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Journal articles on the topic 'Black power'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 29 July 2024

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1

Parker-Guerrero, Alex. "Black Power." Journal of American History 107, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 133–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaaa012.

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2

Watson, Sam. "Black Power." Queensland Review 14, no. 01 (January 2007): 39–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600005900.

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Coleman, Horace. "Black Power." African American Review 50, no. 4 (2017): 368. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/afa.2017.0052.

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4

Redding, Robert. "Black Voices, White Power." Journal of Black Studies 48, no. 2 (December 15, 2016): 143–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934716681152.

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When a former Black editor says he was told that Blacks do not care about news by his White boss and a Black deejay is told that his commentary is too hard hitting and not to go to an event featuring a Black militant leader by his White boss, these personal accounts could be extrapolated to mean that there may still be a world filled with White privilege and an ensuing hegemonic bifurcation in a communication studies context. This study utilizes Afrocentricity and the agency that is denied to these two individuals to provide insight into a world where these Black media/newsroom personnel describe how they lost ground to their White media owners. Those interviewed said this world does not promote the agency that comes with Afrocentricity, which is utilized as a critical cultural studies lens to interpret these 18-question qualitative interviews. The environment that those interviewed described is a world not often viewed in the context of White media ownership and the Black-focused content that is produced within them, but is a phenomenon that may be better understood by utilizing an Afrocentric lens in a Communication Studies context.
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5

Williams, R. Y. "Black Women and Black Power." OAH Magazine of History 22, no. 3 (July 1, 2008): 22–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/maghis/22.3.22.

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6

Acosta, Navild, Fannie Sosa, and Elena Meilicke. "Black Power Naps." Zeitschrift für Medienwissenschaft 13, no. 24-1 (March 1, 2021): 88–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.14361/zfmw-2021-130111.

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7

Smith, Derik. "New Black Power." Journal of Bahá’í Studies 30, no. 3 (May 19, 2021): 53–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31581/jbs-30.3.317(2020).

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In 1966, the leader of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee stood in Mississippi and raised a call, “What do we want?” A resounding response poured from hundreds of voices, “Black Power!” (Jeffries 171). This was the first time that the two words came together as a public rallying cry, a punctuating symbol in political struggles in the United States. In the decades after Stokely Carmichael (later known as Kwame Ture) led that chant in Mississippi, the slogan “Black Power” became an activist mantra throughout the Black Diaspora....
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8

Tang, Eric. "Black power TV." Ethnic and Racial Studies 37, no. 10 (June 9, 2014): 1984–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2014.920097.

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9

Guerty, P. M. "Teaching Black Power." OAH Magazine of History 22, no. 3 (July 1, 2008): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/maghis/22.3.3.

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10

Delmont, M. "Black Power TV." Journal of American History 101, no. 1 (May 22, 2014): 345–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jau217.

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Summerville, Raymond M. "“Black power” and black rhetorical tradition." Proverbium 39, no. 1 (July 10, 2022): 245–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.29162/pv.39.1.64.

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This essay explores some of the proverbs, sayings, and proverbialexpressions used by Stokely Carmichael (1941-1998) that are foundin writings such as: Black Power the Politics of Liberation in America(1967), Stokely Speaks: From Black Power to Pan-Africanism (1971),and his autobiography, Ready for Revolution: The Life and Times ofStokely Carmichael (2003). In the process of analyzing traditional languageused by Carmichael, this essay also: (1) seeks to identify sourcesfrom which Carmichael’s sayings are derived, (2) examine some of thecontexts in which they are used, (3) determine the extent that they illustrateCarmichael’s ever-evolving political philosophies and worldviewduring the Civil Rights Era (1954-1968) and the African IndependenceMovement (1950-1975) respectively, (4) and it also seeks to categorizeCarmichael’s proverbs, sayings, and proverbial expressions based on origin,structure, and traits (such as word count and subject matter). (5)Additionally, this essay considers the extent that his proverbial languageis used to establish, reinforce, and regulate both personal and professionalrelationships throughout his entire life.
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12

Ongarova, Y. "Karadeniz’de Güç Dengesi." BULLETIN of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University.Political Science. Regional Studies. Oriental Studies. Turkology Series. 138, no. 1 (2022): 108–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-6887/2022-138-1-108-116.

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In the research article titled «Balance of Power in the Black Sea» was analyzed the balance of power in the Black Sea, which emerged because of the geopolitical changes and the geo-strategic moves of the superpowers after the Cold War. In the backyard of the political events that took place in the Black Sea riparian countries (political crisis in Ukraine, the war in Georgia) until today, the games of the superpowers to dominate the Black Sea and not to lose the balance of power lie. After Turkey, Bulgaria and Romania after the Cold War joined the Western powers as NATO members. On the other hand, conflicts arose because Russia did not want Georgia and Ukraine to turn to the West in the same way. Because Russia continues to maintain the balance of power in the Black Sea thanks to Georgia and Ukraine. If Russia loses the balance of power, Russian security in the Black Sea may be shaken. The West has successfully secured itself in this regard. Georgia and Ukraine attempts made by the West with the aim of pushing Russia into a corner emphasized that Russia will not remain silent in any way. By incorporating Crimea into its territory, Ukraine secured its military base on the Crimean Peninsula and used its energy trump cards for Ukraine. The Georgian leader failed because of his move to be closer to the West and even caused ethnic conflict in the country. Sakashvili’s position in power has been shaken. As a result, the West issue was closed. So nowadays balance of power in the Black Sea continuing keeping its peace at the world.
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13

Hall, S. "The Black Power Movement: Rethinking the Civil Rights-Black Power Era." Journal of American History 93, no. 4 (March 1, 2007): 1326–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25094753.

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14

Greene, Christina. "Black Women and Black Power: A Review Essay on New Directions in Black Power Studies." Journal of Southern History 85, no. 3 (2019): 653–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/soh.2019.0165.

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15

Ashley D. Farmer and Ashley D. Farmer. "Response: Reimagining Black Power." Journal of Civil and Human Rights 4, no. 2 (2018): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/jcivihumarigh.4.2.0113.

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16

Smith, Jeremy A. "Free Jazz/Black Power." Jazz Perspectives 9, no. 2 (May 4, 2015): 203–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17494060.2016.1202910.

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17

West, E. James. "Black Power Across Borders." Reviews in American History 45, no. 4 (2017): 685–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.2017.0101.

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18

Waters, Rob. "Integration or Black Power?" Political Quarterly 89, no. 3 (July 11, 2018): 409–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.12543.

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19

Bukhori, Muhammad Faruq, and Arido Laksono. "Black Power Movement as Depicted in Blakkasman (2018) Movie." Culturalistics: Journal of Cultural, Literary, and Linguistic Studies 6, no. 1 (December 2, 2021): 35–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/culturalistics.v6i1.14875.

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America is a pluralistic country that often faces issues of racism and discrimination. This issue is often faced by African-Americans as one of the ethnic minorities. In this undergraduate thesis, I would like to analyze the Black Power Movement as depicted in the Blackkklansman movie using the sociology of literature approach by Abrams. Moreover, I also use an exponential approach to analyze the intrinsic elements in the movie. The result of the analysis shows that the Black Power movement occurs due to the white supremacy acts from the Ku Klux Klan members towards Blacks. As the result, the black community fought back by moving the masses of black people to carry out a revolutionary movement.Keywords: Blackkklansman; black power; discrimination; Ku Klux Klan; revolutionary movement
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20

Knights, M. "The power black hole [power supply security]." Power Engineer 20, no. 6 (2006): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1049/pe:20060604.

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21

Taufik, Yusman, Thomas Gozali, Ina Siti Nurminabari, and Ashifa Zahra S. "Inovasi Pengembangan Kulit Macaron Menggunakan Tepung Kacang Hijau (Vigna radiata L.) Dengan Tepung Almond dan Penambahan Serbuk Black Mulberry (Morus nigra Sp.)." Jurnal Penelitian Pertanian Terapan 24, no. 2 (June 27, 2024): 307–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.25181/jppt.v24i2.3477.

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The aim of this study was to obtain the results of the ratio of mung bean flour with almond flour and the addition of black mulberry powder on the characteristics of macaron shell.This research consists of two stages, namely preliminary research and main research. Preliminary research was conducted to make mung bean flour and black mulberry powder and then analyzed. The main research used a 3x3 factorial Randomized Block Design (RAK) with 3 replications. The treatment design consisted of two factors, namely the factor of the ratio of mung bean flour to almond flour (T) consisting of 3 levels (70:30), (60:40) and (50:50) and the factor of adding black mulberry powder (B) consisting of 3 levels 0%, 1% and 2%. The responses in this study consisted of chemical responses namely moisture content, ash content, fat content and protein content, physical responses of swelling power and color intensity, and organoleptic responses namely color, aroma, taste and texture attributes The results showed that the ratio of mung bean flour to almond flour had an effect on moisture content, ash, fat, protein, swelling power, color intensity (L* a* b* value), hedonic attributes of color, aroma, taste and texture. The addition of black mulberry powder had a significant effect of swelling power, color intensity (L* a* b* value), hedonic attributes of color, aroma, taste and texture. The interaction between the ratio of mung bean flour with almond flour and the addition of black mulberry powder had an effect of swelling power, color intensity (L* a* b* value), hedonic attributes of color, aroma, taste and texture.
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22

McLarney, Ellen. "Beyoncé’s Soft Power." Camera Obscura: Feminism, Culture, and Media Studies 34, no. 2 (September 1, 2019): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/02705346-7584892.

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This article charts Beyoncé’s multimedia intervention into the politics of the Trump presidency as she draws on the work of black Muslim and Latinx artists to challenge white monopolies on representation in the Breitbart era. It specifically looks at the political interventions Beyoncé staged through collaborations with Warsan Shire, a British poet born in Kenya to Somali parents; Awol Erizku, an Ethiopian-born American artist raised in the Bronx; and Daniela Vesco, a Costa Rican photographer. This collective of artists forge a black aesthetics at a heightened level of visibility, using new performative technologies to intervene in the politics of #BlackLivesMatter, crackdowns on Muslim and Latinx refugees and immigrants, the proposed wall with Mexico, and neo-Nazi mobilization. Focusing on Beyoncé’s pregnancy announcement, the article explores the politics of representation of black bodies and black lives, as she transforms the trope of suffering black mothers and their martyred black youth into a celebration of black motherhood and the pregnant body. These images are consciously rooted in a genealogy of black women’s representations of black women’s bodies. Despite the political power of these interventions, accusations were leveled at Beyoncé of cultural appropriation and exploitation of suffering by the neoliberal entertainment machine. By mentoring these artists, Beyoncé sought to convey the fertility of creative foment across borders and power hierarchies, even if her star power ultimately eclipsed the message as well as the marginalized artist that she sought to highlight.
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23

Weeks, Edythe. "Highlighting the chameleon nature of power." Journal of Language and Politics 1, no. 2 (July 10, 2003): 323–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.1.2.09wee.

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This essay uses a poststructural/critical race analysis, and provides a specific example of how the social practice of labeling serves to create major ideological effects, which produce and reproduce unequal race-based power relations. Certain U.S. citizens are ascribed/branded with the seemingly politically correct label, “African-American”. Many believe that the shift from “Black” to “African-American” in 1988 was the result of Blacks exercising political power and achieving a hard-won right to change their identity. Also many view the new label as the common sense preferred alternative to “Black”. This article deconstructs the term “African-American” and views it within the context of the macro and micro interactive forces of politics, economics, sociology, history and socio-cultural phenomena. Instead of the intended purpose of fostering a sense of self-esteem, the label has also served to reinforce the socially constructed binary dualisms characterizing “Blacks” as being fundamentally different from “Whites”. Moreover, the notion of Black pride, self-esteem and heritage are concepts with the power to shift culpability and blame onto the victims of a race-based system. Power appeared to have been exercised by Black/African-Americans. However, the shift to African-American was not the result of autonomous thinking. It was a “reflex without reflection” (Billig 1991:8). It “echoed” dominating ideological structures of power. The “new” label unwittingly serves to further perpetuate racist ideology inherited from a foundational institution of slavery. America can enjoy the image of having a culture of freedom, equality and egalitarianism, while maintaining justifiable race-based political, social and economic inequality gaps.
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24

Shepperson, George, and Richard Newman. "Black Power and Black Religion: Essays and Reviews." International Journal of African Historical Studies 22, no. 4 (1989): 749. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219080.

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25

Johnson, Jordan L., and Kristen Hoerl. "Suppressing Black Power through Black Panther's neocolonial allegory." Review of Communication 20, no. 3 (July 2, 2020): 269–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15358593.2020.1778071.

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26

Roach, Shoniqua. "Black pussy power: Performing acts of black eroticism in Pam Grier’s Blaxploitation films." Feminist Theory 19, no. 1 (December 3, 2017): 7–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464700117742866.

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This article contends that black feminist conceptions of ‘pussy power’ have prematurely foreclosed an examination of both pussy and its powers, thereby missing the erotic potential inherent in a ‘pussy power’ that is distinctly black – what I term black pussy power. Taking Pam Grier’s Blaxploitation performances in Coffy (1973) and Foxy Brown (1974) as my primary case studies, I use black pussy power as a conceptual framework through which to read Grier’s performances of black eroticism, which enable her to resist racialised gendered sexual subjection and tap into modes of erotic agency otherwise denied to her. Moving away from delimited understandings of pussy as female genitalia or an objectified entity of female sexuality, I mobilise black queer feminist theorisations of the ‘arbitrary relation between black sex and gender’ to theorise the polymorphous potential of black pussy to signify beyond the narrow gender and sexual grammars currently available to us. 1 At the same time, black pussy’s discursive connection to black feminine sexuality animates the insurgent potential of black pussy power to secure nominal black freedoms in the face of state-sanctioned infringements on black erotic life.
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27

Lambert, Laurie R. "Black Power and/as Patriarchy." Small Axe: A Caribbean Journal of Criticism 24, no. 3 (November 1, 2020): 206–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07990537-8749890.

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In Moving Against the System: The 1968 Congress of Black Writers and the Making of Global Consciousness, David Austin continues his important work as the leading historian of 1960s black Montreal. Moving Against the System illuminates histories that are critical to an understanding of black radicalism in Canada, the Caribbean, and the African diaspora, more broadly. This work decenters the United States as the nexus of Black Power, allowing readers to think about Canada as an understudied site of black radical organizing. While the congress viewed Black Nationalism as a serious political framework for defeating both racism and colonialism, all the speakers were male. This essay critiques the masculinist politics of Black Power at the congress and analyzes how Austin navigates the absence of women’s voices among the congress’s speakers.
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28

Mangum, Maurice. "Unpacking the Black Utility Heuristic: Explaining Black Identification with the Democratic Party." American Review of Politics 28 (April 1, 2007): 37–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2007.28.0.37-56.

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The aim of this research is to uncover the nature of the relationship between a black person’s individual circumstances and their perceptions of group interests and party identification, concentrating on explaining blacks’ identification with the Democratic Party. Data taken from the 1996 National Black Election Study is used to estimate blacks’ party identification, testing individual interest and group-interest models. The results of the logistic regressions suggest that individual interests matter when predicting blacks’ party identification. Unlike previous studies, I find that socioeconomic and demographic characteristics vary with blacks’ party identification. Black Americans also rely on group-based political power and economic factors. Blacks’ party identification is driven by evaluations of which political party is most useful to the black community.
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29

Williams. "Black Power Beyond the Slogan." Transition, no. 115 (2014): 87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/transition.115.87.

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30

Laura Warren Hill. "Shifting the Black Power Paradigm." Journal of Civil and Human Rights 4, no. 2 (2018): 110. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/jcivihumarigh.4.2.0110.

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31

Ewing, Adam. "The Borders of Black Power." Journal of Civil and Human Rights 7, no. 2 (October 1, 2021): 97–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/23784253.7.2.097.

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32

Young, Josiah U. "James Cone’s Black-Power Hermeneutics." CLR James Journal 25, no. 1 (2019): 237–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/clrjames2019251/273.

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33

Grady-Willis, Winston A. "Black power in the South." Présence Africaine 161-162, no. 3 (1999): 328. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/presa.161.0328.

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34

Tsri, Kwesi. "Black Power in the Caribbean." Ethnic and Racial Studies 39, no. 13 (March 30, 2016): 2477–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2016.1161810.

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35

Casie Chetty, Ayesha. "Black opera: history, power, engagement." Ethnic and Racial Studies 42, no. 13 (May 2, 2019): 2365–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2019.1610186.

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36

OKOJIE, PAUL. "Reclaiming Black Power and Identity." History Workshop Journal 27, no. 1 (1989): 196–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hwj/27.1.196.

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37

Joseph, P. E. "Reinterpreting the Black Power Movement." OAH Magazine of History 22, no. 3 (July 1, 2008): 4–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/maghis/22.3.4.

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38

AMY JANE COHEN. "From Boycotts to Black Power." Pennsylvania Legacies 10, no. 2 (2010): 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5215/pennlega.10.2.0032.

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39

Glenn, Cerise L., and Landra J. Cunningham. "The Power of Black Magic." Journal of Black Studies 40, no. 2 (October 8, 2007): 135–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934707307831.

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40

Weissinger, Thomas. "Black Power Movement Book Publishing." Collection Management 31, no. 4 (October 2007): 5–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j105v31n04_03.

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41

Run, Peter. "Book Review: Black Power TV." Media International Australia 153, no. 1 (November 2014): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1415300128.

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42

Alyson M. Cole. "The Black Power Movement: Rethinking the Civil Rights-Black Power Era (review)." American Studies 48, no. 1 (2010): 139–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ams.0.0152.

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43

Browning, Rufus P., and Dale Rogers Marshall. "Black and Hispanic Power in City Politics: A Forum." PS: Political Science & Politics 19, no. 03 (1986): 573–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096500018126.

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The number of blacks and Hispanics elected to office in American cities has grown dramatically. The media frequently report on their victories in local elections and run features on black and Hispanic mayors. From none in 1960, there are now 27 black and three Hispanic mayors of cities with populations over 50,000 (Joint Center, 1985; National Association of Latino Elected Officials, 1986).The trend is obvious, its significance disputed. Is it likely to continue, or can we already see signs of reversal? How much power do local black and Hispanic officials have? How was it achieved? And what difference does it make in any case? Can blacks and Hispanics in office strike a better bargain with the investors and financial institutions they depend on for development than previous administrations? In a period of fiscal stringency and reduced federal spending, can they carve out a larger piece of the municipal pie for minority populations? Can minority officeholders make any headway against the growing tide of unemployment and poverty, as help from the federal level is dismantled? Although the growing number of minority officials suggests political integration and racial/ethnic succession, do the limited powers of cities in a federal system and a capitalistic society render that apparent gain more symbolic than real?
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Browning, Rufus P., and Dale Rogers Marshall. "Black and Hispanic Power in City Politics: A Forum." PS 19, no. 3 (1986): 573–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0030826900626279.

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The number of blacks and Hispanics elected to office in American cities has grown dramatically. The media frequently report on their victories in local elections and run features on black and Hispanic mayors. From none in 1960, there are now 27 black and three Hispanic mayors of cities with populations over 50,000 (Joint Center, 1985; National Association of Latino Elected Officials, 1986).The trend is obvious, its significance disputed. Is it likely to continue, or can we already see signs of reversal? How much power do local black and Hispanic officials have? How was it achieved? And what difference does it make in any case? Can blacks and Hispanics in office strike a better bargain with the investors and financial institutions they depend on for development than previous administrations? In a period of fiscal stringency and reduced federal spending, can they carve out a larger piece of the municipal pie for minority populations? Can minority officeholders make any headway against the growing tide of unemployment and poverty, as help from the federal level is dismantled? Although the growing number of minority officials suggests political integration and racial/ethnic succession, do the limited powers of cities in a federal system and a capitalistic society render that apparent gain more symbolic than real?
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45

Lyne, William. "No Accident: From Black Power to Black Box Office." African American Review 34, no. 1 (2000): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2901183.

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46

Brown, Emanuel H., and Michelle Phillips. "Black Love Convergence: Reclaiming the Power of Black Love." WSQ: Women's Studies Quarterly 50, no. 1-2 (March 2022): 127–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wsq.2022.0008.

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47

Breines, Wini. "Sixties Stories' Silences: White Feminism, Black Feminism, Black Power." NWSA Journal 8, no. 2 (July 1996): 101–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/nws.1996.8.2.101.

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48

Charron, Katherine Mellen. "Remaking Black Power: How Black Women Transformed an Era." Journal of American History 105, no. 2 (September 1, 2018): 467–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jay263.

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49

Joseph, Peniel E. "Black Liberation Without Apology: Reconceptualizing the Black Power Movement." Black Scholar 31, no. 3-4 (September 2001): 2–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00064246.2001.11431152.

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50

Fergus, Devin. "Black Power, Soft Power: Floyd McKissick, Soul City, and the Death of Moderate Black Republicanism." Journal of Policy History 22, no. 2 (March 31, 2010): 148–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030610000023.

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