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1

Smith, Jennifer Bradford. "The evolution of the Black Panther Party." The Ohio State University, 1988. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1240404453.

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Smith, Jennifer B. "An international history of the Black Panther party /." New York (N.Y.) : Garland publ, 1999. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37322424v.

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3

Preusser, John. "The Washington chapter of the Black Panther Party : from revolutionary militants to community activists /." Electronic version (PDF), 2007. http://dl.uncw.edu/etd/2006/preusserj/johnpreusser.pdf.

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4

Vario, Lisa. ""All power to the people" : the influence and legacy of the Black Panther Party, 1966-1980 /." Youngstown State University / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ysu1197081489.

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5

Castle, E. A. "Black and native American women's activism in the Black Panther Party and the American Indian Movement." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.597362.

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The transition of activism in the late 1960s from a non-violent, citizenship-based appeal for Civil Rights to a Nationalist, potentially violent call for revolution, marked a shift to a more radical and confrontational politics of social change. Hidden in this history are the narratives of women’s participation which dramatically revise the current historical record in these ground-breaking social movements. During this period, women and men organised for social change, often around identity-based issues, and challenged the status quo. This work examines two organisations which emerged in the late sixties as vanguards of an era defined by the self-determined chants of ‘black and red power’, a time of social and political rebellion against the leaders of the waning Civil Rights movement and an increasingly repressive government. This thesis seeks to foreground the hitherto unknown involvement of women in male-identified organisations such as the Black Panther Party and the American Indian Movement. It will highlight previously untold stories of key women activists in these two organisations. Not only will it demonstrate that women comprised a majority of the participants, but also that they performed all manner of functions ranging from high-level negotiations to meal preparation. Contemporary coverage of both organisations in the media obscured such involvement. The majority of the groups that defined themselves as revolutionary or radical were unable to deal with issues of gender inequality within their ranks. Many of these groups espoused a rhetorical philosophy of equality yet they were frequently unable to match such ideals in practice. This was certainly the case for the BPP and AIM. By equating liberation with manhood, women in these groups found themselves not only struggling for the cause but also competing with oppressive notions of masculinity. Women’s liberationists failed to offer any common cause, focusing on race-specific issues and advocating the separation of sexes which alienated women of color.
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Yañez, Angélica María. "Chicano and black radical activism of the 1960s a comparison between the Brown Berets and the Black Panther Party in California /." Diss., [La Jolla] : University of California, San Diego, 2010. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p1474777.

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of California, San Diego, 2010.
Title from first page of PDF file (viewed April 15, 2010). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Includes bibliographical references (p. 92-100).
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7

Ogbar, Jeffrey Ogbonna Green. "From the bottom up : popular black reactions to the Nation of Islam and the Black Panther Party, 1955-1975." Ann Arbor, Mich. : ProQuest Information and Learning, 2005. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?res_dat=xri:ssbe&url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_dat=xri:ssbe:ft:keyresource:Vann_Diss_02.

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8

Bredell, Kyle Hampton. "Black Panther High: Racial Violence, Student Activism, and the Policing of Philadelphia Public Schools." Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2013. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/216534.

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History
M.F.A.
The school district of Philadelphia built up its security program along a very distinct pathway that was largely unrelated to any real needs protection. This program played out in two distinct phases. In the late 1950s, black and white students clashed in the neighborhoods surrounding schools over integration. Black parents called upon the city to provide community policing to protect their children in the communities surrounding schools. As the 1960s progressed and the promised civil rights gains from city liberals failed to materialize, students turned increasingly to Black Nationalist and black power ideology. When this protest activity moved inside their schoolhouses as blacks simultaneously began moving into white neighborhoods, white Philadelphians began to feel threatened in their homes and schools. As black student activism became louder and more militant, white parents called upon the police to protect their children inside the school house, as opposed to the earlier calls for community policing by black parents. White parents, the PPD, and conservative city politicians pushed the district to adopt tougher disciplinary policies to ham string this activism, to which black parents vehemently objected. The district resisted demands to police the schools through the 1960s until finally caving to political pressure in the 1970s.
Temple University--Theses
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9

Behrami, Drilon. "The Intersections of Wakanda : Aspects of intersectionality as presented in the Marvel blockbuster Black Panther." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för språk (SPR), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-97931.

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The following essay analyzes Marvel blockbuster Black Panther with an intersectional lens, discussing relations of power, oppression and discrimination through the fictive society of Wakanda. The findings present similar factors of intersectionality to that of most western societies, with gender, sexuality, aptitude and tribal affiliations as the main factors of identity. The essay argues for the inclusion of culturally loaded films in the EFL classroom, with the intention of introducing students to intersectionality through a fictive society, in an effort to promote better understanding of relations of power, oppression and discrimination, whilst also including education on different types of language usage
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10

Nissim-Sabat, Ryan. "On the prowl : a socio-historical examination of the Black Panther Party in Cleveland, Ohio." Connect to resource, 1999. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1184190361.

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11

Johnson, Calvin D. "Radicals for righteousness an examination of the Black Panther Party as a model for ministry /." Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2001. http://www.tren.com.

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12

Stringfield, Ravynn K. "Black Capes, White Spies: An Exploration of Visual Black Identity, Evolving Heroism and 'passing' in Marvel's Black Panther Comics and Mat Johnson's Graphic Novel, Incogengro." W&M ScholarWorks, 2017. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1530192363.

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This thesis is a portfolio which contains two essays. The first essay, “Reclaiming Wakanda,” is a character biography of the Black Panther comic character from his inception in 1966 until 2016. The work historicizes and politicizes a character written as apolotical by his creators while also placing him firmly within a legacy of Black Power, Civil Rights and other Black freedom movements of the second half of the 20th century. The second essay, “Incogengro: The Creation and Destruction of Black Identity in the ‘Safety’ of Harlem” considers how images and representations race and racial violence are constructed in graphic novel form when color is literally no longer present and within the confines of Harlem.
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Burke, Lucas, and Lucas Burke. "The Model City: Civil Rights, the Black Panther Party, and the Revolution of Urban Politics in Portland, Oregon." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/12551.

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In recent decades, scholars have praised Portland as a model for urban planning and citizen participation. This thesis complicates Portland's rose-colored image by situating it within recent histories on the long civil rights movement in the West, the Black Panther Party, and civil rights and metropolitan space. The history of Portland's Black Panthers represents an important moment for the black freedom struggle in Northeast Portland's Albina district and for the city's approach to urban planning. Excluded from politics, spatially confined, and subjected to destructive urban renewal projects by the 1960s, blacks in Albina experimented with innovative forms of political participation. These approaches ranged from moderate demands for neighborhood involvement with urban planners to radical, separatist opposition. Although the Panthers' vision of socioeconomic uplift and community control declined, a citywide revolution in politics co-opted their approach, responded to moderate voices, and dismantled much of the undemocratic planning structure in the 1970s.
2016-02-01
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14

LaRue, Dionna D. "The Movement: An Integrated Approach to the Study of the Origins and Evolution of 1960s Radical Thought." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1279401215.

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15

Cooney, Christopher Thomas. "Radicalism in American Political Thought : Black Power, the Black Panthers, and the American Creed." PDXScholar, 2007. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3238.

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American Political Thought has presented somewhat of a challenge to many because of the conflict between the ideals found within the "American Creed" and the reality of America's treatment of ethnic and social minorities. The various forms of marginalization and oppression facing women, blacks, Native Americans, and Asian-Americans have been as much a part of the story of America as have been natural rights and the Constitution. Taking this into account, this thesis is an effort to argue that the radicalism on display in the Black Panther Party, a group that emerged in the turmoil of the 1960' s, was a direct descendant of the ideas found within the Black Power movement. It will be argued that these militant critiques of American society were radical, but were not so radical as to be viewed as outside of the context provided by the ideals found in the American Creed. In order to do so, it will be necessary first to present and analyze the various approaches toward explaining the content and nature of the American Creed. The Creed will be presented as separate from American political reality, as an ideal type. As a result it appears to be a rather amorphous tool which can be used both by supporters of a more robust realization of the Creed's ideals and those who wish to limit the scope of these ideals. Having discussed these approaches toward the American Creed, a discussion of radical political ideas will serve to introduce the Black Power movement and the later Black Panther Party. It will be argued that the radical ideas on display were born out of a frustration with American society, but were at the same time an endorsement of the American Creed. It will be concluded that the American Creed is a powerful force acting upon American political thought, so powerful that even those who should rationally reject the Creed forcefully embrace it.
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Tudor-Tangeman, Jessie F. E. "An Ethical Analysis of The Black Panther Party and The United States Government’s Sickle Cell Anemia Initiatives." The Ohio State University, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1587119362677946.

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Poston, Lance E. "Queer Bedfellows: Huey Newton, Homophobia, and Black Activism in Cold War America." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1337961685.

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18

Dabreo-Ramharack, Cheryl. "Uplifting the Black race, only males need apply; black male militancy in Malcolm X, Panther, Boyz n' the hood, and Get on the bus." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ39049.pdf.

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19

Oppenheimer, Rachel Alayna. "Of Prisons and Polities: The Black Panther Party, Irish Republican Army and Radical Socio-Political organization, 1966-1983." Research Showcase @ CMU, 2017. http://repository.cmu.edu/dissertations/979.

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This dissertation uses the idea of a moral polity as an organizing concept to help understand how the Irish Republican Army and Black Panther Party understood their own actions and the imprisonment of large numbers of their members. In referring to the “moral polity” this study describes socio-political structures and relations created by people who are animated by a series of collectively held ideas about how authorities and populations should interact. The collectively held ideas that provide the foundation for a moral polity emphasize reciprocities between authorities and a population living under those authorities, fairness and justice between these two parties, and trust between the authorities and that population. Moral Polities promote human dignity and the welfare of the community, and the beliefs that undergird them are formed in opposition to established socio-political structures. The first chapters reveal the moral polities created by the BPP and IRA, looking first at precursors of these moral polities and then focusing on the opposition their creators faced from the governments and security forces of the United States, Northern Ireland, and Britain. As the Panthers and IRA espoused a radical reordering of society based on their collectively held beliefs, they threatened power structures who resorted to counterintelligence and internment without trial in their attempts to quell the threats they saw coming from the BPP an IRA, which in turn resulted in in large numbers of prisoners. The last chapters examine the decline of the Black Panther Party and the rise of the Irish republican prisoner. The BPP was unable to overcome the divisions within their party which the FBI exploited in the years before 1973. This left them unable to uphold the moral polity they had created around chapters across the nation. Although some members of the Party struggled to keep the Party and its envisioned society afloat, the BPP did not last beyond 1982. Conversely, when British authorities revoked special category status in Northern Irish prisons, and therefore, destroyed the IRA’s reordering of prison society, the IRA embarked on five years of sustained protest which resulted in a recreation of their moral polity.
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Waggener, Tamara Ann. "Gender, race, and political violence in US social movements : 1965-1975 /." Digital version accessible at:, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.

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21

Jones, James T. III. "Creating revolution as we advance: the revolutionary years of The Black Panther Party for self-defense and those who destroyed It." The Ohio State University, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1118262119.

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22

Sandberg, Camilla. "Svart organisation kontra vit institution : The Black Panther Party i populärkultur, det amerikanska historiebruket och film som socialt minne." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för kulturvetenskaper, KV, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-17405.

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23

Watkins, Trinae. "Panther Power: A Look Inside the Political Hip Hop Music of Tupac Amaru Shakur." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2018. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/cauetds/165.

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In this study, seven rap songs by hip hop icon Tupac Shakur were examined to determine if the ideology of the Black Panther Party exists within the song lyrics of his politically oriented music. The study used content analysis as its methodology. Key among the Ten Point Program tenets reflected in Tupac’s song lyrics were for self-determination, full employment, ending exploitation of Blacks by Whites (or Capitalists), decent housing, police brutality, education, liberation of Black prisoners, and the demand for land, bread, housing, education, clothing, justice, peace, and a United Nations plebiscite.
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Jones, James Thomas. "Creating revolution as we advance : the revolutionary years of the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense and those who destroyed it /." Connect to resource, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1118262119.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2005.
Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains viii, 190 p.; also includes graphics. Includes bibliographical references (p. 186-190). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center
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Blackmon, Janiece L. "I Am Because We Are: Africana Womanism as a Vehicle of Empowerment and Influence." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/33840.

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The purpose of this research project has been to shed light on the experiences of Black women in Afrocentric groupsâ Nation of Gods and Earths, the Black Panther Party, and Rastafariansâ that operated on the fringes of society during the 1960s through the early 2000s. This work articulates the gender dynamics between the men and women of the groups. In it, I trace the history of Black nationalism and identity in the United States in the late 19th century to the 20th century which set the framework for the formation of the Nation of Gods and Earths (NGE), the Black Panther Party(BPP), and Rastafarianism and its members to see themselves as a part of the Black nation or community and the women of these groups to see their identity tied in with the goals and desires of the group not as one set on individualistic ambitions.

The Africana womanist did not see herself as an individual but rather a vital part of the entire Black community. From a feminist perspective, it would appear as though the women of these Afrocentric fringe groups were marginalized and oppressed by the men but this perspective fails to give credence to the fact that Rasta women, Earthsâ the female members of the NGEâ and women Panthers saw race and racism as a more pressing issue than that of sexism. That is not to say that women in these groups did not question or challenge some of the sexist actions of their male counterparts. When there was a challenge it was done so in a way that reminded the men of the tenets of their respective group and their responsibility to uphold those principles; principles that required the men to consider the women as equally valuable in the cause of the group and deserving of just treatment.

While adhering to a gender order that afforded the male members a more visible position, the women of this study did not view their positions as mothers, wives, and sister members as a hindrance to their own personal joy or freedom. In fact, using an Africana womanist point of view, they would argue that it was in the best interest of the entire Rasta, NGE, or BPP and by extension, the Black community for them to own their statuses as a form of empowerment. For it was through their wombs and nurturing that the next generation would be born, through their providing a stable home that would allow their husbands to focus their attentions on the issues concerning their communities outward and through their role as supportive â sistersâ encouraging the men that the community could advance socially.
Master of Arts

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Jones, James Thomas III. "The Enemy is All Around Us: A Historical Examination of the Early Years of The Black Panther Party for Self-Defense." The Ohio State University, 2000. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1392815755.

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27

Williams, Jakobi Emon. "Racial coalition politics in Chicago a case study of Fred Hampton, the Illinois Black Panther Party, and the origin of the Rainbow Coalition /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1692812591&sid=16&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Whittle, Andrew James. "FLORIDA PANTHER AND BLACK BEAR: A ROAD AND URBAN AVOIDANCE/UTILIZATION ANALYSIS AND IMPACTS OF LAND USE AND CLIMATE CHANGE ON LARGE CARNIVORE HABITAT IN FLORIDA." Lexington, Ky. : [University of Kentucky Libraries], 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10225/1098.

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Thesis (M.S.)--University of Kentucky, 2009.
Title from document title page (viewed on October 29, 2009). Document formatted into pages; contains: vi, 104 p. : ill. (some col.), maps. Includes abstract and vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 93-101).
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Martin, Derrick W. A. "From the Desire to Mark Essex: The Catalysts of Militarization for the New Orleans Police Department." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2016. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/2174.

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Abstract The ultimate goal in the South was to end segregation, but nationwide equal-rights were the common goal of all African-Americans. Nonviolent protests and over aggressive police departments became the norm within the African-American community. Understated in the history of the Civil Rights Era is the role of armed resistance and Black Nationalism. Marcus Garvey, Stokely Carmichael, Huey P. Newton, and Malcolm X were Black Nationalists that led the charge of Black Nationalism worldwide. The Deacons of Defense, the Lowndes County Freedom Organization (LCFO) and the Black Panther Party for Self Defense transformed the social makeup of the country and became major causes of the militarization of police departments across the United States. Many police departments across America began to create SWAT teams and use military-style weaponry following an outbreak of riots and the assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. In New Orleans, Louisiana, stand-offs and shoot-outs with Black Panther members warranted a call for military backup, but it was the acts of Mark James Robert Essex that totally militarized the New Orleans Police Department.
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Kennedy, Fenella Kate. "Movement Writes: Four Case Studies in Dance, Discourse and Shifting Boundaries." The Ohio State University, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1563804914734557.

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Cerdera, Pablo Miguel. "Healing and Belonging: Community Based Art and Community Formation in West Oakland." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1436684169.

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32

Ryan, Angela Rose. "Education for the People: The Third World Student Movement at San Francisco State College and City College of New York." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1275416332.

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Chudzinski, Adrienne Elyse. "Sites of Struggle: Civil Rights and the Politics of Memorialization." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1335379573.

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34

Young, Kelcei. "And the Stereotype Award Goes to...: A Comparative Analysis of Directors using African American Stereotypes in Film." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2019. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1609173/.

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This study examines African American stereotypes in film. I studied six directors, Kathryn Bigelow, Spike Lee, the Russo Brothers, Ryan Coogler, Tate Taylor, and Dee Rees; and six films Detroit, BlacKkKlansman, Captain America: The Winter Soldier, The Help, and Mudbound. Using the framework of critical race theory and auteur theory, I compared the common themes between the films and directors. The main purpose of my study is to see if White or Black directors predominantly used African American stereotypes. I found that both races of directors rely on stereotypes for different purposes. With Black directors, the stereotype was explained further through character development, while the White directors used the stereotype at face value with no further explanation.
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Black, Jennifer. "Lock My Body, Can't Trap My Mind: A Study of the Scholarship and Social Movements Surrounding the Case of Imprisoned Radical Mumia Abu-Jamal." The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1354642836.

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Stayton, Jeffrey. "Someone's in the kitchen with Dilsey : jemimas, viceroys, and "ex-dopefiend nigger whores" in the pantheon of William Faulkner's black mammies /." Full text available from ProQuest UM Digital Dissertations, 2006. http://0-proquest.umi.com.umiss.lib.olemiss.edu/pqdweb?index=0&did=1273129391&SrchMode=1&sid=4&Fmt=2&VInst=PROD&VType=PQD&RQT=309&VName=PQD&TS=1193674674&clientId=22256.

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Torrubia, Rafael. "Culture from the midnight hour : a critical reassessment of the black power movement in twentieth century America." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1884.

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The thesis seeks to develop a more sophisticated view of the black power movement in twentieth century America by analysing the movement’s cultural legacy. The rise, maturation and decline of black power as a political force had a significant impact on American culture, black and white, yet to be substantively analysed. The thesis argues that while the black power movement was not exclusively cultural it was essentially cultural. It was a revolt in and of culture that was manifested in a variety of forms, with black and white culture providing an index to the black and white world view. This independent black culture base provided cohesion to a movement otherwise severely lacking focus and structural support for the movement’s political and economic endeavours. Each chapter in the PhD acts as a step toward understanding black power as an adaptive cultural term which served to connect and illuminate the differing ideological orientations of movement supporters and explores the implications of this. In this manner, it becomes possible to conceptualise the black power movement as something beyond a cacophony of voices which achieved few tangible gains for African-Americans and to move the discussion beyond traditional historiographical perspectives which focus upon the politics and violence of the movement. Viewing the movement from a cultural perspective places language, folk culture, film, sport, religion and the literary and performing arts in a central historical context which served to spread black power philosophy further than political invective. By demonstrating how culture served to broaden the appeal and facilitate the acceptance of black power tenets it is possible to argue that the use of cultural forms of advocation to advance black power ideologies contributed significantly to making the movement a lasting influence in American culture – one whose impact could be discerned long after its exclusively political agenda had disintegrated.
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Straughan, Frank L. Jr. "Phases of a Man Called 'Moon': Mayor Landrieu and Race Relations in New Orleans, 1960-1974." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2011. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1347.

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This study examines the political career of Maurice Edwin "Moon" Landrieu from his election to the Louisiana legislature in 1960 to the end of his first term as mayor of New Orleans in 1974. Landrieu was a white southern liberal who vigorously supported the agenda of the civil rights movement. He succeeded in building an unprecedented coalition between liberal, middle-class whites and a large segment of the black community. As the 1970s unfolded, however, he found his coalition increasingly threatened not just by disgruntled white conservatives, which might be expected, but also by angry black radicals of the Black Panther Party. This study argues that Landrieu's firm commitment to opening up political and economic opportunity to all citizens enabled him to keep his progressive, biracial coalition together and to help pave the way for the 1978 election of Ernest "Dutch" Morial, the first black mayor of New Orleans.
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Gebhuza, Manwabisi Gibson. "Black radicals and the American national consciousness: Ideology in the Black Panther Party and the Nation of Islam." Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/4840.

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ABSTRACT Radical Black movements in the United States are often judged according to the feasibility of their aims and practices. This tends to overlook other ameliorative and even revolutionary contributions that these movements make. While the Civil Rights Protest Movement is well acknowledged for its ameliorative contributions to the just treatment of Blacks in America, black radicals are often decried as having been impractical and unrealistic. The impracticality of black radical movements often baffles scholars when they try to rationalize the existence of these movements, and often sociological justifications are sought. This dissertation seeks to show that the sentiments of the black radical movements were rooted in variables which are understandable and justifiable. Separatism and revolutionism, by the Nation of Islam and the Black Panther Party respectively, were direct responses to the situation of Blacks in America, in the past and in the future. The past was that of brutal discrimination and exploitation, the future spelled out assimilation and yet again exploitation. It made sense to the Nation of Islam that they should seek separatism and self-determination within or without America, and it also made sense to the Black Panther to seek revolution in order to end all exploitation and paternalism. The history of Black/white relations could not be erased from the collective memory. In order to denounce the past, the present was to be cursed. The callous past justified autonomy and this autonomy was sought in separatism and revolution. The proponents of these tenets were not deluded about the feasibility of the most extreme of their demands- the tenets were a denunciation of America, the American national consciousness. The mere adherence to these beliefs granted its proponents racial and class solidarity, dignity and pride. These alone are enough to justify the noise that these movements made. This is the argument of this dissertation. An attempt will be made, through textual analysis of some of the documents of the Nation of Islam and the Black Panther Party to extract excerpts that link to the ideals of racial solidarity, dignity and pride.
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Yen, Yu-Hui, and 顏郁惠. "The U.S. Civil Right Movement and Black Power- A Case Study of Black Panther Party in the 1960s." Thesis, 2010. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/72863419503953390125.

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碩士
淡江大學
美洲研究所碩士班
98
The Black Panther Party was founded in 1966 by Huey P. Newton, and its goal was to overthrow capitalism through a revolution. If the revolution had success, the Black Panther Party would like to establish a fair society which could provide equal opportunities for every citizen. Since 1960s, the Civil Right Movement had been acting like a raging fire spread all over the United States, along with the student movement and the anti-war movement. Before long, the Black Panther Party appeared as new icon of black power. Under these circumstances, many young people decided to become members of the Black Panther Party, and fight for their own freedom. Newton had been immersed in left-wing ideologies, and he adopted different thinking and tactics from some great thinkers. For instance, the idea of lumpenproletariat was widely used in the party. The Panthers believed that the people in a low stratum of society could be the sweeping force against the authority. This was the hard power the Panthers had used. At the same time, the Panthers embraced the part of soft power in road of the revolution. They had plenty of plans and designs for communities, providing assistance and help for black people and the minorities. Thanks to the media, the Black Panther Party was getting well-known both inside and outside the U.S. Therefore, the government became aware of this phenomenon, and then tried to diminish the Panthers’ influences. Besides the government’s invasion, the Panthers encountered internal revolts as well. In this complex situation, the Black Panther Party began to fade. As time passed, the Black Panther Party was no longer being in the spotlight. However, the devotion of black power and impact of left ideologies the Panthers had once shown could not be denied. In a nutshell, the Black Panther Party aroused black consciousness and advanced black nationalism, the Party let people hear difference voices of the United States in the 1960s.
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41

Holder, Kit Kim. "The history of the Black Panther Party, 1966-1971: A curriculum tool for Afrikan-American studies." 1990. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations/AAI9035391.

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The Black Panther Party existed for a very short period of time, but within this period they established themselves as a central force in the Afrikan American human rights/civil rights movements. Over the past twenty years the history of the Black Panther Party has been conspicuously missing from material on the 1960's. Particularly, there is an absence of material concerning the rank-and-file grassroots activities. In documenting the grassroots efforts of the Black Panther Party, this study emphasizes the community organizing of the Party in a manner which encourages the student/reader to analyze the effectiveness and relevance of grassroots organizing as a means for developing social change and acquiring Afrikan American self-determination.
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42

Potorti, Mary E. "Food for Freedom: the black freedom struggle and the politics of food." Thesis, 2015. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/15656.

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This dissertation situates concerns of food access and nutrition at the center of United States struggles for racial justice during the long civil rights era. The persistence of widespread hunger amidst agricultural abundance created a need and an organizing opportunity that proponents of black freedom readily seized, recognizing the capacity of food to perpetuate oppression and to promote human equality. These efforts took many forms. Chapter One examines the dietary laws and food economy of Elijah Muhammad's Nation of Islam. Muhammad's prohibition of pork, processed commodities, and "soul food" aimed to improve the health of black Americans while elevating them morally and spiritually. Muslim food enterprises established to provision the Black Muslim diet encouraged black industry, autonomy, and self-help by mirroring the white capitalist food system. Chapter Two analyzes the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee's Food for Freedom campaign of the early 1960s. In response to local efforts to thwart voter registration by withholding federal food aid from Mississippi sharecroppers, SNCC launched a nationwide food drive. SNCC's assessment of food security as a civil right, directly linked to the ability of the rural poor to exercise the franchise, resonated with northern sympathizers, prompting the development of Friends of SNCC chapters to support those starving for freedom. Chapter Three investigates the Black Panther Party's community food initiatives. Beginning with free breakfast programs for schoolchildren and culminating in spectacular food giveaways, these endeavors worked to neutralize the power of hunger to inhibit the physical development, educational advancement, and political engagement of the urban poor. In doing so, the Panthers forged unlikely alliances while sparking police and FBI repression. Programs and campaigns such as these acknowledged and resisted the function of hunger in maintaining structures of white privilege and black oppression, politicizing hunger and malnutrition by construing them as intended outcomes of institutional racism. This study offers revealing historical precursors to twenty-first century debates about hunger, food security, food deserts, childhood nutrition, obesity, agricultural subsidies, and federal food aid, investigating the civil rights era through the lens of food politics while adding historical context to scholarship of food justice.
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43

Cheryl, Dabreo-Ramharack. "Uplifting The Black Race - only males need apply : Black male militancy in Malcom X, Panther, Boyz n' the hood, and Get on the bus." Thesis, 1998. http://spectrum.library.concordia.ca/652/1/MQ39049.pdf.

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This thesis examines Malcolm X, Panther, Boyz N' The Hood and Get On The Bus, and reveals that a deliberate attempt is made on the part of these narratives to construct a specific black identity in relation to black activism. These films position black males in a space which allows them to directly affect issues regarding black identity, political activism, the black community, and the nation. Furthermore, Malcolm X, Panther, Boyz and Get On The Bus specifically address young black males, and favor a discourse that is from a particular male standpoint. As a result, the films articulate black manhood through militancy and its subsequent sexual appeal. Since the focus of these films is intentionally on the male characters, the black woman's role in the liberation struggle is portrayed as being of little consequence. This is not to say that the narratives do not make an effort to confront and challenge narrow visions of black masculinity. In essence, black women are included, even if it is through their mere "visibility." However, each film promotes a discourse which reiterates that the black liberation struggle and uplift of the race as a whole is dependant on black men. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
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44

Richardson, Tara Alice. "The function of literacy in the life of a former member of the Black Panther Party a rhizoanalysis /." 2008. http://purl.galileo.usg.edu/uga%5Fetd/richardson%5Ftara%5Fa%5F200805%5Fphd.

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45

Brame, Wendy Jean. "The national-local interface of social control the Federal Bureau of Investigation and the Winston-Salem branch of the Black Panther party /." 2006. http://digital.library.okstate.edu/etd/umi-okstate-1877.pdf.

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46

YANG, PO-CHIH, and 楊博智. "Media Effects on National High School Baseball Competitions: Taking 2015 Black Panther Pennant and 2t016 Senior High School Baseball Taiwan as Example." Thesis, 2016. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/ah6et6.

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碩士
國立體育大學
管理學院
104
Media Effects on National High School Baseball Competitions: Taking 2015 Black Panther Pennant and 2016 Senior High School Baseball Taiwan as Examples Modern sports develop to the world successfully through media. Competitions became spectator sports to attract more fans. The modern sports and media work together to make professional sports and international sport events grow fast. However, the essence of promoting student baseball games is different from promoting commercialized and professional competitions. One important issue emphasized by this study is to utilize the cooperation model between professional sports and media to assist the development of high school baseball in Taiwan. This study utilized Content Analysis to analyze the news reports in the School Year 104 between 2015 Black Panther Pennant (BPP) and 2016 Senior High School Baseball Taiwan (SHSBT). The purpose was to analyze the media effects differences between two various organizations with their own individual philosophies. The research utilized Descriptive Statistics to analyze the media exposures and contents. Also, Independent Sample t-test and One Way ANOVA was used to compare the differences between two groups of reports. In the end, by testing the relations between the two competitions and the media effects, the study found the different reporting values between the elite baseball and root baseball. The results indicated both of the media effects on the two competitions were low. The effect on the SHSBT was lower than BPP. According to the research results, the researcher made suggestions for the competition host on game marketing, sponsor cooperation, school team entries, and most importantly the further cooperation suggestions for high school baseball and media. The practical suggestions are: 1. Both of the events’ organizers need to make sure the broadcasting frequencies to keep the game popular and news worthy. 2. By keeping the broadcasting frequency to raise the resources and brand effects with sponsors. 3. Cooperating with schools to reach the goal of education and school marketing to make the high school baseball image are not only for winning but also for learning unforgettable memories during participating to the students. The suggestions for related researches in the future are: 1. the viewing rates of live broadcasting of these games; 2. the viewing rates of these games in different channels; 3. the media effects of online news on these games; 4. the media effects of self-media and social media on these games; and 5. The media effects of cable TV. Key words: content analysis, media effect, mere exposure, high school baseball, sport performance,
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47

Amin, Kadji. "Agencies of Abjection: Jean Genet and Subaltern Socialities." Diss., 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10161/1604.

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This dissertation explores the concept of agential abjection through Jean Genet's involvement with and writings about the struggles of disenfranchised and pathologized peoples. Following Julia Kristeva, Judith Butler has argued that modern subjectivity requires the production of a domain of abjected beings denied subjecthood and forced to live "unlivable" lives. "Agencies of Abjection" brings these feminist theories of abjection to bear on the multiple coordinates of social difference by exploring forms of abjection linked to sexuality, criminality, colonialism, and racialization. Situating Genet within an archive that includes the writings of former inmates of penal colonies, Francophone intellectuals, and Black Panther Party members, I analyze both the historical forces that produce abjection and the collective forms of agency that emerge from subaltern social forms. I find that the abjected are often able to elaborate impure, perverse, and contingent forms of agency from within the very institutions and discourses that would deny them subjecthood.

"Agencies of Abjection" carefully situates Genet's writing within the discursive fields in which it intervenes, including that of the memoirs and testimonies of former inmates of the boys' penal colonies, of Francophone decolonizing poets and intellectuals, and of Black Panther prison writings. This method illuminates subaltern genealogies of thought on the problems of abjection, subjection, and subaltern agency so central to Genet's writing. By charting the twists and turns between Genet's writing and that of other subaltern writers of abjection, "Agencies of Abjection" reads Genet as a thinker continually involved in a process of exchange, intervention, borrowing, and revision concerning the specific histories and experiences of social abjection.


Dissertation
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48

Williams, Simon 1984. "Nerds of Colors Assemble: The Role of Race and Ethnicity in Fandom." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/148312.

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With shows such as Big Bang Theory and the increased mainstreaming of San Diego Comic-con, now more than ever before, it is acceptable to be a “nerd”. The question now becomes what efforts are being made to appeal to fans of color in traditional “nerd” activities, specifically comic books (this can include television shows and movies based on comic book characters), anime, and science fiction. Throughout the decades, there have been various attempts to have a discourse about the lack of diversity in nerd culture, both among its creators and characters from various properties considered beloved to nerds. Only, at the time of this writing, in recent years does there seem to be an increase among fans of color discussing these issues in the world at large, and not just in their own social group(s). This research will discover how minority fans feel about representation, or lack thereof, in the three above fandom. It will examine how minority fans feel about specific instants involving race and ethnicity in fandom from the past year. What I have discovered is that, issues of race are not discussed among the majority of fans and creators. Occasionally, when such issues are discussed there is an amount of hostility from white fans.
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49

LEE, CHIH-YUN, and 李知芸. "Discussing Women's Participation in the Baseball Games in the Perspective of Feminism─A case study of Second Black Panther Flag National High School Baseball Competition." Thesis, 2016. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/r58ca7.

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碩士
國立臺灣體育運動大學
體育研究所
104
The so-called “Taiwan Koshien ”, Black Panther Flag, is a National High School Baseball Competition. The game spirit and the match format of the competition follows Japan Koshien, and it is also an extended competition of Golden Dragon Flag tournament in the past. The goal is to revive the high school baseball competition. Since female players entered the Second Black Panther Flag Baseball Competition, media and the public began to pay attention on the phenomenon and discussed the related issues about women’s participation in baseball games. This research aims at discussing the stereotype in baseball games, the influence of Black Panther Flag on women’s participation, and the obstacles of women’s participation in the sport through the lens of Feminism. This research uses documentary analysis and semi-structured interviews. There are nine interviewees, including male and female players from National High School Baseball Competition, coaches, one sport anchor and one baseball fan. This research has following findings. First, though baseball nowadays still exist sexual discrimination and the stereotype, it has improved with the change of the times. Second, women’s participation of Black Panther Flag can encourage more females to take part in baseball games, breaking the stereotype of “Baseball for men and Softball for women”, albeit the media reports objectify the female and focus on their appearances as their physique. Third, the major predicament of women’s participation in baseball games is that Taiwan emphasizes more on the development of Women Softball and ignores the growth of Women’s Baseball. Other obstacles include gender stereotype, the insufficiency of women’s participation, the unfriendly baseball environment and the lack of female coaches.
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50

White, Miriam Eve. "The Black Panthers' free Breakfast for Children program." 1988. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/19034492.html.

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1988.
Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 119-124).
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