Journal articles: 'Blacks Sociology'

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Segre, Sandro. "Religion and Black Racial Identity in Du Bois’s Sociology." American Sociologist 52, no. 3 (May 6, 2021): 656–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12108-021-09488-y.

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Abstract This article focuses on W.E.B. Du Bois’s ambivalent reception of Protestantism, and of religion in general. It argues that he rejected institutional Protestantism as characterized by cold formalism, but thought that the teaching and practices of this religion as taking place the Negro Churches were still relevant to most American Blacks. As pointed out by some secondary literature, Du Bois maintained that religious institutions gave comfort, social cohesion and a collective identity of their own to Blacks, who were an oppressed minority; however, only the Blacks’ racial consciousness could improve their social and political position. Institutional religion was then an important identity source for Blacks in general. It was not, however, for Du Bois himself. Du Bois had experienced racial discrimination and abuse based on the color line, and had therefore formed his social identity as a member of the Black race in the United States. This identity was the most salient to him and elicited his greatest commitment.

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Pies, Ingo. "Donald Blacks Moralsoziologie." Journal for Markets and Ethics 7, no. 2 (December 1, 2019): 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jome-2019-0005.

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Abstract This article aims at introducing the sociology of morals by Donald Black to a broader German-speaking public. The reconstruction draws on graphical visualizations that help to follow the basic arguments and to understand the systematicity of Black’s line of thought. Furthermore, Black’s approach is illustrated by highlighting several propositions he derives. This article thus clarifies Black’s relevance for foundational research in ethics as well as for research in the field of business ethics.

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Torres, Kimberly C., and Camille Z. Charles. "METASTEREOTYPES AND THE BLACK-WHITE DIVIDE: A Qualitative View of Race on an Elite College Campus." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 1, no. 1 (March 2004): 115–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x0404007x.

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We employ qualitative in-depth and focus group data to examine how racial stereotypes affect relations between Black and White undergraduates at the University of Pennsylvania. Specifically, we employ the concept of metastereotypes—Blacks' knowledge and perceptions of the racial attitudes that Whites have of Blacks. Our interest is in the accuracy of Black students' beliefs about Whites' racial attitudes to their group, and the consequences of metastereotypical thinking for Black students' academic performance. We find that the Black students in our sample possess some clear and largely negative metastereotypes concerning how Whites generally think about Blacks, and these metastereotypes are quite accurate. Moreover, these negative group images are at the heart of a key campus “problem”—Whites' hostility to affirmative action and the assumption that Blacks are not qualified to be at the university; and, ironically, most Blacks seem to have internalized a piece of these negative stereotypes. These results are a tangible manifestation of double-consciousness—Blacks' perceptions of themselves both through their own eyes and through the eyes of Whites, and evidence of Steele's theory of stereotype threat, in as much as Black students expend considerable energy attempting to debunk the myth of Black intellectual inferiority.

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Wilson, Brian. "`GOOD BLACKS' AND `BAD BLACKS'." International Review for the Sociology of Sport 32, no. 2 (June 1997): 177–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/101269097032002005.

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Hwang, Sean-Shong, Kevin M. Fitzpatrick, and David Helms. "Class Differences in Racial Attitudes: A Divided Black America?" Sociological Perspectives 41, no. 2 (June 1998): 367–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389482.

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Class differences in racial attitudes among blacks were examined using the 1979–1980 National Survey of Black Americans (NSBA). We examined two perspectives—class realignment and ethnic competition—as possible explanations for attitudinal differences between middle- and lower-class blacks. The majority of our findings supported the ethnic competition perspective which predicts a more critical attitude among middle- than lower-class blacks toward the stratification system. However, we found no significant class differences in blacks' attitudinal orientation towards whites. In addition, a clear difference between classes with respect to political action was found. In general, the results provide qualified support for Wilson's class polarization thesis.

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Shelton, Jason E., and George Wilson. "Race, Class, and the Basis of Group Alignment: An Analysis of Support for Redistributive Policy among Privileged Blacks." Sociological Perspectives 52, no. 3 (September 2009): 385–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sop.2009.52.3.385.

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Sociological research has not adequately assessed levels of support for redistributive policy among African Americans. This oversight is particularly notable considering the dispersion of blacks across the American class structure. This article seeks to fill this gap in our understanding by addressing two concerns: (a) whether blacks with higher versus lower socioeconomic status espouse disparate policy preferences and (b) whether a privileged class position matters in the same way in structuring black and white beliefs about the role of government. Results from pooled data from the 1996 through 2006 General Social Surveys indicate that blacks more strongly support government efforts to ameliorate inequality than whites. However, black policy preferences fluctuate after controlling for intraracial socioeconomic differences. Privileged blacks are less supportive of racially-neutral opportunity-enhancing and outcome-based policies; these same respondents espouse contrasting levels of support for racially-specific policies. The implications for these findings are discussed, as well as suggestions for future research.

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Benjamin, Andrea. "Coethnic Endorsements, Out-Group Candidate Preferences, and Perceptions in Local Elections." Urban Affairs Review 53, no. 4 (April 25, 2016): 631–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1078087416644840.

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Black and Latino voters support coethnic candidates at high rates in local elections. What is less clear is how Black and Latino voters respond to out-group candidates when they do not have the option to support a coethnic candidate. I posit that when race and ethnicity become salient in a campaign, endorsements from Black and Latino leaders and organizations increase support of out-group candidates among Blacks and Latinos. I find that this hypothesis is strongly supported among Blacks. However, the same is not true for Latinos, most likely because of the political heterogeneity of the group. Using data from a survey experiment, I show that Black endorsements of minority out-group candidates are persuasive for Blacks, while comparable endorsements from Latinos are not as influential among Latinos.

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Fiske, Susan T., Hilary B. Bergsieker, Ann Marie Russell, and Lyle Williams. "IMAGES OF BLACK AMERICANS." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 6, no. 1 (2009): 83–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x0909002x.

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AbstractImages of Black Americans are becoming remarkably diverse, enabling Barack Obama to defy simple-minded stereotypes and succeed. Understood through the Stereotype Content Model's demonstrably fundamental trait dimensions of perceived warmth and competence, images of Black Americans show three relevant patterns. Stereotyping by omission allows non-Blacks to accentuate the positive, excluding any lingering negativity but implying it by its absence; specifically, describing Black Americans as gregarious and passionate suggests warmth but ignores competence and implies its lack. Obama's credentials prevented him from being cast as incompetent, though the experience debate continued. His legendary calm and passionate charisma saved him on the warmth dimension. Social class subtypes for Black Americans differentiate dramatically between low-income Blacks and Black professionals, among both non-Black and Black samples. Obama clearly fit the moderately warm, highly competent Black-professional subtype. Finally, the campaign's events (and nonevents) allowed voter habituation to overcome non-Blacks' automatic emotional vigilance to Black Americans.

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Adelman, Robert M., and Stewart E. Tolnay. "Occupational Status of Immigrants and African Americans at the Beginning and End of the Great Migration." Sociological Perspectives 46, no. 2 (June 2003): 179–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sop.2003.46.2.179.

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This analysis utilizes data from the 1920 and 1970 Public Use Microdata Samples to examine the occupational status of immigrants and native-born blacks and whites in northern urban areas at the beginning and end of the Great Migration. In general, for both time periods we find that native-born black men, southern migrants and native northerners alike, fared worse than immigrants in terms of average SEI and level of white-collar employment. Further, we find that in 1920 southern-born and northern-born black women were more likely to be in the labor force and, when in the labor force, more likely to be employed in service occupations than were immigrant women. By 1970 the racial and ethnic differences in female employment patterns had grown considerably weaker. These findings suggest that immigrants from a range of countries made faster occupational progress than blacks throughout the Great Migration, despite important social and economic gains for blacks during the period. The evidence points toward a racially and ethnically defined occupational queue that left blacks at the bottom throughout these fifty years and helped to ensure their generally disadvantaged position in American society.

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Shelton, Jason E., and Anthony D. Greene. "Get Up, Get Out, and Git Sumthin’." American Behavioral Scientist 56, no. 11 (October 10, 2012): 1481–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764212458276.

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Does class position influence Blacks’ beliefs about the causes of poverty and racial inequality? Prior research has established that Blacks are more structural in orientation than Whites. However, existing studies have not adequately assessed the role that class position plays in shaping intraracial attitudinal differences among Blacks. Both multivariate and trend analyses of nearly four decades of data from the Houston Area Survey indicate that privileged Blacks often sharply differ from disadvantaged Blacks and privileged Whites across a range of racially specific and racially neutral individualistic and structural attributions. The results of this study directly concern ideological tensions within the Black community over whether racism and/or personal merit most strongly influences a Black person’s prospects for success.

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11

McClain, Paula D., Monique L. Lyle, Niambi M. Carter, Victoria M. DeFrancesco Soto, Gerald F. Lackey, Kendra Davenport Cotton, Shayla C. Nunnally, Thomas J. Scotto, Jeffrey D. Grynaviski, and J. Alan Kendrick. "BLACK AMERICANS AND LATINO IMMIGRANTS IN A SOUTHERN CITY." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 4, no. 1 (2007): 97–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x07070063.

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AbstractDramatic demographic changes are occurring in the United States, and some of the most dramatic changes are occurring in the South from Latino immigration. Latinos, by and large, are an entirely new population in the region. How are Black southerners reacting to this new population? Using survey data gathered from a southern location, this article explores several questions related to whether Blacks see these new residents as friendly neighbors or economic competitors. Results suggest that Blacks and non-Blacks perceive a potential economic threat from continued Latino immigration, but Blacks are more concerned about the effects of Latino immigration than are Whites.

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12

McKay, Patrick F. "Winning and losing at the same time." Equality, Diversity and Inclusion: An International Journal 39, no. 7 (July 9, 2020): 761–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/edi-06-2020-0153.

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PurposeThe purpose of the paper is to summarize the author’s negative experiences with police. The author seeks to enlighten readers to the differential experiences of blacks and whites in police interactions.Design/methodology/approachThe paper is an essay that details the author’s negative experiences with police, while living in a mid-sized Midwestern city.Research limitations/implicationsThe key research implication of the paper is that whites and blacks often have qualitatively different experiences with the police in local communities. While black professionals may be experiencing professional success at work, they may also grapple with racial slights and harassment that undermine their overall physical and psychological wellbeing.Practical implicationsPractically, this paper highlights the needs for police departments to train police on unconscious biases that lead to potential violence against black people. Prospective police officers should be screened on their racial attitudes and ideology to ensure they are equipped to police a broad array of citizens.Social implicationsSocially, the paper underscores the unique experiences of black people with police compared to their white counterparts. To reduce cultural mistrust among blacks against whites, the latter must show empathy and understanding when blacks report instances of racial harassment and mistreatment. Also, whites who witness racial harassment perpetrated by their families, friends, and people in general, should speak out against such practices.Originality/valueThe author thinks the paper is original in that it chronicles his unique, negative experiences with police as a black man in America. The author provides a theoretical background to understand the recent uptick in police violence against blacks and provide helpful tips for moving forward to improve intergroup relations.

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Dawson, Michael C., and Rovana Popoff. "REPARATIONS: Justice and Greed in Black and White." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 1, no. 1 (March 2004): 47–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x04040056.

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Proponents and opponents of reparations for Blacks vociferously disagree. Conservative opponents argue that reparations for Black slavery are a disastrous idea and that proponents are motivated by either greed or the desire to do harm to the republic. Liberal and left opponents of reparations argue that the advocacy on this issue will lead to great racial divisions and do potentially irreparable harm to progressive movements. Supporters of reparations argue that it is a case of simple justice. That during the colonial, slavery, and Jim Crow eras Blacks were systematically oppressed and exploited with the active support of the state. They also argue that both domestic and international precedents strengthen the case for Black reparations. This paper shows that there is a tremendous divide between Blacks and Whites on questions of both an apology to Blacks as well as monetary reparations. The racial divide extends to support for the reparations to Japanese-Americans who were victims of official incarceration during World War II. Finally, multivariate analyses demonstrates that for both Blacks and Whites, racialized views of politics are best predictors of support for or opposition to reparations.

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14

Anderson, Elijah. "The Iconic Ghetto." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 642, no. 1 (June 4, 2012): 8–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716212446299.

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In the minds of many Americans, the ghetto is where “the black people live,” symbolizing an impoverished, crime-prone, drug-infested, and violent area of the city. Aided by the mass media and popular culture, this image of the ghetto has achieved an iconic status, and serves as a powerful source of stereotype, prejudice, and discrimination. The history of racism in America, along with the ascription of “ghetto” to anonymous blacks, has burdened blacks with a negative presumption they must disprove before they can establish mutually trusting relationships with others. The poorest blacks occupy a caste-like status, and for the black middle class, contradictions and dilemmas of status are common, underscoring the racial divide and exacerbating racial tensions.

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15

Hamilton, Tod G. "Black Immigrants and the Changing Portrait of Black America." Annual Review of Sociology 46, no. 1 (July 30, 2020): 295–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-soc-121919-054728.

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I review the literature on the social integration of black immigrants residing in the United States between 1910 and 2018, with the goal of highlighting how the growth of the black immigrant population has complicated the scholarly understanding of the causes and consequences of both intraracial disparities among blacks and disparities between blacks and whites in the United States. The article comprises three substantive sections. First, I examine the changing birth-country composition of the black immigrant population that arrived in the United States from 1900 to 1930 and review the literature on the social integration of black immigrants during the early twentieth century. Second, I review the literature that demonstrates how selective migration and disparate pre-1965 histories have shaped contemporary disparities between black immigrants and black Americans. Third, I discuss the implications of black immigration for understanding the evolution of racial disparities in the twenty-first century.

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Lacy, Karyn. "All’s Fair? The Foreclosure Crisis and Middle-Class Black (In)Stability." American Behavioral Scientist 56, no. 11 (October 10, 2012): 1565–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764212458279.

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Is the protracted foreclosure crisis eroding the Black middle class? Foreclosure rates in the United States have reached an all-time high. Blacks have been hit especially hard by this crisis. I focus here on intraclass distinctions within the Black middle class precisely because scholars and journalists so often fail to distinguish between the experiences of the Black lower middle class and those of middle and upper-class Blacks, leaving the unintended impression that middle-class Blacks all have the same odds of losing their home. I argue that conventional explanations of the foreclosure crisis as a racialized event should be amended to account for the differential impact of the crisis on three distinct groups of middle-class Blacks: the lower middle class, the core middle class, and the upper or elite middle class.

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Bell, Myrtle P. "Anti-blackness, surface-level diversity continues to matter: what must we do?" Equality, Diversity and Inclusion: An International Journal 39, no. 7 (July 21, 2020): 749–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/edi-06-2020-0160.

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PurposeThis paper discusses the author's perceptions of anti-blackness, her research on “surface-level” diversity and her recommendations for faculty, administrators and allies.Design/methodology/approachThe paper is a personal account, drawn from the author's background and experiences teaching and studying diversity. It discusses research on American Blacks' unique experiences with police violence and discrimination in employment, housing, customer service, healthcare and education consistent with anti-blackness.FindingsAnti-blackness pervades Blacks' everyday experiences, including in academic institutions.Research limitations/implicationsThis paper is a viewpoint paper. Researchers should study anti-blackness, looking specifically at Blacks' organizational and societal experiences.Practical implicationsThe author provides suggestions for faculty regarding sharing their research findings, teaching about anti-blackness in diversity, human resources, organizational behavior, management and other courses along with mentoring doctoral students. Recommendations for administration to help ensure that Black faculty are hired, valued and supported are also provided.Social implicationsEfforts to identify, acknowledge and dismantle anti-blackness are critical to Blacks and are important to improving diversity, inclusion and equity in society.Originality/valueThis paper provides the author's perspective on anti-blackness, using her personal perceptions and experiences, coupled with research evidence. The author provides suggestions for faculty and administrators based on decades of research and experience in the field and being Black in an anti-black society.

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Rambausek, Gerlinde, and L. A. Thompson. "Romans and Blacks." British Journal of Sociology 41, no. 4 (December 1990): 571. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/590669.

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Upton, James N., William H. Turner, and Edward J. Cabbell. "Blacks in Appalachia." Contemporary Sociology 15, no. 2 (March 1986): 294. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2071745.

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Phoenix, Ann, Daniele Joly, Cathie Lloyd, and David Owen. "Blacks and Britannity." Contemporary Sociology 32, no. 1 (January 2003): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3089826.

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Kam, Cindy D., and Camille D. Burge. "TRENDS: Racial Resentment and Public Opinion across the Racial Divide." Political Research Quarterly 72, no. 4 (September 20, 2019): 767–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912919870280.

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Research on racial resentment has been meticulously developed, tested, and analyzed with white Americans in mind—yet black Americans have also responded to this battery for the past three decades. To date, little to nothing is known about the implications of responses to the racial resentment battery among black Americans. A burgeoning literature on blacks’ intragroup attitudes suggests that over time, black Americans have increasingly attributed racial inequality to individual failings as opposed to structural forces. As such, unpacking blacks’ responses to the canonical racial resentment battery may provide further insight into the micro-foundations of black public opinion. Using survey data from 1986 to 2016, we engage in a systematic quantitative examination of the role of racial resentment in predicting black and white Americans’ opinions on racial policies, “race-coded” policies, and nonracialized policies. Along the way, we highlight the existence of wide heterogeneity among black respondents and call for further investigation that identifies similarities and differences in the foundations of white and black public opinion.

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Harris, David R. "Why Are Whites and Blacks Averse to Black Neighbors?" Social Science Research 30, no. 1 (March 2001): 100–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/ssre.2000.0695.

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Maltby, Elizabeth. "The Political Origins of Racial Inequality." Political Research Quarterly 70, no. 3 (April 18, 2017): 535–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912917704518.

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Policy feedback theory argues that public policies shape mass political behavior by teaching citizens about their relationship to government. I reevaluate this argument by examining how criminal justice policy shapes the political orientations and participation of blacks and whites. I argue that, because these policies send different messages to blacks than to whites about the treatment they can expect from government, these groups have opposite reactions to criminal justice enforcement. Using data from a 2014 national survey and information on local criminal justice outcomes, I find that racially skewed criminal justice enforcement is associated with negative political orientations and lower rates of political participation for highly educated blacks. I also find that whites respond positively to similar criminal justice outcomes when they reside in areas with large black populations. The results show that unequal policy outcomes lead to political inequality.

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Hope, Wayne. "Whose All Blacks?" Media, Culture & Society 24, no. 2 (March 2002): 235–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016344370202400205.

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GLASER, JAMES M. "Social Context and Inter-Group Political Attitudes: Experiments in Group Conflict Theory." British Journal of Political Science 33, no. 4 (September 17, 2003): 607–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123403000279.

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Previous studies of group conflict theory look at the relationship between racial balance in a particular area (precinct, county, etc.) and racial attitudes or political behaviour within that area. While of value, there are significant methodological disadvantages to this approach. Here, I address those problems using public opinion experiments in which I ask respondents whether they would allocate political goods proportionally given different (randomly assigned) hypothetical racial environments. The experiment yields confirmatory results, with non-blacks more likely to support proportionality in less black than heavily black environments. In a second experiment, I find that the same relationship is much weaker when the variations in population are non-racial. Finally, I show that the relationship also holds for blacks and argue that this is theoretically consistent.

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Waldinger, Roger. "Black/Immigrant Competition Re-Assessed: New Evidence from Los Angeles." Sociological Perspectives 40, no. 3 (September 1997): 365–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389448.

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This paper reports on a survey of employers to assess the impact of immigration and employer practices on black employment chances in Los Angeles. We observe a process of cumulative causation in which a set of mutually reinforcing changes raise barriers to the hiring of blacks. Network hiring seems to have a dual function, bringing immigrant communities into the workplace, while at the same time detaching vacancies from the open market, thus diminishing opportunities for blacks. Employers also perceive immigrants as far more desirable employees than blacks, in part, because they expect that immigrants will be the more productive workers, in part, because they also see immigrants as more tractable labor. Any managerial propensity to favor immigrants is likely to be reinforced by the attitudes of the predominantly Latino workforce, as inserting a black worker in a predominantly Latino crew is not a technique for increasing productivity, given the hostility between the two groups. And African-Americans seem to play their own role in this process, apparently opting out of the low-level labor market in response to rising expectations, on the one hand, and the anticipation of employment difficulties on the other.

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Shilliam, Robbie. "Indebtedness and the Curation of a Black Archive: Comments on David Goldberg’s Conversation with Achille Mbembe." Theory, Culture & Society 35, no. 7-8 (November 5, 2018): 229–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276418808887.

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Addressing Mbembe’s interview with Goldberg and reflecting upon the book – Critique of Black Reason (2017) – that the interview probes, the author points to a tension in Mbembe’s thought. Mbembe apprehends black reason as all-at-once ‘reason’s unreason’ and the remaking-reasonable of reason. In this respect, there is a clear sense of a simultaneity of imposition–struggle and destruction–repair. Yet this ethos of simultaneity is in tension with Mbembe’s sequential exposition of the black archive, especially the indebtedness of the ‘response’ by blacks to the reasoning about blacks. In his response, the author works through the productive tension between ethos and sequence as a way to demonstrate the richness of Mbembe’s curation of a black archive.

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Herring, Cedric. "HURRICANE KATRINA AND THE RACIAL GULF: A Du Boisian Analysis of Victims' Experiences." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 3, no. 1 (March 2006): 129–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x06060097.

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Americans like to believe that “we are all in the same boat” when disaster strikes. Using a Du Boisian framework, this article provides a multivariate analysis of survey data from victims of Hurricane Katrina to determine whether there were racial differences in their perceptions about rescue and relief efforts. The data collected from survivors show that Blacks and Whites drew very different lessons from the tragedy. There was widespread agreement among Black survivors that the government's response to the crisis would have been faster if most of the storm's victims had been White. Whites, in contrast, were more likely to feel that the race of the victims did not make a difference in the government's response. Less than half of White victims, but more than three-quarters of Black victims, held that Hurricane Katrina pointed out persisting problems of racial inequality. There were, however, few racial differences in perceptions about the role of income in the aftermath of Katrina. Most Blacks and Whites agreed with the idea that low-income and middle-income victims of the hurricane received similar treatment. But when asked a similar question about the role of race, racial differences reemerged. Also, rather than this being a difference of opinion only between poor Blacks and middle-class Whites, these results suggest that there were also differences between the lowest-income Blacks and middle-income Blacks and perhaps an even larger difference between middle-income Blacks and middle-income Whites in terms of how they viewed the government's response. Income and other sociodemographic differences did not explain racial differences in perceptions about the role of race in the aftermath of the hurricane. The article concludes that the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina exposed the wide gulf between the nation's haves and have-nots as well as the nation's persistent racial divide.

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Sullivan, Jas M., and Gheni N. Platenburg. "From Black-ish to Blackness." Journal of Black Studies 48, no. 3 (January 29, 2017): 215–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934716685845.

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Prior research shows consumption of Black information affects the way people think. More specifically, it influences general racial group attitudes. However, the expectations about the amount of Black information and deeper understanding of its effect on racial identity development remain unclear. Using a unique survey data set, with large oversamples of Blacks, this article explores whether the amount of Black information consumed influences Black identity development. The findings show Black information sources positively affect racial identity development—creating a sense that race is a more important aspect of the individuals’ definitions of self (i.e., racial centrality). The flip side, however, is greater consumption of Black information decreases public regard, prompting Blacks to believe other groups have a more negative feeling toward them. Thus, Black media plays a dual function in racial identity development—both positive and negative.

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Claytor, Cassi Pittman. "Dreaming in Black : Middle‐class Blacks ' aspirational consumption." Journal of Consumer Affairs 55, no. 2 (April 17, 2021): 483–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/joca.12361.

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HORTON, HAYWARD DERRICK, MELVIN E. THOMAS, and CEDRIC HERRING. "Rural-Urban Differences in Black Family Structure." Journal of Family Issues 16, no. 3 (May 1995): 298–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019251395016003004.

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The nature and structure of the African American family continues to be a topic of importance in sociology. Since the much-maligned Moynihan report of the 1960s, sociologists have linked Black family structure to persisting disadvantage. However, the overwhelming majority of past studies have focused on the urban Black family. Accordingly, this article employs data from the 1990 Public Use Microdata Samples to compare the rural African American family to its urban counterpart. Results from the logistic regression analysis reveal that for rural Blacks, family structure is less important than community type and race relative to poverty status. These findings suggest a need for a refinement of the underclass debate.

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SCHERER, NANCY. "Blacks on the Bench." Political Science Quarterly 119, no. 4 (December 2004): 655–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1538-165x.2004.tb00534.x.

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Imani, John A. "Regarding Blacks and Mexicans." Socialism and Democracy 22, no. 3 (November 2008): 182–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08854300802361703.

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Boyd, Robert L. "Racial Differences in Childlessness: A Centennial Review." Sociological Perspectives 32, no. 2 (June 1989): 183–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389096.

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This article reviews black-white childlessness differences over the past century. These differences have been attributed to inequalities in social and health conditions. The historically greater rate of black childlessness has been treated as the result of pathological sterility or pregnancy loss due to sexually transmitted diseases (STDs), malnutrition, and inadequate medical care. Conversely, white childlessness has been viewed as the product of decisions to be child-free, facilitated or encouraged by such things as prolonged schooling, the sex-role revolution, and effective contraception. Yet it is suggested that childlessness in both races has been shaped by the same basic factors, including social mobility, birth control, and changing family norms. Moreover, as a result of socioeconomic gains by blacks, patterns of marital childlessness by race are becoming alike, and voluntary childlessness may be growing among blacks as well as whites.

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Warmington, B. H., and Lloyd A. Thompson. "Romans and Blacks." International Journal of African Historical Studies 24, no. 1 (1991): 223. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220131.

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Curry, Leonard P. "Philadelphia's Free Blacks." Journal of Urban History 16, no. 3 (May 1990): 319–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009614429001600305.

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Goldsmith, Pat António. "All Segregation is Not Equal: The Impact of Latino and Black School Composition." Sociological Perspectives 46, no. 1 (March 2003): 83–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sop.2003.46.1.83.

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Latinos are a large, highly segregated minority group achieving less than whites in school, but the extent to which segregation is responsible for their relatively low achievement is not well known. The effect of proportion Latino on educational achievement is often assumed to be identical to the effect of proportion black. I use the NELS to test this assumption. Results reveal that segregation concentrates disadvantages for Latinos and blacks, but surprisingly, proportion Latino tends to positively influence test scores over the high school years. Proportion black, in contrast, does not affect test scores except for a negative effect for blacks in science. Integration of Latinos with whites would reduce some of the inequalities between schools, it would not hurt and in some areas would help the test scores of whites, but it would hurt Latinos unless some of the helpful features of predominantly Latino schools could be copied.

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McClerking, Harwood K., Chryl N. Laird, and Ray Block. "The Fragility of Racial Transcendence: An Analysis of Oprah Winfrey’s Endorsement of the Barack Obama 2008 Presidential Campaign." American Politics Research 47, no. 2 (February 18, 2018): 304–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x18757236.

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We define racial transcendence as an elevated status in which evaluations of an individual are no longer shaped by the race of the attitudinal target or the race of the person making the evaluations. Observers argue that Oprah Winfrey transcends race, meaning that she is just as likely to receive support from non-Blacks as she is from fellow Blacks. But this argument may not follow when Oprah moves into the political arena. We use two surveys to demonstrate this: The first survey supports Winfrey’s transcendence, while we see in-group support in the second. We find that Oprah enjoys her greatest support among racial fellows, and her favorability flows along the lines of race and gender: Her greatest supporters are Black women. Oprah’s ability to offer political cues also flows along lines of race and gender: Those most likely to be influenced by her Obama endorsement are Black women.

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Byrd, W. Carson, Rachelle J. Brunn-Bevel, and Parker R. Sexton. "‘WE DON’T ALL LOOK ALIKE’." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 11, no. 2 (2014): 353–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x14000162.

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AbstractThe examination of student group performance is a constant need as American higher education continues to expand and become more racially and ethnically diverse. Recent scholarship on the academic performance of Black students at elite colleges and universities has glossed over possible disparities among these students, particularly among different immigrant groups. The current study clarifies these differences in academic performance by examining four Black student groups at elite colleges and universities in the United States: native Blacks, Black immigrants from Africa, Black immigrants from the Caribbean and Latin America, and Black immigrants from other parts of the globe. The analyses point to many similarities and differences among the four Black student groups in their characteristics and influences on their academic performance in college such as gender, precollege friendships, high school academic preparation, college major, and closeness to Whites and Blacks. Additionally, this study found evidence of possible colorism among Black students at elite colleges.

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Brown, Robert A. "POLICING IN AMERICAN HISTORY." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 16, no. 1 (2019): 189–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x19000171.

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AbstractThis article examines the historical evolution of policing in America with a focus on race. Specifically, it is argued that racial bias has deep roots in American policing, and reforms in policing and American society have not eliminated the detrimental experiences of Blacks who encounter the police. Historical information and contemporary empirical research indicate that, even when legal and other factors are equal, Blacks continue to experience the coercive and lethal aspects of policing relative to their non-Black counterparts.

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Hunt, Matthew O., and Rashawn Ray. "Social Class Identification Among Black Americans." American Behavioral Scientist 56, no. 11 (September 20, 2012): 1462–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764212458275.

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Although much research documents the growth of a “professional middle class” among African Americans over the past several decades, we know comparatively little about how Blacks see themselves in social class terms, and whether this has changed over time. In the current study, we use data from the 1974 to 2010 General Social Surveys to analyze trends in, and the determinants of, Blacks’ social class identifications (SCI) over the past four decades. Our results show that Blacks’ tendency to identify as “middle class” has increased in concert with Blacks’ socioeconomic status (SES) gains since the 1970s. Regarding the determinants of SCI, education and household income appear more consequential than occupational prestige and self-employment in shaping Blacks’ self-reports of their own class positions. Finally, we see little evidence of change over time in the relationship between various SES characteristics and SCI, with one exception: Self-employment has become a more potent predictor of Blacks’ SCI over the past several decades. Our results provide an important update to our knowledge of the dynamics of SCI among Black Americans. They also raise important questions for future research on the relationship between, and relative impact of, “race” and “class” in shaping Blacks’ identities and their orientations toward American society.

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Light, Michael T., and Julia T. Thomas. "Segregation and Violence Reconsidered: Do Whites Benefit from Residential Segregation?" American Sociological Review 84, no. 4 (July 9, 2019): 690–725. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0003122419858731.

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Despite marked declines in black-white segregation over the past half century, there has been limited scholarly attention to the effects of increasing integration. This is a significant omission given that sociologists have long viewed residential segregation as a fundamental determinant of racial inequality, and extant research has produced inconsistent findings on the consequences of segregation for different racial groups. Using the case of violence, this study leverages a unique combination of race-specific information on homicide, socioeconomic, and demographic characteristics for 103 major metropolitan areas across five decades (1970 to 2010) to examine the criminogenic consequences of segregation for whites and blacks. Three notable findings emerge from our inquiry: (1) racial segregation substantially increases the risk of homicide victimization for blacks while (2) simultaneously decreasing the risk of white homicide victimization. The result of these heterogeneous effects is that (3) segregation plays a central role in driving black-white differences in homicide mortality. These findings suggest the declines in racial segregation since 1970 have substantially attenuated the black-white homicide gap.

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Lobo, Arun Peter, Ronald J. O. Flores, and Joseph J. Salvo. "Racial Differentials in the Components of Population Change and Neighborhood Transitions in New York City, 1980–2010: The Distinct Role of Asian Net Inflows in the Age of Net Outflows of Whites, Blacks, and Hispanics." Urban Affairs Review 55, no. 5 (February 18, 2018): 1456–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1078087418755012.

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We examine New York’s components of population change—net migration and natural increase—by race and space to explain increases in integrated and minority neighborhoods, in this era of greater ethnoracial diversity. The city has net outflows of Whites, Blacks, and Hispanics, and net Asian inflows, a new dynamic that has reordered its neighborhoods. Asians, often joined by Hispanics, moved into White neighborhoods without triggering White flight, resulting in integrated neighborhoods without Blacks. These neighborhoods constitute a plurality, furthering Black exclusion. Minority neighborhoods saw net outflows, an overlooked phenomenon, but expanded thanks to natural increase, which maintains the existing racial structure. White inflows have helped transition some minority neighborhoods to integrated areas, though integrated neighborhoods with Blacks declined overall. As Asians and Hispanics occupy historically White spaces, this warrants a reconceptualization of race and the emerging racial hierarchy, and a focus on the gatekeeper role of Asians and Hispanics.

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Harris, Cherise A., and Nikki Khanna. "BLACK IS, BLACK AIN'T: BIRACIALS, MIDDLE-CLASS BLACKS, AND THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF BLACKNESS." Sociological Spectrum 30, no. 6 (October 14, 2010): 639–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02732173.2010.510057.

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Logan, John R., Weiwei Zhang, Richard Turner, and Allison Shertzer. "Creating the Black Ghetto." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 660, no. 1 (June 9, 2015): 18–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716215572993.

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Were black ghettos a product of white reaction to the Great Migration in the 1920s and 1930s, or did the ghettoization process have earlier roots? This article takes advantage of recently available data on black and white residential patterns in several major northern cities in the period 1880–1940. Using geographic areas smaller than contemporary census tracts, we trace the growth of black populations in each city and trends in the level of isolation and segregation. In addition we analyze the determinants of location: which blacks lived in neighborhoods with higher black concentrations, and what does this tell us about the ghettoization process? We find that the development of ghettos in an embryonic form was well underway in 1880, that segregation became intense prior to the Great Migration, and that in this whole period blacks were segregated based on race rather than class or southern origin.

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Reyna, Christine, Mark Brandt, and G. Tendayi Viki. "Blame It on Hip-Hop: Anti-Rap Attitudes as a Proxy for Prejudice." Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 12, no. 3 (April 17, 2009): 361–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430209102848.

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This research investigated the stereotypes associated with rap music and hip-hop culture, and how those stereotypes may influence anti-Black attitudes and justifications for discrimination. In three studies—using a representative sample from America, as well as samples from two different countries—we found that negative stereotypes about rap are pervasive and have powerful consequences. In all three samples, negative attitudes toward rap were associated with various measures of negative stereotypes of Blacks that blamed Blacks for their economic plights (via stereotypes of laziness). Anti-rap attitudes were also associated with discrimination against Blacks, through both personal and political behaviors. In both American samples, the link between anti-rap attitudes and discrimination was partially or fully mediated by stereotypes that convey Blacks' responsibility. This legitimizing pattern was not found in the UK sample, suggesting that anti-rap attitudes are used to reinforce beliefs that Blacks do not deserve social benefits in American society, but may not be used as legitimizing beliefs in other cultures.

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Pittman, Cassi. "“Shopping while Black”: Black consumers’ management of racial stigma and racial profiling in retail settings." Journal of Consumer Culture 20, no. 1 (July 27, 2017): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1469540517717777.

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This article draws on qualitative interview data collected from 55 African Americans residing in the New York City area to examine African Americans’ experiences of consumer racial profiling or “Shopping While Black.” I find that racial discrimination alters African Americans’ experiences as consumers. Racial stigma in retail settings impacts the consumptive process for Blacks in two central ways. First, retail settings are often sites where anti-Black bias is made evident, requiring Black shoppers to navigate racial hierarchies while procuring goods. Second, discrimination alters the experience of shopping, arguably raising the costs and reducing the rewards derived from consumption. When a store’s sales staff is hesitant to serve Black shoppers or suspects that they are prospective shoplifters, shopping no longer becomes a form of leisure. A qualitative assessment of Blacks’ reports of racial stigma and discrimination in retail settings reveals that race can change the meaning and status attached to goods, when they are sought out or owned by racial minorities. By examining Blacks’ experiences of retail racism and the cultural strategies they adopt in responding to occasions when they are treated discriminatorily, this research brings to light Blacks’ experiences of discrimination on the ground, while also examining how racism impacts the quality of Black consumers’ experiences.

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Philog�ne, Gina. "Blacks as ?Serviceable Other?" Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology 10, no. 5 (2000): 391–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/1099-1298(200009/10)10:5<391::aid-casp596>3.0.co;2-k.

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Trent, William T., Willie Pearson, and H. Kenneth Bechtel. "Blacks, Science, and American Education." Contemporary Sociology 20, no. 3 (May 1991): 457. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2073756.

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Bonilla-Silva, Eduardo, and David G. Embrick. "Are Blacks color blind too?" Race and Society 4, no. 1 (January 2001): 47–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1090-9524(02)00034-7.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Blacks Sociology'

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