are: Africana Womanism as a Vehicle of Empowerment and Influence." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/33840.

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The purpose of this research project has been to shed light on the experiences of Black women in Afrocentric groupsâ Nation of Gods and Earths, the Black Panther Party, and Rastafariansâ that operated on the fringes of society during the 1960s through the early 2000s. This work articulates the gender dynamics between the men and women of the groups. In it, I trace the history of Black nationalism and identity in the United States in the late 19th century to the 20th century which set the framework for the formation of the Nation of Gods and Earths (NGE), the Black Panther Party(BPP), and Rastafarianism and its members to see themselves as a part of the Black nation or community and the women of these groups to see their identity tied in with the goals and desires of the group not as one set on individualistic ambitions.

The Africana womanist did not see herself as an individual but rather a vital part of the entire Black community. From a feminist perspective, it would appear as though the women of these Afrocentric fringe groups were marginalized and oppressed by the men but this perspective fails to give credence to the fact that Rasta women, Earthsâ the female members of the NGEâ and women Panthers saw race and racism as a more pressing issue than that of sexism. That is not to say that women in these groups did not question or challenge some of the sexist actions of their male counterparts. When there was a challenge it was done so in a way that reminded the men of the tenets of their respective group and their responsibility to uphold those principles; principles that required the men to consider the women as equally valuable in the cause of the group and deserving of just treatment.

While adhering to a gender order that afforded the male members a more visible position, the women of this study did not view their positions as mothers, wives, and sister members as a hindrance to their own personal joy or freedom. In fact, using an Africana womanist point of view, they would argue that it was in the best interest of the entire Rasta, NGE, or BPP and by extension, the Black community for them to own their statuses as a form of empowerment. For it was through their wombs and nurturing that the next generation would be born, through their providing a stable home that would allow their husbands to focus their attentions on the issues concerning their communities outward and through their role as supportive â sistersâ encouraging the men that the community could advance socially.
Master of Arts

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19

Jones, James Thomas III. "The Enemy is All Around Us: A Historical Examination of the Early Years of The Black Panther Party for Self-Defense." The Ohio State University, 2000. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1392815755.

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20

Cooney, Christopher Thomas. "Radicalism in American Political Thought : Black Power, the Black Panthers, and the American Creed." PDXScholar, 2007. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3238.

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American Political Thought has presented somewhat of a challenge to many because of the conflict between the ideals found within the "American Creed" and the reality of America's treatment of ethnic and social minorities. The various forms of marginalization and oppression facing women, blacks, Native Americans, and Asian-Americans have been as much a part of the story of America as have been natural rights and the Constitution. Taking this into account, this thesis is an effort to argue that the radicalism on display in the Black Panther Party, a group that emerged in the turmoil of the 1960' s, was a direct descendant of the ideas found within the Black Power movement. It will be argued that these militant critiques of American society were radical, but were not so radical as to be viewed as outside of the context provided by the ideals found in the American Creed. In order to do so, it will be necessary first to present and analyze the various approaches toward explaining the content and nature of the American Creed. The Creed will be presented as separate from American political reality, as an ideal type. As a result it appears to be a rather amorphous tool which can be used both by supporters of a more robust realization of the Creed's ideals and those who wish to limit the scope of these ideals. Having discussed these approaches toward the American Creed, a discussion of radical political ideas will serve to introduce the Black Power movement and the later Black Panther Party. It will be argued that the radical ideas on display were born out of a frustration with American society, but were at the same time an endorsement of the American Creed. It will be concluded that the American Creed is a powerful force acting upon American political thought, so powerful that even those who should rationally reject the Creed forcefully embrace it.
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Williams, Jakobi Emon. "Racial coalition politics in Chicago a case study of Fred Hampton, the Illinois Black Panther Party, and the origin of the Rainbow Coalition /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1692812591&sid=16&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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22

Martin, Derrick W. A. "From the Desire to Mark Essex: The Catalysts of Militarization for the New Orleans Police Department." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2016. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/2174.

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Abstract The ultimate goal in the South was to end segregation, but nationwide equal-rights were the common goal of all African-Americans. Nonviolent protests and over aggressive police departments became the norm within the African-American community. Understated in the history of the Civil Rights Era is the role of armed resistance and Black Nationalism. Marcus Garvey, Stokely Carmichael, Huey P. Newton, and Malcolm X were Black Nationalists that led the charge of Black Nationalism worldwide. The Deacons of Defense, the Lowndes County Freedom Organization (LCFO) and the Black Panther Party for Self Defense transformed the social makeup of the country and became major causes of the militarization of police departments across the United States. Many police departments across America began to create SWAT teams and use military-style weaponry following an outbreak of riots and the assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. In New Orleans, Louisiana, stand-offs and shoot-outs with Black Panther members warranted a call for military backup, but it was the acts of Mark James Robert Essex that totally militarized the New Orleans Police Department.
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23

Cerdera, Pablo Miguel. "Healing and Belonging: Community Based Art and Community Formation in West Oakland." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1436684169.

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24

Chudzinski, Adrienne Elyse. "Sites of Struggle: Civil Rights and the Politics of Memorialization." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1335379573.

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25

Ryan, Angela Rose. "Education for the People: The Third World Student Movement at San Francisco State College and City College of New York." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1275416332.

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26

Gebhuza, Manwabisi Gibson. "Black radicals and the American national consciousness: Ideology in the Black Panther Party and the Nation of Islam." Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/4840.

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ABSTRACT Radical Black movements in the United States are often judged according to the feasibility of their aims and practices. This tends to overlook other ameliorative and even revolutionary contributions that these movements make. While the Civil Rights Protest Movement is well acknowledged for its ameliorative contributions to the just treatment of Blacks in America, black radicals are often decried as having been impractical and unrealistic. The impracticality of black radical movements often baffles scholars when they try to rationalize the existence of these movements, and often sociological justifications are sought. This dissertation seeks to show that the sentiments of the black radical movements were rooted in variables which are understandable and justifiable. Separatism and revolutionism, by the Nation of Islam and the Black Panther Party respectively, were direct responses to the situation of Blacks in America, in the past and in the future. The past was that of brutal discrimination and exploitation, the future spelled out assimilation and yet again exploitation. It made sense to the Nation of Islam that they should seek separatism and self-determination within or without America, and it also made sense to the Black Panther to seek revolution in order to end all exploitation and paternalism. The history of Black/white relations could not be erased from the collective memory. In order to denounce the past, the present was to be cursed. The callous past justified autonomy and this autonomy was sought in separatism and revolution. The proponents of these tenets were not deluded about the feasibility of the most extreme of their demands- the tenets were a denunciation of America, the American national consciousness. The mere adherence to these beliefs granted its proponents racial and class solidarity, dignity and pride. These alone are enough to justify the noise that these movements made. This is the argument of this dissertation. An attempt will be made, through textual analysis of some of the documents of the Nation of Islam and the Black Panther Party to extract excerpts that link to the ideals of racial solidarity, dignity and pride.
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27

Yen, Yu-Hui, and 顏郁惠. "The U.S. Civil Right Movement and Black Power- A Case Study of Black Panther Party in the 1960s." Thesis, 2010. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/72863419503953390125.

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碩士
淡江大學
美洲研究所碩士班
98
The Black Panther Party was founded in 1966 by Huey P. Newton, and its goal was to overthrow capitalism through a revolution. If the revolution had success, the Black Panther Party would like to establish a fair society which could provide equal opportunities for every citizen. Since 1960s, the Civil Right Movement had been acting like a raging fire spread all over the United States, along with the student movement and the anti-war movement. Before long, the Black Panther Party appeared as new icon of black power. Under these circumstances, many young people decided to become members of the Black Panther Party, and fight for their own freedom. Newton had been immersed in left-wing ideologies, and he adopted different thinking and tactics from some great thinkers. For instance, the idea of lumpenproletariat was widely used in the party. The Panthers believed that the people in a low stratum of society could be the sweeping force against the authority. This was the hard power the Panthers had used. At the same time, the Panthers embraced the part of soft power in road of the revolution. They had plenty of plans and designs for communities, providing assistance and help for black people and the minorities. Thanks to the media, the Black Panther Party was getting well-known both inside and outside the U.S. Therefore, the government became aware of this phenomenon, and then tried to diminish the Panthers’ influences. Besides the government’s invasion, the Panthers encountered internal revolts as well. In this complex situation, the Black Panther Party began to fade. As time passed, the Black Panther Party was no longer being in the spotlight. However, the devotion of black power and impact of left ideologies the Panthers had once shown could not be denied. In a nutshell, the Black Panther Party aroused black consciousness and advanced black nationalism, the Party let people hear difference voices of the United States in the 1960s.
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28

Holder, Kit Kim. "The history of the Black Panther Party, 1966-1971: A curriculum tool for Afrikan-American studies." 1990. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations/AAI9035391.

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The Black Panther Party existed for a very short period of time, but within this period they established themselves as a central force in the Afrikan American human rights/civil rights movements. Over the past twenty years the history of the Black Panther Party has been conspicuously missing from material on the 1960's. Particularly, there is an absence of material concerning the rank-and-file grassroots activities. In documenting the grassroots efforts of the Black Panther Party, this study emphasizes the community organizing of the Party in a manner which encourages the student/reader to analyze the effectiveness and relevance of grassroots organizing as a means for developing social change and acquiring Afrikan American self-determination.
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Richardson, Tara Alice. "The function of literacy in the life of a former member of the Black Panther Party a rhizoanalysis /." 2008. http://purl.galileo.usg.edu/uga%5Fetd/richardson%5Ftara%5Fa%5F200805%5Fphd.

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30

Potorti, Mary E. "Food for Freedom: the black freedom struggle and the politics of food." Thesis, 2015. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/15656.

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This dissertation situates concerns of food access and nutrition at the center of United States struggles for racial justice during the long civil rights era. The persistence of widespread hunger amidst agricultural abundance created a need and an organizing opportunity that proponents of black freedom readily seized, recognizing the capacity of food to perpetuate oppression and to promote human equality. These efforts took many forms. Chapter One examines the dietary laws and food economy of Elijah Muhammad's Nation of Islam. Muhammad's prohibition of pork, processed commodities, and "soul food" aimed to improve the health of black Americans while elevating them morally and spiritually. Muslim food enterprises established to provision the Black Muslim diet encouraged black industry, autonomy, and self-help by mirroring the white capitalist food system. Chapter Two analyzes the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee's Food for Freedom campaign of the early 1960s. In response to local efforts to thwart voter registration by withholding federal food aid from Mississippi sharecroppers, SNCC launched a nationwide food drive. SNCC's assessment of food security as a civil right, directly linked to the ability of the rural poor to exercise the franchise, resonated with northern sympathizers, prompting the development of Friends of SNCC chapters to support those starving for freedom. Chapter Three investigates the Black Panther Party's community food initiatives. Beginning with free breakfast programs for schoolchildren and culminating in spectacular food giveaways, these endeavors worked to neutralize the power of hunger to inhibit the physical development, educational advancement, and political engagement of the urban poor. In doing so, the Panthers forged unlikely alliances while sparking police and FBI repression. Programs and campaigns such as these acknowledged and resisted the function of hunger in maintaining structures of white privilege and black oppression, politicizing hunger and malnutrition by construing them as intended outcomes of institutional racism. This study offers revealing historical precursors to twenty-first century debates about hunger, food security, food deserts, childhood nutrition, obesity, agricultural subsidies, and federal food aid, investigating the civil rights era through the lens of food politics while adding historical context to scholarship of food justice.
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Amin, Kadji. "Agencies of Abjection: Jean Genet and Subaltern Socialities." Diss., 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10161/1604.

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This dissertation explores the concept of agential abjection through Jean Genet's involvement with and writings about the struggles of disenfranchised and pathologized peoples. Following Julia Kristeva, Judith Butler has argued that modern subjectivity requires the production of a domain of abjected beings denied subjecthood and forced to live "unlivable" lives. "Agencies of Abjection" brings these feminist theories of abjection to bear on the multiple coordinates of social difference by exploring forms of abjection linked to sexuality, criminality, colonialism, and racialization. Situating Genet within an archive that includes the writings of former inmates of penal colonies, Francophone intellectuals, and Black Panther Party members, I analyze both the historical forces that produce abjection and the collective forms of agency that emerge from subaltern social forms. I find that the abjected are often able to elaborate impure, perverse, and contingent forms of agency from within the very institutions and discourses that would deny them subjecthood.

"Agencies of Abjection" carefully situates Genet's writing within the discursive fields in which it intervenes, including that of the memoirs and testimonies of former inmates of the boys' penal colonies, of Francophone decolonizing poets and intellectuals, and of Black Panther prison writings. This method illuminates subaltern genealogies of thought on the problems of abjection, subjection, and subaltern agency so central to Genet's writing. By charting the twists and turns between Genet's writing and that of other subaltern writers of abjection, "Agencies of Abjection" reads Genet as a thinker continually involved in a process of exchange, intervention, borrowing, and revision concerning the specific histories and experiences of social abjection.


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32

Brame, Wendy Jean. "The national-local interface of social control the Federal Bureau of Investigation and the Winston-Salem branch of the Black Panther party /." 2006. http://digital.library.okstate.edu/etd/umi-okstate-1877.pdf.

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