Dissertations / Theses: 'Black power'

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AROLE, ALUKAYODE. "POWER PROFILING: AN INCREMENTAL POWER ANALYSIS TECHNIQUE FOR FPGA-BASED DESIGNS." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1155577393.

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Bennett, Robert Anthony III. "You Can’t Have Black Power without Green Power:The Black Economic Union." The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1365514328.

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Davis, Sarajanee O. "“Power and Peace:” Black Power Era Student Activism in Virginia and North Carolina." The Ohio State University, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1593097046041952.

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Farmer, Ashley Dawn. "What You've Got is a Revolution: Black Women's Movements for Black Power." Thesis, Harvard University, 2013. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10817.

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This dissertation examines African American women's gender-specific theorizing and intellectual production during the black power era. Previous histories of this period have focused primarily on the theoretical and activist roles of African American men. This study shows how black women radicals shaped the movement through an examination of their written and cultural production within various black power political ideologies, including cultural nationalism, revolutionary nationalism, and black power feminism.
African and African American Studies

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Walker, Jenny Louise. "Black violence and nonviolence in the civil rights and black power eras." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.311170.

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Davies, Thomas Adam. "Black power in the American political tradition." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2013. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/5859/.

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Shedding new light on the relationship between Black Power and mainstream American politics and society, this thesis explores the ways in which white politicians, institutions, and organizations engaged with, and responded to, African Americans‘ demands for economic and political empowerment during the mid-to-late 1960s through the mid-1970s. At the same time, it considers how these demands themselves reflected urban African American communities‘ own responses to, and engagement with, Black Power ideology. The final and broadest concern of this study is how these two processes – along with the political and economic pressures created by white mainstream resistance to demands for racial and socio-economic change – affected urban African American society and politics during the Black Power era and beyond. This story is traced by exploring the nexus of public policies, black community organizations, white and black elected officials, liberal foundations, and Black Power activists in New York, Atlanta, and Los Angeles during the mid-to-late 1960s through the 1970s. By considering throughout how African American community activists in the three cities fought to capitalize on, and create, new opportunities through public policies, this project details the impact that Black Power had upon existing grassroots community activism, illuminating Black Power‘s development at the local level. Finally, focusing on the evolution and longer term trajectory of public policies intended to negotiate and control the meaning of Black Power, this thesis explains how and why those policies sought to cultivate a mainstream, middle-class interest oriented brand of Black Power politics that aimed to reinforce the nation‘s existing political and social order. Highlighting the relationship between these policies and black middle-class progress of the period, this thesis underscores the enduring capacity of mainstream whites to successfully defend and assert their interests and resist transformative socio-economic and racial change, and ultimately, to dictate the scope and direction of black progress.

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Wild, Rosalind Eleanor. "Black was the colour of our fight : Black power in Britain, 1955-1976." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2008. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/3640/.

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This thesis examines in detail the rise and fall of the British Black Power movement. It is the first book-length study of Black Power in Britain and the only one of any size written by a historian. It traces the roots of British Black Power in (1) the anti-colonialist traditions of immigrants from Africa, the Caribbean, India and Pakistarý the last three categories of which came to Britain in unprecedented numbers after 1955; (2) the influence of the contemporaneous black freedom struggle in the United States; and (3) most importantly the encounter with white racism in the United Kingdom. It argues that, although politically it was short-lived, the movement had a long- term cultural impact on black protest. It created a unifying black political identity and shifted the debate about domestic race relations onto a consideration of white racism as well as black immigration. The exaggerated violence of the Black Power movement's rhetoric, however, gave the state the opportunity to harass activists on the streets and in the courts. Police infiltrated, spied on and frequently raided Black Power groups. Internally, cultural nationalism and increasingly dogmatic Marxist-Leninist agendas created political divisions that fragmented the movement. Most Black Power activists came from the Caribbean: the movement failed to directly engage large numbers of Asians, who made up the majority of Britain's post-war immigrants. Nonetheless, Black Power's legacy was borne unintentionally in the 11 industrial militancy of Asian immigrants in the 1970s, and deliberately by the founders of numerous social welfare and educational projects in black communities. The young black men who took direct action against police harassment and intimidation on the streets of Notting Hill and Southall in 1976 reflected both Black Power's militant spirit and its failure to achieve its goal of a society built on respect and equality.

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Amin, Takiyah Nur. "Dancing Black Power?: Joan Miller, Carole Johnson and The Black Aesthetic, 1960-1975." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2011. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/143846.

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Dance
Ph.D.
This dissertation examines the work of two African-American female choreographers, namely Joan Miller and Carole Johnson, and their engagement with the Black Aesthetic during the height of the Black Arts movement in America. The work seeks to examine how these subjects articulated, shaped, responded to, extended, critiqued or otherwise engaged with the notion of the Black aesthetic primarily through the mediums of concert dance and choreography. In consideration of the above, I conducted two, single subject case studies with Joan Miller and Carole Johnson in order to better understand the complexity of the experience of these African-American female dance makers during the selected period and gain a richer understanding of the ways in which they did or did not engage with the notion of the Black Aesthetic through the medium of dance. The subjects for the single case studies were selected because they fit the criteria to answer the research question: each woman is an African-American dance maker who was generating choreography and working actively in the dance field during the identified historical period (1960-1975.). The study employs content analysis of individual semi-structured interviews, cultural documents (including but not limited to playbills, photographs, newspaper clippings, video documentation, and choreographers' notes) and related literature (both revisionist and of the period) to generate a robust portrait of the experiences of the subjects under study. Taken simultaneously, critical race theory and Black feminist thought supply an analytical framework for this project that has allowed me to study the intersecting and mutually constitutive aspects of race, class, gender and economic location from a unique standpoint--that of African-American female choreographers during the Black Power/Black Arts Movement era--in an effort the answer the research question and sub-questions central to this project. The dissertation ultimately posits that both Johnson and Miller did, in fact engage meaningfully with key concepts articulated under the banner of the Black Aesthetic during the height of the U.S.-based Black Arts Movement. Moreover, the project asserts that both women extended their understandings of the Black Aesthetic in order to embrace additional issues of interest; namely, gender and class (on Miller's part) and international human rights (on Johnson's part.) As such, this project ultimately discusses the implications of the inclusion of Miller and Johnson's work within the canon of dance history/studies as a radical shift from the dominant narratives concerning the work of Black female choreographers during the period. Additionally, the dissertation asserts that the inclusion of these narratives in the context of literature and scholarship on the Black Power/Black Arts Movement supports moves in contemporary revisionist scholarship interested in broadening the research on the work of women in the creative arts during the period of interest. Lastly, the project suggests new research trajectories and areas of inquiry but explicating Patricia Hill Collins's work on Black Feminist Thought. By looking at the defining characteristics of Collins scholarship, the project extends the discussion on African-American women's epistemology to include dance performance and creation and complicates the role of who is empowered to make meaning through the lens of Black Feminist Thought and in what form.
Temple University--Theses

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Ongiri, Amy Abugo. "'Black arts for a black people!' : the cultural politics of the Black Power movement and the search for a black aesthetic." Ann Arbor, Mich. : ProQuest Information and Learning, 2005. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?res_dat=xri:ssbe&url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_dat=xri:ssbe:ft:keyresource:Vann_Diss_01.

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Rogers, Mia. "Stokely Carmichael: from freedom now to black power." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2008. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/16.

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This research was designed to examine the transformation of Stokely Carmichael from a reformist in the Civil Rights Movement to a militant in the Black Power Movement due to experiences which he encountered while an organizer in the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). The three factors which Stokely Carmichael, as well as some of his corroborators in SNCC, spoke most of were soured relationships with white liberals, the ineffectiveness of moral appeals to the government and white southerners, and the significance of black nationalist politics These factors contributed to Carmichael's shift in ideology and caused many members of SNCC to follow him. The research suggests that Stokely Carmichael and his comrades in SNCC made the transformation to Black Power due to their disappointment with the results of civil rights tactics. However, due mostly to repression fiom the government, they were never able to move past ideological explanations to actually implementing a program The African-American community made the transformation in much the same way that Carmichael and SNCC did Self-pride and a self-definition became prevalent topics of discussion in the African-American community. However, the psychological gains did not cross over into their economic and political lives There was a definite interest in black nationalist politics in the African-American community However, again, any efforts to mobilize the African-American community into a powehl force working for its own self-interest were squashed by the FBI who sought to eliminate any potential black militant leaders.

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Harewood, Terrence O'Neal. "Struggling to Find Black Counternarratives:Multiculturalism,Black Entertainment Television, and the Promise of 'Star Power'." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2002. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1020349622.

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Cooney, Christopher Thomas. "Radicalism in American Political Thought : Black Power, the Black Panthers, and the American Creed." PDXScholar, 2007. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3238.

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American Political Thought has presented somewhat of a challenge to many because of the conflict between the ideals found within the "American Creed" and the reality of America's treatment of ethnic and social minorities. The various forms of marginalization and oppression facing women, blacks, Native Americans, and Asian-Americans have been as much a part of the story of America as have been natural rights and the Constitution. Taking this into account, this thesis is an effort to argue that the radicalism on display in the Black Panther Party, a group that emerged in the turmoil of the 1960' s, was a direct descendant of the ideas found within the Black Power movement. It will be argued that these militant critiques of American society were radical, but were not so radical as to be viewed as outside of the context provided by the ideals found in the American Creed. In order to do so, it will be necessary first to present and analyze the various approaches toward explaining the content and nature of the American Creed. The Creed will be presented as separate from American political reality, as an ideal type. As a result it appears to be a rather amorphous tool which can be used both by supporters of a more robust realization of the Creed's ideals and those who wish to limit the scope of these ideals. Having discussed these approaches toward the American Creed, a discussion of radical political ideas will serve to introduce the Black Power movement and the later Black Panther Party. It will be argued that the radical ideas on display were born out of a frustration with American society, but were at the same time an endorsement of the American Creed. It will be concluded that the American Creed is a powerful force acting upon American political thought, so powerful that even those who should rationally reject the Creed forcefully embrace it.

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Branson-Davis, Keeya Michelle. "Activating the Power Within: Sponsorship Among Black Women Professionals." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2018. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/512849.

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Educational Leadership
Ed.D.
This study examined how Black women professionals activate their power by sponsoring other Black women to remediate the chronic problem of the underrepresentation of Black women in positions of organizational leadership. This qualitative, multi-case, exploratory study animated the quantitative data about Black women professionals by giving them a voice and an opportunity to share their lived experiences as they related to the findings about studies on the leadership development of Black women. The firsthand insights of the Black women in this study provided data about the effects that race, gender, laws, policies, identity, and ethics have on Black women professionals’ efforts to leverage their influence and elevate other Black women to leadership, i.e., sponsorship. The data revealed the consensus of concern among the Black women in the study about the lack of Black women leaders. Major findings from the study include: the challenges that Black women experience in society and in the workplace that hinder them from practicing sponsorship; the origination of the Theory of Concentric Positionality of Identity, i.e., Concentricity, as a means to understand how positionality, identity, and in-group affiliations affect the practice of sponsorship among Black women; the historical and temporal factors that have affected the practice of sponsorship among Black women; and data that demonstrated the viability and effectiveness of sponsorship among Black women as a leadership development strategy to increase the number of Black women leaders. Keywords: Black women, sponsorship, underrepresentation, education, leadership, identity, intersectionality, race, gender, women, law, ethics, ethical considerations, positionality, concentric, Theory of Concentricity, Concentric Positionality of Identity.
Temple University--Theses

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Lewis, Noelle Elizabeth. "Situating Octavia Butler's Kindred as a Response to the Black Power and Black Studies Movements." Cleveland State University / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=csu1629717405113431.

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van, der Valk Adrienne. "Black power, red limits : Kwame Nkrumah and American Cold War responses to Black empowerment struggles /." Connect to title online (Scholars' Bank), 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/8690.

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Harewood, Terrence O'Neal. "Struggling to find black counternarratives multiculturalism, black entertainment television, and the promise of 'Star Power' /." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2002. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?miami1020349622.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Miami University, Dept. of Educational Leadership, 2002.
Title from first page of PDF document. Document formatted into pages; contains 354 p. Includes bibliographical references (p. 336-354).

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Valk, Adrienne van der 1975. "Black Power, Red Limits: Kwame Nkrumah and American Cold War Responses to Black Empowerment Struggles." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/8690.

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ix, 90 p. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number.
Scholars of American history have chronicled ways in which federal level response to the Civil Rights Movement in the United States was influenced by the ideological and strategic conflict between Western and Soviet Bloc countries. This thesis explores the hypothesis that the same Cold War dynamics shown to shape domestic policy toward black liberation were also influential in shaping foreign policy decisions regarding U.S. relations with recently decolonized African countries. To be more specific, the United States was under pressure to demonstrate an agenda of freedom and equality on the world stage, but its tolerance of independent black action was stringently limited when such action included sympathetic association with "radical" factions. The case of the Eisenhower and Kennedy administrations' relationship with the popular and highly visible leader Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana during the time of the Congo crisis is the primary case used in the exploration of this hypothesis.
Adviser: Joseph Lowndes

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George, Michael Essa. "The Black Manifesto and the Churches: The Struggle for Black Power and Reparations in Philadelphia." Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2013. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/216520.

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History
M.A.
James Forman's Black Manifesto demanded $500 million in reparations from the nation's white churches and synagogues for their financial, moral, and spiritual complicity in the centuries of injustice carried out upon African Americans. Many African-American ministers in the North embraced the Black Power ideology and supported Forman's call for financial redress. These Northern clergymen had become exasperated with an interracial civil rights movement that neglected to confront the systemic racism that permeated the nation's culture. Black Manifesto activists attempted to compel the white churches into paying reparations by interrupting worship services and occupying church buildings throughout the urban North. While the vast majority of the American public believed that the Black Manifesto was simply an attempt to extort money from the white churches, there was a racially diverse contingent of clergymen who wholeheartedly supported the call for reparations. The primary reason that Philadelphia became one of the key arenas in the struggle for reparations was the presence of Muhammad Kenyatta, the local Black Economic Development Conference leader. Kenyatta implemented myriad confrontational tactics in an attempt to cajole the Philadelphia-area denominations into responding affirmatively to the Black Manifesto's demands. The young activist was able to form an alliance with influential leaders within the Episcopal Diocese of Pennsylvania. Paul Washington, an African-American minister, and Bishop Robert DeWitt, a white clergyman, supported the Black Manifesto and encouraged their fellow Episcopalians to do likewise. The duo's support for the Black Manifesto encouraged the Episcopalians to become the first predominantly white denomination to pay reparations to the Black Economic Development Conference. Although the payment was just $200,000, the concept of supporting a militant African-American organization was more than many conservative Episcopalians could tolerate. The debate over the Black Manifesto at the denomination's 1969 Special General Convention also enabled many African-American ministers to express long-held grievances regarding racism in the Church. A detailed examination of the rancorous debate over the Black Manifesto in Philadelphia complicates any simplistic narrative of the struggle for racial justice in the North. While many historians have blamed Black Power activists for derailing the civil rights movement, this study reveals that the fight against structural racism in the North generated political unity among African Americans that has lasted to the present day. The conflict among Philadelphians over the Black Manifesto was in no way split along racial lines. Many of document's most vehement supporters were white while many of its greatest detractors were conservative African Americans. The dispute over the Black Manifesto in Philadelphia illuminates the intellectual diversity present within the African-American population as well as the Black Power movement itself.
Temple University--Theses

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Simmons, Leilani N. ""Say It loud, I'm black and I'm proud:" Black power and black nationalist ideology in the formation of the black genealogy movement, 1965-1985." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2009. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/96.

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The purpose of this study is to examine the influence of the Black Power Movement and black cultural nationalism on the surge of interest in black genealogy that arose in the 1970s and the Black Genealogy Movement that was birthed from this interest. It will also explore the activism of black genealogy groups as and extension of the activism of the Black Power Movement. The Black Genealogy Movement arose from individuals coming together to research, not only their own family histories, but also the stories of black societies, churches, schools, traditions, business and neighborhoods. They used their findings to contribute to the larger black cultural identity.

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Bell, Monita Kaye Wyss Hilary E. "Getting hair "fixed" Black Power, transvaluation, and hair politics /." Auburn, Ala, 2008. http://repo.lib.auburn.edu/EtdRoot/2008/SPRING/English/Thesis/Bell_Monita_45.pdf.

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Hastings, Rachel N. "Black Eyez: Memoirs of a Revolutionary." OpenSIUC, 2008. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/278.

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Black Eyez: Memoirs of a Revolutionary engages in an investigation of the performative relationship between race and color. It offers a review of the genesis of race as a political invention, to articulate the intersubjective relationship between Black Power ideology and the Black Aesthetic. By highlighting the historical recovery of Black subjectivity, I argue Black aestheticians produced a form of performative decolonization. I then suggest the use of ethnographic dramaturgy as both an informed approach to staging the self, as well as a space to offer my personal performance philosophy. The script "Sole/Daughter" is offered as an augmentation of The Revolutionary Theatre's paradigmatic assumptions.

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Araújo, Airton Fernandes. "Novas elites de poder : os negros na alta burocracia brasileira (2003-2010)." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/139391.

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Esta tese analisa a presença dos negros na alta burocracia brasileira que exerciam no período entre 2003-2010, cargos de Direção e Assessoramento Superior (DAS) nos mais variados ministérios e, principalmente, na Secretaria de Políticas de Promoção da Igualdade Racial (SEPPIR) e na Fundação Cultural Palmares. A hipótese central aqui defendida é a de que os mesmos podem ser considerados elites burocráticas nos moldes daquilo que Wright Mills denominou como “método posicional”. O estudo focalizou num grupo de 104 negros que ocupavam cargos de confiança na administração federal em Brasília por ser essa cidade considerada o centro do poder. A partir daí, por intermédio da prosopografia se analisou os dados relativos à trajetória social e políticas destes negros que compõem a alta burocracia brasileira, bem como a sua relação com os movimentos sociais, partidos políticos, sindicatos e sociedade. Além disso, conhecer a sua formação acadêmica, formas de recrutamento, experiência profissional, relevância do cargo ocupado e então, traçar uma radiografia destes negros que ocupam ou ocuparam cargos no governo federal e verificar se existe um caminho para as posições de poder semelhante a outros grupos de elite no Brasil.
This thesis analyzes the presence of blacks in Brazilian high bureaucracy exercised in the period between 2003-2010, Director of positions and Superior Consulting (DAS) in various ministries and especially the Secretariat for the Promotion of Racial Equality (SEPPIR) and the Palmares Cultural Foundation. The central hypothesis defended here is that they can be considered bureaucratic elites along the lines of what Wright Mills termed as "Positional method". The study focused on a group of 104 black held positions of trust in the federal government in Brasilia to be this city considered the center of power. From there, through the prosopography analyzed data on the social and political trajectory of these blacks who make up the Brazilian high bureaucracy, as well as their relationship with the social movements, political parties, trade unions and society. Also, know your academic background, forms of recruitment, work experience, relevance of the position held and then draw a radiograph of those blacks who hold or have held positions in the federal government and whether there is a way for the similar positions of power to other elite groups in Brazil.

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Countryman, Matthew. "Civil rights and Black Power in Philadelphia, 1940-1971 (Pennsylvania)." Ann Arbor, Mich. : ProQuest Information and Learning, 2005. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?res_dat=xri:ssbe&url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_dat=xri:ssbe:ft:keyresource:Vann_Diss_07.

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Vario, Lisa. ""All power to the people" : the influence and legacy of the Black Panther Party, 1966-1980 /." Youngstown State University / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ysu1197081489.

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Preusser, John. "The Washington chapter of the Black Panther Party : from revolutionary militants to community activists /." Electronic version (PDF), 2007. http://dl.uncw.edu/etd/2006/preusserj/johnpreusser.pdf.

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Corrigan, Lisa Marie. "Reimagining black power prison manifestos and the strategies of regeneration in the rewriting of black identity, 1969-2002 /." College Park, Md. : University of Maryland, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/4182.

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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2006.
Thesis research directed by: Communication. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.

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Blackman, Dexter L. "Stand Up and Be Counted: The Black Athlete, Black Power and The 1968 Olympic Project for Human Rights." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2009. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/history_diss/22.

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The dissertation examines the Olympic Project for Human Rights (OPHR), a Black Power attempt to build a black boycott of the 1968 US Olympic team that ultimately culminated in the infamous Black Power fists protest at the 1968 Olympics. The work challenges the historiography, which concludes that the OPHR was a failure because most black Olympic-caliber athletes participated in the 1968 games, by demonstrating that the foremost purpose of the OPHR was to raise public awareness of “institutionalized racism,” the accumulation of poverty and structural and cultural racism that continued to denigrate black life following landmark 1960s civil rights legislation. Additionally, the dissertation demonstrates that activist black athletes of the era were also protesting the lack of agency and discrimination traditionally forced upon blacks in integrated, yet white-controlled sports institutions. The dissertation argues that such movements for “dignity and humanity,” as progressive black activists of the 1960s termed it, were a significant component of the Black Power movement. The dissertation also examines the proliferation of the social belief that the accomplishments of blacks in white-controlled sports fostered black advancement and argues that the belief has origins in post-Reconstruction traditional black uplift ideology, which suggested that blacks who demonstrated “character” and “manliness” improved whites’ images of blacks, thus advancing the race. OPHR activists argued that the belief, axiomatic by 1968, was the foremost obstacle to attracting support for a black Olympic boycott. The manuscript concludes with a discussion of the competing meaning and representations of Smith and Carlos’s protest at the Olympics.

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Willetts, Kheli Robin. "Images of Black Power, 1965--1975: A visual commentary on revolution." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.

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Beltramini, Enrico. "S.C.L.C. Operation Breadbasket, from economic civil rights to black economic power." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.591933.

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Operation Breadbasket was a Southern Christian Leadership Conference project that was founded in 1962, and was dedicated to improving the economic conditions of black communities across the United States. This thesis shows how the economic agenda of the early Operation Breadbasket - to facilitate integration in the workplace - gave way to its later counterpart which embraced a friendlier attitude toward capitalism and was more solicitous of the black middle class. In particular, this thesis identifies the personalities and events responsible for this transformation while pointing to me broader trends in American capitalism that made the advocacy of workplace integration increasingly less important than access to capital and mass consumption. Since there is not a dedicated study on Operation Breadbasket, this thesis begins to fill that gap in historiography. Drawing on archival research and original oral histories collected through interviews with veterans, this thesis reconsiders Jesse Jackson's historical role in the success of Operation Breadbasket as an empowerment organization enlarging economic opportunities for black workers and entrepreneurs, In particular, it 'argues that Operation Breadbasket was a remarkable program that contributed to the convergence of me Black Church-driven Civil Rights Movement and the activist-based Black Power struggle in the economic arena. To fully appreciate the transformation of Operation Breadbasket's activities from a more traditional Civil Rights program pursuing job desegregation to a militant, innovative campaign addressing issues such as black business development, the more recent scholarly work on Black Power and its intersection with the Civil Right Movement has been taken into account.

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Bester, Johan Jochemus Gildenhuys. "Carbon black nanofluid synthesis for use in concentrated solar power applications." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/61346.

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Direct absorption solar collectors offer possible improvement in efficiency over traditional surface absorbing collectors, because they have fewer heat transfer steps and has the ability to utilise higher radiation fluxes. Carbon black based nanofluids, in a base fluid of salt water, were synthesised by a two-step method where the carbon black nanoparticles were treated with a surfactant, TWEEN-20, in a 1:2 mass ratio and sonicated for 60 minutes to break up agglomerates. The synthesised nanofluids showed stability for over 31 days. The different carbon black concentration nanofluids' solar irradiation absorption properties were compared with each other and with the base fluid of salt water in a concentrating, as well as non-concentration scenario. It was found that the carbon black nanofluids showed excellent absorption properties over the entire solar radiation spectrum. A 1 m2 concentrating unit using a two-axis tracking system, with two mirrors and a 1 m diameter circular Fresnel lens, was used to concentrate solar radiation on a direct absorption solar collector flow cell with a 10 cm2 collection area. An optimum concentration of 0.001 volume % carbon black was found to show a 42 % increase in heating rate, compared to that of salt water. The collector was, however, hampered by high energy losses and the maximum collector efficiency achieved was only 46 %, 23 % higher than that of salt water. The overall system efficiency was only 22 %. This low efficiency can be attributed to the high optical concentration losses (50 % - 70 %) present in the concentrating unit.
Dissertation (MEng)--University of Pretoria, 2016.
Chemical Engineering
MEng
Unrestricted

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Stephens, Angeline V. "Black lesbian identities, power and violence in public and private spaces." Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/29469.

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This study examined black South African lesbian’s lived experiences of power and violence through a reading of the lesbian body as a site through which social identities and power are produced, maintained, contested and reframed. The analytic gaze was cast inward on intimate relationships as well as outward on the social and community contexts. Forty black lesbian women who were or had been in intimate same-sex relationships participated in five focus group discussions and 22 depth interviews. Discourse analysis, edified by a feminist poststructuralist theoretical paradigm that advanced an intersectional analytical approach, revealed that participants assumed multiple and ambiguous gendered subject positions, and vacillated between positions of power and powerlessness in various contexts. The enactment of gendered and sexualised violence on the lesbian body within intimate lesbian relationships, as well as in public and social spaces that also marked politicised and racialised spaces, reflected tensions and contradictions that may be situated within the historical juxtapositioning of colonialism and democracy. While black lesbian women generally exercised high levels of self-surveillance in order to avoid culturally and socially endorsed raced and gendered practices that served to regulate and punish black lesbian sexuality; the lesbian body represented a powerful site of resistance in which gendered identities and sexualities were reconceptualised and renegotiated in more fluid ways within the current historical period in South Africa. Within this reframing, black lesbian identity represented and embodied a personal and a political statement of identity and resilience which troubled and contested citizenship in democratic South Africa. This study has foregrounded the importance of considering the interconnectedness of the public and private domains, and the intersections of history and contexts in the enactment and experience of power and violence in the lives of black lesbian women. It has important implications for research, programme design and policy.

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Hunter, David William. "A comparison of anaerobic power between Black and White adolescent males /." The Ohio State University, 1988. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1261067423.

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Jolly, Kenneth S. "It happened here too : the Black Liberation Movement in St. Louis, Missouri, 1964-1970 /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p3091934.

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Colley, Zoe Ann. "Prisons and racial protest in the civil rights and black power eras." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.251842.

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MacMichael, Conall. "The fire this time : media, myth, memory and the Black Power movement." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2016. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.707356.

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The dissertation examines the popular memory of the Black Power movement and demonstrates that contrary to the dominant narrative of the 1960s, Black Power was a broad, heterogeneous phenomenon that appealed to a multi-hued chorus of activists in the African American community. By interrogating media narratives surrounding the commemoration of three crucial Civil Rights events -the Murder of Emmett Till, the Montgomery Bus Boycott, and the March on Washington - and through exploring the media reaction to the upsurge of Black Power in the late 1960s, I reveal the narrow fashion in which both movements are portrayed. The overwhelmingly positive narrative surrounding the Civil Rights movement reaffirms the ideal of American exceptionalism, while Black Power, with its implicit and explicit questioning of this ideal, is rejected and characterized as the preserve of rage and violence. This monochromatic narrative has served to silence the activists that approached and wielded Black Power in a variety of different ways. Lawyers, pastors, activists, athletes, and entertainers all found aspects of Black Power that they believed could be used to exert a positive influence in their community or that they could apply to their personal lives. To paraphrase E.P. Thompson, this dissertation gives voice to those activists whose works have been brushed aside in favour of a simplistic narrative that blurs our understanding of the post-war Black Freedom Struggle.

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Jensen, Andrew. "Bridling the Black Dragon: Chinese Soft Power in the Russian Far East." Thesis, Harvard University, 2015. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:26519856.

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This paper considers the efforts of the Russian government to counter the growth of China’s soft power in the Russian Far East in the context of the dramatic rise in trade between the two nations in the 15 years of the “Putin Era,” from 2000 to 2015. The Amur (or “Black Dragon”) River watershed forms the core of the Russian Far East, Russia’s last territorial acquisition from the former Chinese empire and the key to Moscow’s efforts to connect with the burgeoning Asia-Pacific economies. This study investigates which federal- and provincial-level policies the Russian government has implemented to counter the growth of Beijing’s influence in the Russian Far East, and analyzes the effectiveness of these policies in the area’s three most populous sub-regions: Amur Oblast, Khabarovsk Krai, and Primorsky Krai. Though initially hypothesizing that the Russian government had no coordinated strategy to counter China’s soft power in the region, this study concluded that policymakers in both the Kremlin and the Russian Far East have successfully discouraged a large-scale Chinese demographic or economic footprint along the Russian side of the Amur. However, Moscow’s failure to both encourage sufficient ethnic Russian immigration to the Far East and to effectively stimulate local economies in need of Chinese labor and investment has paradoxically strengthened Beijing’s regional soft power. Russia’s citizens in the Far East increasingly look south across the Black Dragon River towards China for a brighter future.

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Gcabo, Rebone Prella Ethel. "Money and power in household management experiences of black South African women /." Pretoria : [s.n.], 2003. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-01292004-132428.

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Sharpe, Cicely. "The interaction between place and power : an analysis of the impact of residential segregation on African American status attainment /." The Ohio State University, 2001. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1488205318509573.

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White, Derrick Edward. "“New concepts for the new man:” The institute of the black world and the incomplete victory of the second reconstruction." The Ohio State University, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1086113869.

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Mphatsoe, Lepono Adam. "HIV-positive black men : a qualitative study." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/27138.

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Despite the global figures on male HIV infection rates, and the vulnerability of men to HIV as a result of social constructions of masculinity, not enough attention has been paid to the seriousness of the problem of HIV in heterosexual men. Most research has concentrated on either homosexual or bisexual men, neglecting the experiences of heterosexual men diagnosed as HIV positive, and the implications thereof. This study aims to explore the lived experiences (emotional, cognitive and social) of black heterosexual males who are living with HIV. The focus of this study was thus on the subjective experiences and circumstances of these men, to enhance understanding of how they managed to adapt to the stress of being HIV positive. Health professionals, such as nurses, psychologists and doctors at Tshwane District Hospital, can use the results of the study to assist men when they are diagnosed, and to help them cope effectively with their subsequent challenges. The study used the phenomenological theoretical framework. It explored the lived experiences of being HIV positive through in-depth, semi-structured interviews, which were audio-recorded and transcribed . Non-probability sampling was used to identify the 5 participants in this study. Data was analysed in terms of thematic analysis and 15 themes were derived from the analysis and described using quotations from the raw data. These themes were then contextualised and explored with relevant literature. The research found that these men initially struggled to adapt to their HIV-positive status and exhibited denial, fear and loss, complicated by the sense that their masculinity was compromised. While there was some evidence of limited internal and external stigma, the men were able to find support from partners, family and friends, and were able to rise to the challenge of 'living positively'.
Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2009.
Psychology
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Pierce, India. "My Pew, Your Pulpit: An Ethnographic Study of Black Christian Lesbian Experiences in the Black Church." The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1338383170.

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Yiu, Hor-pui. "Effective controls for engineering oriented construction project : a case study of Black Point Power Station Project /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1996. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B25948349.

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Hicks, Isaiah Deonte. ""We Don't Want Another Black Freedom Movement!" : An Inquiry into the desire for new social movements by comparing how people perceived both the Civil Rights Movement and the Black Power Movement versus the Black Lives Matter Movement." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1587123845884206.

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von, Rosenberg Ingrid. "Stuart Hall and Black British Art." Universität Leipzig, 2018. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A32269.

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The following article deals with a somewhat neglected aspect of Stuart Hall’s manifold activities and its relevance for his theoretical work: his interest in and commitment to the promotion of black British art.

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Swanagan, Maserati. "Developing A Critical Consciousness| Black Women and the Intersection of Hair and Power." Thesis, Southern Illinois University at Edwardsville, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1571649.

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This thesis addresses the connection between Black women's hair care preferences and formal and informal Afrocentric pedagogy. This issue is framed by the use of Afrocentric theory in compilation with Black Women's Standpoint theory and Symbolic Interactionism. Through the use of qualitative interviews this project seeks to highlight the many factors that go into the choices Black women make about how to wear their hair, including education, familial influence, media, and personal preference.

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Moore_III, Maddix D. "Exclusion from the centralization of power: African-American women and the black church." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2007. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/3577.

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This study examined the issue of sexism in the Black Church, as it impacts the level of participation of women not only as church members, but also as pastors. This practice of gender discrimination is, in reality, theological sexism. This study was based on the fact that there existed and continues to exists a separation of power related to gender discrimination of women who seek equal positions as pastors within the Black Church structure, thereby eliminating the stained glass ceiling. This is a case study based on fifteen interviews with both male and female pastors and churches in the Greater Metropolitan Atlanta and Theological academicians at local seminaries. The research revealed that both male and female pastors acknowledged that theological sexism does exist within the Black Church. The response of women has been to establish their own churches. Also, there is a rise in the number of husband/wife pastors with the wife serving as co-pastor. However, the Black Church has yet to acknowledge its established guidelines for changing the practice of theological sexism.

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Ketchen, Bethany R. "HIV infection, negative life events, and intimate relationship power the moderating role of community resources for Black South African women /." unrestricted, 2006. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-04172007-225155/.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Georgia State University, 2006.
Title from file title page. Lisa Armistead, committee chair; Gregory Jurkovic, Sarah Cook, Marci Culley, committee members. Electronic text (67 p. : col. ill.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed Jan. 9, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 59-67).

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Carey, Kim M. "Straddling the Color Line| Social and Political Power of African American Elites in Charleston, New Orleans, and Cleveland, 1880-1920." Thesis, Kent State University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3618945.

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From 1880-1920 the United States struggled to incorporate former slaves into the citizenship of the nation. Constitutional amendments legislated freedom for African Americans, but custom dictated otherwise. White people equated power and wealth with whiteness. Conversely, blackness suggested poverty and lack of opportunity. Straddling the Color Line is a multi-city examination of influential and prominent African Americans who lived with one foot in each world, black and white, but who in reality belonged to neither. These influential men lived lives that mirrored Victorian white gentlemen. In many cases they enjoyed all the same privileges as their white counterparts. At other times they were forced into uncomfortable alliances with less affluent African Americans who looked to them for support, protection and guidance, but with whom they had no commonalities except perhaps the color of their skin.

This dissertation argues two main points. One is that members of the black elite had far more social and political power than previously understood. Some members of the black elite did not depend on white patronage or paternalism to achieve success. Some influential white men developed symbiotic relationships across the color line with these elite African American men and they treated each other with mutual affection and respect.

The second point is that the nadir in race relations occurred at different times in different cities. In the three cities studied, the nadir appeared first in Charleston, then New Orleans and finally in Cleveland. Although there were setbacks in progress toward equality, many blacks initially saw the setbacks as temporary regressions. Most members of the elite were unwilling to concede that racism was endemic before the onset of the Twentieth Century. In Cleveland, the appearance of significant racial oppression was not evident until after the World War I and resulted from the Great Migration. Immigrants from the Deep South migrated to the North seeking opportunity and freedom. They discovered that in recreating the communities of their homeland, they also created conditions that allowed racism to flourish.

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Mey, Hennie. "Carbon black : enhancing phase change materials for direct solar application." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/61312.

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A solar simulator was used to test whether a carbon black additive could increase the solar absorption of a low temperature organic PCM (consisting of a eutectic mixture of palmitic acid and stearic acid). Various PCM and carbon black composites (0.01 % to 6 %) were tested, with the 0.06 % carbon black composites showing the fastest temperature increase, reaching 75 °C much quicker (350 % faster) than the pure PCM. All of the tested PCM composites reached 75 °C in less than half the time it took the pure PCM. It can therefore be seen that carbon black is very effective at increasing the solar absorption of the PCM. The carbon black did not have a negative impact on the melting/solidifying onset temperature or the latent heat of the PCM. This proves that at these low concentrations carbon black can help reduce the shortcomings of the PCM without adversely affecting its energy storage properties. The optimal carbon black concentration changes with the size of the PCM: a shallow PCM layer (2 cm) showed the fastest temperature increase at higher concentrations (between 0.06 % and 0.5 % carbon black), while the deep PCM layer (9 cm) showed the fastest temperature increase at lower concentrations (between 0.01 % and 0.08 % carbon black). The poor optical properties of the PCM were vastly improved by the carbon black, making the composite an effective direct solar absorber. The carbon black, however, does not provide meaningful thermal conductivity enhancements. Therefore additional heat transfer enhancements (like graphite) are needed if this novel PCM composite is to be used in a combined system (direct solar absorber, heat transfer fluid and energy storage system).
Dissertation (MEng)--University of Pretoria, 2016.
Chemical Engineering
MEng
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Hardin, Zack G. "Black Power in River City: African American Community Activism in Louisville, Kentucky, 1967-1970." UKnowledge, 2014. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/history_etds/24.

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The impact of Black Power rhetoric and ideology in Louisville, Kentucky in 1967-1970 is explored. The role of Black Power in shaping the discourse of Louisville’s black counter-public and civil rights counter-public is analyzed in the context of the 1967 open housing demonstrations, the May, 1968 riot, and the trial of the ‘Black Six’. Black Power played a vital role in community organizing and in displays of black national and cultural pride. It actively challenged the city’s mystique of Southern white paternalism embraced by the mayoral administration of Kenneth Schmied. Despite that administrations allegations, Black power rhetoric in the West End did not play a significant role in the riot that left two African American youth dead.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Black power'

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