Academic literature on the topic 'Blacks Sociology'

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Journal articles on the topic "Blacks Sociology"

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Segre, Sandro. "Religion and Black Racial Identity in Du Bois’s Sociology." American Sociologist 52, no. 3 (May 6, 2021): 656–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12108-021-09488-y.

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Abstract This article focuses on W.E.B. Du Bois’s ambivalent reception of Protestantism, and of religion in general. It argues that he rejected institutional Protestantism as characterized by cold formalism, but thought that the teaching and practices of this religion as taking place the Negro Churches were still relevant to most American Blacks. As pointed out by some secondary literature, Du Bois maintained that religious institutions gave comfort, social cohesion and a collective identity of their own to Blacks, who were an oppressed minority; however, only the Blacks’ racial consciousness could improve their social and political position. Institutional religion was then an important identity source for Blacks in general. It was not, however, for Du Bois himself. Du Bois had experienced racial discrimination and abuse based on the color line, and had therefore formed his social identity as a member of the Black race in the United States. This identity was the most salient to him and elicited his greatest commitment.
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Pies, Ingo. "Donald Blacks Moralsoziologie." Journal for Markets and Ethics 7, no. 2 (December 1, 2019): 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jome-2019-0005.

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Abstract This article aims at introducing the sociology of morals by Donald Black to a broader German-speaking public. The reconstruction draws on graphical visualizations that help to follow the basic arguments and to understand the systematicity of Black’s line of thought. Furthermore, Black’s approach is illustrated by highlighting several propositions he derives. This article thus clarifies Black’s relevance for foundational research in ethics as well as for research in the field of business ethics.
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Torres, Kimberly C., and Camille Z. Charles. "METASTEREOTYPES AND THE BLACK-WHITE DIVIDE: A Qualitative View of Race on an Elite College Campus." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 1, no. 1 (March 2004): 115–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x0404007x.

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We employ qualitative in-depth and focus group data to examine how racial stereotypes affect relations between Black and White undergraduates at the University of Pennsylvania. Specifically, we employ the concept of metastereotypes—Blacks' knowledge and perceptions of the racial attitudes that Whites have of Blacks. Our interest is in the accuracy of Black students' beliefs about Whites' racial attitudes to their group, and the consequences of metastereotypical thinking for Black students' academic performance. We find that the Black students in our sample possess some clear and largely negative metastereotypes concerning how Whites generally think about Blacks, and these metastereotypes are quite accurate. Moreover, these negative group images are at the heart of a key campus “problem”—Whites' hostility to affirmative action and the assumption that Blacks are not qualified to be at the university; and, ironically, most Blacks seem to have internalized a piece of these negative stereotypes. These results are a tangible manifestation of double-consciousness—Blacks' perceptions of themselves both through their own eyes and through the eyes of Whites, and evidence of Steele's theory of stereotype threat, in as much as Black students expend considerable energy attempting to debunk the myth of Black intellectual inferiority.
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Wilson, Brian. "`GOOD BLACKS' AND `BAD BLACKS'." International Review for the Sociology of Sport 32, no. 2 (June 1997): 177–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/101269097032002005.

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Hwang, Sean-Shong, Kevin M. Fitzpatrick, and David Helms. "Class Differences in Racial Attitudes: A Divided Black America?" Sociological Perspectives 41, no. 2 (June 1998): 367–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389482.

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Class differences in racial attitudes among blacks were examined using the 1979–1980 National Survey of Black Americans (NSBA). We examined two perspectives—class realignment and ethnic competition—as possible explanations for attitudinal differences between middle- and lower-class blacks. The majority of our findings supported the ethnic competition perspective which predicts a more critical attitude among middle- than lower-class blacks toward the stratification system. However, we found no significant class differences in blacks' attitudinal orientation towards whites. In addition, a clear difference between classes with respect to political action was found. In general, the results provide qualified support for Wilson's class polarization thesis.
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Shelton, Jason E., and George Wilson. "Race, Class, and the Basis of Group Alignment: An Analysis of Support for Redistributive Policy among Privileged Blacks." Sociological Perspectives 52, no. 3 (September 2009): 385–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sop.2009.52.3.385.

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Sociological research has not adequately assessed levels of support for redistributive policy among African Americans. This oversight is particularly notable considering the dispersion of blacks across the American class structure. This article seeks to fill this gap in our understanding by addressing two concerns: (a) whether blacks with higher versus lower socioeconomic status espouse disparate policy preferences and (b) whether a privileged class position matters in the same way in structuring black and white beliefs about the role of government. Results from pooled data from the 1996 through 2006 General Social Surveys indicate that blacks more strongly support government efforts to ameliorate inequality than whites. However, black policy preferences fluctuate after controlling for intraracial socioeconomic differences. Privileged blacks are less supportive of racially-neutral opportunity-enhancing and outcome-based policies; these same respondents espouse contrasting levels of support for racially-specific policies. The implications for these findings are discussed, as well as suggestions for future research.
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Benjamin, Andrea. "Coethnic Endorsements, Out-Group Candidate Preferences, and Perceptions in Local Elections." Urban Affairs Review 53, no. 4 (April 25, 2016): 631–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1078087416644840.

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Black and Latino voters support coethnic candidates at high rates in local elections. What is less clear is how Black and Latino voters respond to out-group candidates when they do not have the option to support a coethnic candidate. I posit that when race and ethnicity become salient in a campaign, endorsements from Black and Latino leaders and organizations increase support of out-group candidates among Blacks and Latinos. I find that this hypothesis is strongly supported among Blacks. However, the same is not true for Latinos, most likely because of the political heterogeneity of the group. Using data from a survey experiment, I show that Black endorsements of minority out-group candidates are persuasive for Blacks, while comparable endorsements from Latinos are not as influential among Latinos.
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Fiske, Susan T., Hilary B. Bergsieker, Ann Marie Russell, and Lyle Williams. "IMAGES OF BLACK AMERICANS." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 6, no. 1 (2009): 83–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x0909002x.

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AbstractImages of Black Americans are becoming remarkably diverse, enabling Barack Obama to defy simple-minded stereotypes and succeed. Understood through the Stereotype Content Model's demonstrably fundamental trait dimensions of perceived warmth and competence, images of Black Americans show three relevant patterns. Stereotyping by omission allows non-Blacks to accentuate the positive, excluding any lingering negativity but implying it by its absence; specifically, describing Black Americans as gregarious and passionate suggests warmth but ignores competence and implies its lack. Obama's credentials prevented him from being cast as incompetent, though the experience debate continued. His legendary calm and passionate charisma saved him on the warmth dimension. Social class subtypes for Black Americans differentiate dramatically between low-income Blacks and Black professionals, among both non-Black and Black samples. Obama clearly fit the moderately warm, highly competent Black-professional subtype. Finally, the campaign's events (and nonevents) allowed voter habituation to overcome non-Blacks' automatic emotional vigilance to Black Americans.
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Adelman, Robert M., and Stewart E. Tolnay. "Occupational Status of Immigrants and African Americans at the Beginning and End of the Great Migration." Sociological Perspectives 46, no. 2 (June 2003): 179–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sop.2003.46.2.179.

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This analysis utilizes data from the 1920 and 1970 Public Use Microdata Samples to examine the occupational status of immigrants and native-born blacks and whites in northern urban areas at the beginning and end of the Great Migration. In general, for both time periods we find that native-born black men, southern migrants and native northerners alike, fared worse than immigrants in terms of average SEI and level of white-collar employment. Further, we find that in 1920 southern-born and northern-born black women were more likely to be in the labor force and, when in the labor force, more likely to be employed in service occupations than were immigrant women. By 1970 the racial and ethnic differences in female employment patterns had grown considerably weaker. These findings suggest that immigrants from a range of countries made faster occupational progress than blacks throughout the Great Migration, despite important social and economic gains for blacks during the period. The evidence points toward a racially and ethnically defined occupational queue that left blacks at the bottom throughout these fifty years and helped to ensure their generally disadvantaged position in American society.
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Shelton, Jason E., and Anthony D. Greene. "Get Up, Get Out, and Git Sumthin’." American Behavioral Scientist 56, no. 11 (October 10, 2012): 1481–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764212458276.

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Does class position influence Blacks’ beliefs about the causes of poverty and racial inequality? Prior research has established that Blacks are more structural in orientation than Whites. However, existing studies have not adequately assessed the role that class position plays in shaping intraracial attitudinal differences among Blacks. Both multivariate and trend analyses of nearly four decades of data from the Houston Area Survey indicate that privileged Blacks often sharply differ from disadvantaged Blacks and privileged Whites across a range of racially specific and racially neutral individualistic and structural attributions. The results of this study directly concern ideological tensions within the Black community over whether racism and/or personal merit most strongly influences a Black person’s prospects for success.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Blacks Sociology"

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Morgan, Zachary Ross. "Legacy of the lash : blacks and corporal punishment in the Brazilian navy, 1860-1910 /." View online version; access limited to Brown University users, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3006769.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Brown University, 2001.
Available in film copy from University Microfilms International. Vita. Thesis advisor: Thomas E. Skidmore. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 279-290). Also available online.
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Bijou, Christina. "Skin Tone and Mental Health among African Americans and Caribbean Blacks in the U.S." The Ohio State University, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1574437390985803.

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Barnett, Michael Antonio. "Intra-racial relations among blacks in the United States: dissimilarities, partnerships, and common identities." FIU Digital Commons, 1997. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1400.

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In the wake of a steadily increasing diversity in ethnicity among Blacks in the United States, efforts need to be made to analyze and understand the dynamics of the relations among the various Black ethnic groups in the United States. This thesis explores the present state of relations among these groups by utilizing an extensive literature review on the topic in conjunction with in-depth interviews. What is of particular interest here are the differing and similar intergroup perspectives on self-identity, as well as any cultural similarities and dissimilarities that exist. We find that the cultural dissimilarities create barriers to harmonious relations among the groups, while particular ideologies such as Pan-Africanism and Black nationalism provide the basis for strong unified fronts and partnerships for those who embrace them.
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Jackson, Antoine Lennell. ""All Blacks Vote the Same?": Assessing Predictors of Black American Political Participation and Partisanship." Scholar Commons, 2013. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/4693.

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The politics of Blacks are stereotypically assumed to be the same and share the same race-based root, be it disenfranchisement or solidarity. Given the recent jump in Black political participation and the seemingly race-based and partisan nature "the Black vote" holds, it is essential to investigate what factors drive Black voter turnout as well as what factors contribute to the partisan nature of Black voters. Most other studies of political opinion, turnout, and party preference only consider comparable demographic groups such as men versus women or Blacks versus Whites. This study examines partisan preference and participation only among Black Americans. The data used here come from the American National Election Survey (ANES) 1984, 1996, and 2008 Pre- and Post-Election Survey, election years that coincided with peaks and lows of Black voter turnout since the Civil Rights Movement. Findings indicate that Black Democrats report higher voter turnout than Black non-Democrats, and younger Blacks and those who opposed abortion were less likely to vote. Also, results suggest that although Black partisanship can be predicted by gender, abortion stance, and age, partisanship is largely not a product of demographics or political stances based on how little variance these models account; rather, Black partisanship may be explained by aspects that go beyond these usual determinants, measures, and proxies. Implications of this study show that non-Democratic Blacks were political available to other parties, and it warrants a further investigation into Black partisanship.
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Boyles, Andrea S. "Meacham Park: how do Blacks experience policing in the suburbs?" Diss., Kansas State University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/13642.

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Doctor of Philosophy
Department of Sociology, Anthropology, and Social Work
Dana M. Britton
Historically, relationships between police and residents in minority communities have often been contentious. However most of the literature on race, place, and policing has focused on the policing of Blacks and their interactions with the police in urban settings. Building on this work, this study aims to capture similar processes of racialized policing as they occur in the suburbs. This project expands our understanding by exploring policing as it is carried out in a marginalized Black enclave located in a predominately white middle class suburb. Specifically, I focus on Meacham Park, which is a segregated enclave annexed to the nearby white community of Kirkwood, Missouri. Drawing on interviews with thirty African-American residents of Meacham Park, I explore how residents experience policing and their attitudes toward the police. The interviews reveal a contentious history of relations between residents and the police, and I discuss respondents’ accounts of specific experiences with police surveillance, harassment, and (in some cases) misconduct. However, though many respondents reported extremely negative attitudes toward the police, the great majority also reported at least some positive interactions and experiences. This study extends research on the policing of minority communities into a segregated suburban context and offers implications for improving relations between the police and minority communities.
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Tyson, Terry G. "Differential attitudes toward severely impaired patients, death, dying and aging in a nursing home for older blacks." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 1988. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/1132.

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This study investigated the social organization of a predominately black nursing home in the city of Atlanta and the care of severely ill residents. Five hypotheses were tested in this study: (l) The higher the status of staff in the nursing home, the more negative the attitudes towards the severely impaired patient. Stated another way, there will be an inverse relationship between staff status and attitudes toward severely impaired patients; (2) Staff members who exhibit high levels of religiosity are more likely than their low religious counterparts to experience positive attitudes toward death and dying; (3) The higher the external locus of control, the more positive the attitudes toward dying; (4) Negative attitudes toward the severely impaired patient will increase as the educational level increases; (5) Positive attitudes toward aging will increase as the age of the staff member increases. Three out of these five hypotheses were partially confirmed (hypotheses 1, 3, and 5) and two (hypotheses 2 and 4) were rejected. The qualitative data obtained through informal interviews with each of the two directors of Sadie G. Mays indicated that the severely impaired patients were assigned to an exclusive ward (Ward D) in order to improve the efficiency of the treatment program. Although these findings are quite applicable to Sadie G. Mays Nursing Home, caution is required before generalizing them to the entire minority nursing home staff population, due to the small sample size (N=25).
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Ziervogel, Charlton Leslie. "Intergenerational occupational mobility among blacks in the Mitchell's Plain Magisterial District, Cape Town : evidence from the Khayelitsha." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/3844.

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Wright, Delmar Anthony. "Access to Authority and Promotions: Do Organizational Mechanisms Affect Workplace Outcomes Differently for Blacks and Whites?" NCSU, 2004. http://www.lib.ncsu.edu/theses/available/etd-12012004-131651/.

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In this study I examine the effects of two organizational mechanisms on the race gap in promotions and authority attainment. Previous work in the area has treated promotions as a means to obtaining authority invested positions, while the present research examines promotions and authority simultaneously, and as conceptually distinct. This research also examines the effects of both social closure and homosocial reproduction on promotions and authority, something previous research has failed to accomplish. Using the North Carolina Employment and Health Survey (NCEHS), I examine the effect that social closure through training time may have on Black?s relative chances of having authority, and the influence of homosocial reproduction by linking the racial composition of jobs with the likelihood of receiving a promotion and having authority. Results from these analyses indicate that Blacks are more likely to receive promotions and authority positions in jobs with a higher percentage of Black employees. The results also indicate that Black employees with increased education also increase their likelihood of being promoted, and Blacks have less authority in private sector jobs, both conclusions showing support for the particularistic mobility thesis. This analysis provides empirical support for homosocial reproduction.
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Barnett, Michael A. "Rastafarianism and the Nation of Islam as institutions for group-identity formation among blacks in the United States : a case study comparing their approaches." FIU Digital Commons, 2000. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1399.

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This dissertation explores the Rastafari movement and the Nation of Islam as institutions that provide a group-identity for their adherents. The study seeks to determine the characteristics of the identity that is institutionalized by each movement, and the nature of the institutionalization process. The research was conducted primarily in South Florida where both movements exist. An extensive literature review in conjunction with in-depth field interviews were used as the primary research methodologies. What was of particular interest were the reasons that the members of the movements chose one movement over the other, also the similarities and dissimilarities between the movements in their role as institutions for group-identity formation. The research showed that both movements imbued their members with a sense of pride, high self-esteem and a strong sense of race consciousness. In addition, it showed that there was significant variation in identity orientation within the Rastafari Movement, which contrasted with the Nation of Islam where the identity variations within the movement were negligible. This was due largely to the difference in structure between the movements, the Nation of Islam being a centrally organized movement with one leader while the Rastafari movement is a decentralized polycephalous one. Both movements were found to be millenarian in nature, essentially because of the significant utility of the concept that their members would rise to prominence through God's grace. Additionally, both movements were identified as expressive social movements, since they were determined as being primarily concerned with changing the attitudes of their members rather than effecting structural social change.
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Sherwood, Daniel A. "Civic Struggles| Jews, Blacks, and the Question of Inclusion at The City College of New York, 1930-1975." Thesis, The New School, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3707753.

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This dissertation seeks to explain why large segments of the Jewish community, after working with blacks for decades, often quite radically towards expanding the boundaries of citizenship at City College, rejected the legitimacy of the 1970 Open Admissions policy? While succeeding in radically transforming the structure of City College and CUNY more broadly, the Black and Puerto Rican Student Community's late 1960’s political mobilization failed as an act of citizenship because its claims went broadly unrecognized. Rather than being remembered as political action that expanded the structure and content of citizenship, the Open Admissions crisis and policy are remembered as having destroyed a once great college. The black and Puerto Rican students who claimed an equal right to higher education were seen as unworthy of the forms of inclusion they demanded, and the radical democracy of Open Admissions was short lived, being decisively reformed in the mid 70’s in spite of what subsequent research has shown to be remarkable success in educating thousands who previously had no hope of pursuing a college degree. This dissertation places this question in historical context in three ways.

First, it historicizes the political culture at City College showing it to be an important incubator and index of the changing political imaginaries of the long civil rights movement by analyzing the shifting and evolving publics on the college’s campus, tracing the rise and fall of different political imaginaries. Significantly, the shifting political imaginaries across time at City College sustained different kinds of ethical claims. For instance, in the period from the 1930 to 1950, Jewish and black City College students tended to recognize each other as suffering from parallel forms of systemic racism within U.S. society. Understanding each other to be similarly excluded from a social system that benefitted a largely white-Anglo-Saxon-Protestant elite, enabled Jewish and black City College students to position themselves and each other as the normative subjects of American democracy. However, in the 1960’s, political imaginaries at City College had come to be anchored in more individualistic idioms, and ethical claims tended to be made within individualistic terms. Within such a context, when the BPRSC revived radically democratic idioms of political claims making, they tended to be understood by many whites as pathologically illiberal.

Second, it historicizes the ways in which City College constructed “the meritorious student” by analyzing the social, political and institutional forces that drove the college to continuously reformulate its admissions practices across its entire history. It shows that while many actors during the Open Admissions crisis invested City College’s definitions of merit with sacred academic legitimacy, they were in fact rarely crafted for academic reasons or according to a purely academic logic. Regardless, many ignored the fact the admissions standards were arbitrarily based, instead believing such standards were the legitimate marker of academic ability and worthiness. By examining the institutional construction of the “meritorious” student the dissertation shows the production of educational citizenship from above while also revealing how different actors and their standpoints were simultaneously constructed by how they were positioned by this institutional process.

Finally, the dissertation examines two significant historical events of student protest, the Knickerbocker-Davis Affair of the late 1940's and the Open Admissions Crisis of the late 1960's. In these events, City College students challenged the content of “educational citizenship.” These events were embedded in the shifting political culture at City College and were affected by the historically changing ways different groups, especially Jews and blacks, were positioned by the structure of educational citizenship.

While Jews had passed into whiteness by the late 1960’s in the U.S, there was no objective reason for many to claim the privileges of whiteness by rejecting a universal policy such as Open Admissions. Yet, many Jews interpreted Open Admissions as against their personal and group interests, and rejected the ethical claim to equality made by the BPRSC. By placing the Open Admissions crisis in deep historical and institutional context, and comparing the 1969 student mobilization to earlier student actions, the dissertation shows how actors sorted different political, institutional and symbolic currents to interpret their interests and construct their identities and lines of action.

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Books on the topic "Blacks Sociology"

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Du Bois, W. E. B. Black folk then and now: An essay in the history and sociology of the Negro race. New York: Oxford University Press, 2007.

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Sociology and the race problem: The failure of a perspective. Urbana, Ill: University of Illinois Press, 1993.

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Roger, Bastide. Roger Bastide: Ensaios e pesquisas. São Paulo: Centro de Estudos Rurais e Urbanos, NAP, 1994.

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Mama, Amina. Beyond the masks: Race, gender, and subjectivity. New York: Routledge, 1995.

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Mama, Amina. Beyond the Masks. London: Taylor & Francis Inc, 2004.

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Ortiz, Renato. A morte branca do feiticeiro negro: Umbanda e sociedade brasileira. 2nd ed. São Paulo, SP: Editora Brasiliense, 1991.

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Dresser, Madge. Black and white on the buses: The 1963 colour bar dispute in Bristol. Bristol: Bristol Broadsides, 1986.

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Souza, Irene Sales de. Os educadores e as relações interétnicas: Pais e mestres. Franca: UNESP, 2001.

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Crestani, Luciana Maria. Sem vez e sem voz: O negro nos textos escolares. Passo Fundo, RS, Brasil: Universidade de Passo Fundo, UPF Editora, 2003.

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Espaço urbano e afrodescendência: Estudos da espacialidade negra urbana para o debate das políticas públicas. Fortaleza: UFC Edições, 2007.

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Book chapters on the topic "Blacks Sociology"

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Kiecolt, K. Jill, W. Carson Byrd, Hans Momplaisir, and Michael Hughes. "Racial Identity Among Blacks and Whites in the U.S." In Frontiers in Sociology and Social Research, 61–83. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-76966-6_4.

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Collins, Patricia Hill. "Black Feminist Sociology." In Black Feminist Sociology, 19–31. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003199113-3.

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Clerge, Orly. "The New Black Sociology." In The New Black Sociologists, 219–36. New York, NY : Routledge, 2018. | Series: Sociology re-wired: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429507687-20.

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Garner, Ashley. "Black Feminist Piety." In Black Feminist Sociology, 182–93. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003199113-18.

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Johnson, Maria S. "#BlackGirlMagic and Its Complexities." In Black Feminist Sociology, 110–20. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003199113-11.

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James, Jennifer Elyse. "Black Feminist Epistemological Methodology." In Black Feminist Sociology, 207–16. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003199113-21.

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Brown, Melissa. "For a Black Feminist Digital Sociology." In Black Feminist Sociology, 240–50. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003199113-24.

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Friedman, Brittany, and Brooklynn K. Hitchens. "Theorizing Embodied Carcerality." In Black Feminist Sociology, 267–76. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003199113-27.

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Majavu, Mandisi. "“Kantsaywhere”." In Black Feminist Sociology, 173–81. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003199113-17.

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Brown, Kenly. "Love, Loss and Loyalty." In Black Feminist Sociology, 197–206. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003199113-20.

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