Journal articles on the topic 'Blair family'

The use of the term ‘family (informal) carer’, as it is currently conceptualized, is recent and is largely the product of increased attention in the academic and policy literature over the last two decades. Despite their fairly late arrival on the scene, family carers now occupy centre stage in UK government policy, having being described by the Prime Minister, Tony Blair, as the ‘unsung heroes’ of British life, who are essential to the fabric and character of Britain. Such recognition stems from the growing realization that family carers are the lynchpin of community care, providing 80% of all the care needed at an estimated saving to the UK government of some £40 billion annually.

Blair has shown that for every ordinal up to and including the least non-recursive ordinal there exists a logic program having that ordinal as downward closure ordinal. However, given such an ordinal and Blair’s proof, it is not straightforward to find a corresponding logic program. In fact, in the literature only a few isolated, ad hoc, examples of logic programs with downward closure ordinal greater than w can be found. We contribute to bridging the gap between what is known abstractly and what is known concretely by showing the connection between some of the existing examples and the well-known concept of the order of a vertex in a graph. Using this connection as a basis, we construct a family { P α } α < ϵ 0 of logic programs where any member P α has downward closure ordinal ω + α.

Abstract Objective This study aims to investigate the relationship between Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs, specifically household dysfunction) and attentional bias. Research has shown that ACEs can induce psychological stress and result in greater risk for neuropsychological difficulties among children who experience them (Raver and Blair., 2016). Therefore, we hypothesize that children with higher levels of ACE exposure will show higher levels of attentional bias overall. Data Selection Data was obtained through the longitudinal Adolescent Brain Cognitive Development Study. The broader dataset was narrowed to include variables related to household dysfunction: Parent Family Environment Scale—Family Conflict Subscale Modified from PhenX and Parent Neighborhood Safety/Crime Modified from PhenX. Attentional bias was measured via the Youth Emotional Stroop Test. Data Synthesis Data was analyzed using a Bivariate correlation between predictor variables and participant latency on incongruent items within the Youth Emotional Stroop Test. Neighborhood crime and response latency were significantly correlated at r(4838) = −.041, p < .001. Neighborhood crime and family conflict were significantly correlated at r(4838) = −.040, p < .001. Additionally, we used linear regression to examine the roles of neighborhood crime and family conflict as predictors of attentional bias (N = 4838). The two variables together significantly predicted attentional bias, F(2, 4835) = 4.50, p = .012, r2 .002. Conclusion Although family conflict was not significantly related to attentional bias, our results support previous research and our hypothesis that higher levels of exposure to ACEs are significantly associated with an increase in attentional bias for environmentally threatening stimuli (Caldwell., Carter., and Minzenberg 2014).

The elateriform family Callirhipidae Emden, 1924 is catalogued. The family contains 14 genus-group taxa, of which 10 are currently considered as valid and four as synonyms. The family contains 214 available species-group names, of which 175 represent currently valid species and subspecies, and 39 are synonyms. For each taxon, all references known to the author are listed. For species-group taxa, type locality, type material, current status and known distribution are given. Lists of unavailable names and taxa excluded from the family Callirhipidae are presented. A systematic checklist of the family is appended. The following new synonyms are proposed: Simianus Blanchard, 1853 = Simianellus Emden, 1924 syn. nov.; Callirhipis javanica Laporte de Castelnau, 1834 = Callirhipis impressicollis Fairmaire, 1887 syn. nov. = Callirhipis armitagei Pic, 1916 syn. nov. = Callirhipis angustata Pic, 1943 syn. nov.; Callirhipis lineata Waterhouse, 1877 = Callirhipis ruficollis Pic, 1943 syn. nov.; Callirhipis separata Gemminger, 1869 = Simianellus bicolor costatus Emden, 1932 syn. nov.; Callirhipis sirambea Pic, 1921 = Callirhipis (Helleriola) henrikseni Emden, 1934 syn. nov.; Callirhipis suturalis Waterhouse, 1877 = Callirhipis scutellata Fairmaire, 1887 syn. nov. = Callirhipis aureoscutata Pic, 1938 syn. nov.; Callirhipis tonkinea Pic, 1907 = Callirhipis tonkinea var. diversa Pic, 1926 syn. nov.; Celadonia hoodii (Saunders, 1834) = Callirhipis laportei var. notaticollis Pic, 1912 syn. nov.; Ennometes cribratus (Waterhouse, 1877) = Simianus cribripennis Fairmaire, 1893 syn. nov.; Ennometes impressiceps Pic, 1922 = Ennometes ruficornis Pic, 1943 syn. nov.; Simianus terminatus Fairmaire, 1887 = Simianus pyrochroides Pic, 1921 syn. nov. = Simianus pyrochroides var. lateniger Pic, 1925 syn. nov. Callirhipis hoodii Saunders, 1834 is designated as the type species of the genus Celadonia Laporte de Castelnau, 1840. Revised and new statuses are here proposed for the following taxa: Callirhipis (Cal- lirhipis) impressa Montrouzier, 1857 stat. revalid.; Callirhipis (Callirhipis) samoensis Pic, 1921 stat. revalid.; Ennometes cerrutii (Pic, 1927) stat. revalid.; Ennometes ruficeps Pic, 1926 stat. nov. from Ennometes rouyeri var. ruficeps; Celadonia bocourti Pic, 1927 stat. nov. from Simianides laportei var. Bocourti; Simianus diversicornis Pic, 1925 stat. nov. from Simianus pyrochroides var. diversicornis; Simianus reductus Pic, 1925 stat. nov. from Simianus pyrochroides var. reductus. The new replacement name Callirhipis (Parennometes) pici Hájek, nom. nov. is proposed for Callirhipis costata Pic, 1927, preoccupied by C. costata Waterhouse, 1877. The following new combinations are established: Callirhipis (Ennometidium) impressiceps (Pic, 1922) comb. nov. from Ennometes; Callirhipis (Ennometidium) obscura (Pic, 1927) comb. nov. from Ennometes; Callirhipis (Parennometes) carolinensis Blair, 1940 comb. nov. from Callirhipis s. str.; Callirhipis (subgenus ?) pauloplicatus (Pic, 1943) comb. nov. from Simianus; Celadonia bicolor (Laporte de Castelnau, 1834) comb. nov. from Callirhipis; Celadonia gounellei (Pic, 1916) comb. nov. from Callirhipis; Celadonia hoodii (Saunders, 1834) comb. nov. from Callirhipis; Celadonia laportei nigroimpressa (Pic, 1950) comb. nov. from Callirhipis; Celadonia luteonotata (Pic, 1907) comb. nov. from Callirhipis; Celadonia scapularis (Laporte de Castelnau, 1834) comb. nov. from Callirhipis; Ennometes incertus (Emden, 1936) comb. nov. from Callirhipis (Parennometes); Ennometes onoi (Blair, 1940) comb. nov. from Callirhipis (Parennom- etes); Ennometes tarsalis (Emden, 1932) comb. nov. from Simianellus; Simianus basalis (Emden, 1924) comb. nov. from Simianellus; Simianus bicolor (Fairmaire, 1893) comb. nov. from Homoeorhipis; Simianus bituberculatus (Schultze, 1915) comb. nov. from Simianellus; Simianus bituberculatus dilatatus (Emden, 1932) comb. nov. from Simianellus; Simianus confusus (Emden, 1932) comb. nov. from Simianellus; Simianus croceosellatus (Fairmaire, 1887) comb. nov. from Homoeorhipis; Simianus cyaneicollis (Waterhouse, 1877) comb. nov. from Simianellus; Simianus globicollis (Emden, 1924) comb. nov. from Simianellus; Simianus incisus (Emden, 1924) comb. nov. from Simianellus; Simianus laetus (Waterhouse, 1877) comb. nov. from Simianellus; Simianus latepunctatus (Pic, 1943) comb. nov. from Ennometes; Simianus maculaticeps (Pic, 1921) comb. nov. from Homoeorhipis; Simianus malaccanus (Pic, 1916) comb. nov. from Simianellus; Simianus melanocephalus (Emden, 1924) comb. nov. from Simianellus; Simianus mesomelaenus (Fairmaire, 1887) comb. nov. from Homoeorhipis; Simianus nigripennis (Emden, 1932) comb. nov. from Simianellus; Simianus nigriventralis (Schultze, 1915) comb. nov. from Simianel-lus; Simianus obscurus (Emden, 1924) comb. nov. from Simianellus; Simianus obscurus sikkimensis (Emden, 1932) comb. nov. from Simianellus; Simianus palawanicus (Emden, 1932) comb. nov. from Simianellus; Simianus pascoei (Waterhouse, 1895) comb. nov. from Callirhipis; Simianus ruber (Pic, 1929) comb. nov. from Horatocera; Simianus separatus (Gemminger, 1869) comb. nov. from Callirhipis; Simianus thoracicus (Emden, 1924) comb. nov. from Simianellus; Simianus ustus (Fairmaire, 1887) comb. nov. from Homoeorhipis. Lectotypes are designated for the following taxa: Callirhipis angustata Pic, 1943; Callirhipis armitagei Pic, 1916; Callirhipis aureoscutata Pic, 1938; Callirrhipis cribrata Waterhouse, 1877; Callirhipis hoodii Saunders, 1834; Callirhipis (Helleriola) henrikseni Emden, 1934; Callirhipis javanica Laporte de Castelnau, 1834; Callirhipis lineata Waterhouse, 1877; Callirhipis orientalis Laporte de Castelnau, 1834; Callirhipis ruficollis Pic, 1943; Callirrhipis sirambeus Pic, 1921; Callirhipis suturalis Waterhouse, 1877; Callirhipis tonkinea Pic, 1907; Callirhipis tonkinea var. diversa Pic, 1926; Ennometes impressiceps Pic, 1922; Ennometes ruficornis Pic, 1943; Simianus pyrochroides Pic, 1921 and Simianus pyrochroides var. lateniger Pic, 1925.

Three new genera are described, providing valuable new information on the phylogeny and biogeography of the family Dermestidae: Derbyana, gen. nov., containing only D. matthewsi, sp. nov. from north-western Australia; Orphilodes, gen. nov., with three Australian species, O. australis, sp. nov. (type of the genus), O. minor, sp. nov. and O. malleecola, sp. nov.; and Trichodryas, gen. nov., with one described species, T. esoterica sp. nov., from the Malay Peninsula and undescribed species from the Sulu Archipelago, Sabah, Kalimantan and Java. A cladistic analysis is included based on a matrix consisting of the three new genera, exemplar genera representing all major groups of Dermestidae and outgroup exemplars from the families Eucinetidae, Derodontidae, Nosodendridae, Endecatomidae and Bostrichidae. Based on the results, a new supergeneric classification is proposed and compared with those in other recent works on Dermestidae and related groups. Recognised subfamilies and tribes include Orphilinae, Attageninnae, Thorictinae, Dermestinae (Marioutini and Dermestini), Megatominae and Trinodinae (Thylodriini and Trinodini). Trichelodini is suppressed and Hexanodes Blair is removed from synonymy with Trichelodes Carter. Keys are given to adults and larvae of the subfamilies of Dermestidae and the genera of Orphilinae, Dermestinae and Trinodinae.

Tony Blair The Third Way: new politics for the new century, pamphlet no. 588, Fabian Society, London, 1998, 20 pp., £3.50.Stephen Driver and Luke Martell, New Labour: politics after Thatcherism, Polity Press, Cambridge, 1998, xii + 210 pp. £45.00, £12.99 (pbk).Anthony Giddens, The Third Way: the renewal of social democracy, Polity Press, Cambridge, 1998, x + 166 pp., £25.00, £7.99 (pbk).Colin Hay, The Political Economy of New Labour: labouring under false pretences?, Manchester University Press, Manchester, 1999, xiii + 242 pp. £45.00, £14.99.Martin Powell (ed.), New Labour, New Welfare State? The ‘third way’ in British social policy, The Policy Press, University of Bristol, 1999, ix + 351 pp., £45.00, £18.99.Having just returned from a month in the USA, teaching summer school to graduate students on social and family policy in education, I eagerly read and/or reread these publications to get a renewed sense of politics and policy in Britain today. Whilst I was in the USA I became steeped in discussions of ‘post’ perspectives – post-colonial, post-modern, post-structuralist, post-feminist – on ‘discourses of welfare’ or the welfare state which now may include education and even communitarianism. I found myself longing for a more pragmatic as well as programmatic, or what might be called ‘critical realist’, perspective. So I was not disappointed by having to engage with these four books and the pamphlet, although initially they seemed a long way from my current research interests on ‘family and education’ from a feminist perspective.I have had a very enjoyable, exciting and even exhilarating time reading them. Together they present a most appealing package of accounts of New Labour as we are about to enter the new millennium. One gets the feeling of tremendous political activity and policy action over the last few years with plans and proposals galore for the future. To paraphrase the words of Celine Dionne for the heroine of Titanic ‘It will go on...’

AbstractObjective:The objective of this study was to compare the psychiatric morbidity between the displaced and non-displaced populations of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands during the first three months following the 2004 earthquake and tsunami.Methods:The study was conducted at the 74 relief camps in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands. Port Blair had 12 camps, which provided shelter to 4,684 displaced survivors. There were 62 camps on Car-Nicobar Island, which provided shelter to approximately 8,100 survivors who continued to stay in their habitat (non-displaced population). The study sample included all of the survivors who sought mental health assistance inside the camp. A psychiatrist diagnosed the patients using the ICD-10 criteria.Results:Psychiatric morbidity was 5.2% in the displaced population and 2.8% in the non-displaced population. The overall psychiatric morbidity was 3.7%. The displaced survivors had significantly higher psychiatric morbidity than did the non-displaced population.The disorders included panic disorder, anxiety disorders not otherwise specified, and somatic complaints. The existence of an adjustment disorder was significantly higher in the non-displaced survivors. Depression and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) were distributed equally in both groups.Conclusions:Psychiatric morbidity was found to be highest in the displaced population. However, the incidence of depression and PTSD were distributed equally in both groups. Involvement of community leaders and survivors in shared decision-making processes and culturally acceptable interventions improved the community participation. Cohesive community, family systems, social support, altruistic behavior of the community leaders, and religious faith and spirituality were factors that helped survivors cope during the early phase of the disaster.

After the Great Oxidation Event (GOE), iron availability was greatly decreased, and photosynthetic organisms evolved several alternative proteins and mechanisms. One of these proteins, plastocyanin, is a type I blue-copper protein that can replace cytochrome c6 as a soluble electron carrier between cytochrome b6f and photosystem I. In most cyanobacteria, expression of these two alternative proteins is regulated by copper availability, but the regulatory system remains unknown. Herein, we provide evidence that the regulatory system is composed of a BlaI/CopY-family transcription factor (PetR) and a BlaR-membrane protease (PetP). PetR represses petE (plastocyanin) expression and activates petJ (cytochrome c6), while PetP controls PetR levels in vivo. Using whole-cell extracts, we demonstrated that PetR degradation requires both PetP and copper. Transcriptomic analysis revealed that the PetRP system regulates only four genes (petE, petJ, slr0601, and slr0602), highlighting its specificity. Furthermore, the presence of petE and petRP in early branching cyanobacteria indicates that acquisition of these genes could represent an early adaptation to decreased iron bioavailability following the GOE.

Research suggests that child independence is more popular in countries with greater wealth and a higher percentage of the educated population. Various research implications expect children's independence and compliance to increase over time in developing countries. This study aims to describe the independence of early childhood who comes from low-income families or at low socioeconomic environment. Using quantitative descriptive, data collection techniques are carried out through a questionnaire. The study population was 30 respondents from the ECE institution who were included in the list of low-income families in 2018, using an area sampling technique. Overall, the teacher stated that all indicators of dependence on children from low-income families had reached the high category, which was 75%. The implication of further research is that aspects of independence in physical abilities, self-confidence, responsibility, discipline, sociability, sharing, and independence in terms of emotional control in early childhood can develop better in a low socio-economic environment.
 Keywords: Early Childhood, Independence skills, low-socioeconomic environment 
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The term ‘workaholism’ was first coined by Wayne Oates (1971), and since then it has been conceptualized in a variety of ways. Most researchers agree, however, that a defining feature of workaholism is that it involves an inner compulsion to work, in which people constantly think about work (Beiler-May et al. 2017). Conclusions on workaholism are often contradictory, which may reflect a shortage of research results (Burke 1999). This also applies to research on gender differences regarding workaholism and work-related variables. The results of several studies (e.g. Burgess, Burke and Oberklaid 2006; Burke 1999; Doerfler and Kammer 1986; Spence and Robbins 1992) have been equivocal (some of them indicate that there is no relationship between gender and workaholism, while others suggest that workaholism is related to gender). The purpose of this paper is to examine gender differences in five workaholism factors and the work-related variables of perfectionism and self-handicapping. Three hundred and fourteen participants (Mean age = 29.29; SD = 12.02) took part in the study. Questionnaires were administered in a paper version. Workaholism was measured using the 25-item Work Addiction Risk Test (Robinson 1998) in Polish adaptation (Wojdyło 2005), which measures different facets of workaholism (Obsession/Compulsion, Emotional Arousal/Perfectionism; Overdoing, Outcome Orientation and Self-Worth). To test perfectionism The Polish Adaptive and Maladaptive Perfectionism Questionnaire (Szczucka 2010) was used. Self-handicapping strategies were measured using the Anticipative Strategy of Self-Esteem Protection Scale (Doliński and Szmajke 1994). Females and males were found to differ on workaholism. Women were significantly higher on average in workaholism than men (a significant difference appeared in two of the five components: Overdoing and Emotional Arousal/Perfectionism). Females also reported higher levels of maladaptive perfectionism, which is considered as a workaholic job behavior. Gender differences have also been observed in self-handicapping strategies. Women were characterized by a stronger tendency towards self-justification then men. Males, on the other hand, declared stronger emotional resilience than women. These patterns of results are consistent with the results obtained in a previous study regarding gender differences in using self-handicapping strategies (Doliński and Szmajke 1994). The obtained results can be interpreted through the prism of the roles and tasks currently given to women. On the one hand, in light of social norms, a woman should take care of the household and family, while a man is responsible for earning money to support the family (Blair-Loy 2003). On the other hand, participation of women in the workforce is increasing (Peeters, Montgomery, Bakker and Schaufeli 2005), so they may find it difficult to reconcile work and fulfilling the demands of the roles of spouses, mothers or caregivers. Our study show that women may feel more overloaded with work and they have a higher level of emotional factors than men regarding workaholism. However, one may wonder whether women’s workaholism is still underestimated.Women may find it more difficult to admit that they feel an inner compulsion to work due to gender-differentiated societal norms and expectations (Beiler-May et al. 2017: 109).

This article illustrates and describes in detail a fine central European chasuble of the late c17 which, together with two dalmatics, ‘The Fetternear Vestments,’ were bequeathed to the Diocese of Aberdeen, in 1921 by the Leslie family, many of whom had been distinguished soldiers on the continent and especially in the Empire. After some contextual discussion of the alleged origins of the Leslie family and of their success in Imperial service, the article examines the traditional belief that the vestments, now at the Blairs Museum, Aberdeen, were made for Count James Leslie (c.1621-1694) partly out of Turkish textiles captured in 1683 at the Siege of Vienna. Detailed analysis of the embroidery on the chasuble, especially of the use of metal thread and ‘plate,’ demonstrates that the gold work is indeed of Turkish origin, the rest of the needle work central European, and thus makes the case that this extraordinary hybrid object is indeed a votive vestment made for the Catholic Leslies partly from captured Turkish work.

<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; mso-ansi-language: NO-BOK; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;"><em>Norge har, i likhet med flere andre stater i den vestlige verden, investert betydelige beløp på innføring av informasjons- og kommunikasjonsteknologi (IKT) i helsesektoren. Til tross for politisk optimisme viser forskning at mange teknologiprosjekter feiler. Forklaringene på feilslåtte teknologiprosjekter er mange og til dels ulike. Det er likevel en klar tendens til å kategorisere IKT-utfordringene enten som teknologiske eller som organisatoriske. Denne artikkelen viser at det er mer til saken med å forstå utfordringene med bruk av IKT. Med utgangspunkt i en empirisk analyse av hvordan telemedisin både blir brukt og ikke tatt i bruk i svangerskaps- og fødselsomsorgen argumenterer Dyb for hvordan en materiellsemiotisk tilnærming er et godt inntak til å belyse mangfoldet i hva som skjer når ny teknologi blir innført i helsesektoren. Til slutt drøfter hun hvordan en materiellsemiotisk tilnærming dermed også er et godt inntak til refleksjoner omkring helsepolitiske teknologiforståelser</em></span>

<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt;"><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"><em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Hensikten med studiet er å få innsikt i og forståelse for ekteparenes opplevelse ved kronisk sykdom, i denne sammenhengen avgrenset til sykdomsgruppen leddgikt.</em> <em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Artikkelen baserer seg på en kvalitativ studie forankret innenfor en hermeneutisk forskningstradisjon, hvor ni ektepar som har erfaringer med å leve med leddgikt ble intervjuet. Kvalitative intervju gav innblikk i hvordan sykdommen innvirker på familieliv, relasjoner og utfordringer som må mestres i hverdagen. ”Det tradisjonelle kjønnsrollemønsteret” er fremdeles nærværende, og kan være både en trussel og en ressurs når den ene ektefellen lever med leddgikt. Det er en utfordring for familien å finne en balanse mellom å normalisere livsførselen og tilpasse livsstilen til de krav og begrensinger langvarig sykdom setter. </em></span></span></p>

CopR of Lactococcus lactis is a copper-responsive repressor involved in copper homoeostasis. It controls the expression of a total of 11 genes, the CopR regulon, in a copper-dependent manner. In the absence of copper, CopR binds to the promoters of the CopR regulon. Copper releases CopR from the promoters, allowing transcription of the downstream genes to proceed. CopR binds through its N-terminal domain to a ‘cop box’ of consensus TACANNTGTA, which is conserved in Firmicutes. We have solved the NMR solution structure of the N-terminal DNA-binding domain of CopR. The protein fold has a winged helix structure resembling that of the BlaI repressor which regulates antibiotic resistance in Bacillus licheniformis. CopR differs from other copper-responsive repressors, and the present structure represents a novel family of copper regulators, which we propose to call the CopY family.

The Amphoracrinidae Bather, 1899 is redefined, and all genera of this family are diagnosed with objective characters. Dilatocrinus Webster and Lane, 1987 and Pimlicocrinus Wright, 1943 are transferred into the Amphoracrinidae. Type specimens that define Displodocrinus Webster and Lane, 1987 and Dilatocrinus Webster and Lane, 1987 are clarified. The emphasis here is on genus definition, and comprehensive species-level systematics is not attempted. However, Amphoracrinus blairi Miller and Gurley, 1896a and Amphoracrinus jessieae Miller and Gurley, 1896b are designated nomina dubia; Sampsonocrinus sp. Webster and Lane, 1987 is reassigned to Amphoracrinus rupinus Webster and Lane, 1987; Amphoracrinus divergens var. multiramosus (Meek and Worthen, 1866) is reassigned to Dilatocrinus multiramosus (Meek and Worthen, 1866); and Sunwaptacrinus nevadensis Webster and Lane, 1987 is reassigned to Displodocrinus nevadensis (Webster and Lane, 1987).

Abstract Background: Persistence of leukemia initiating cells (LIC) in T acute lymphoblastic leukemia (T-ALL) results in relapse in 20- 25% of pediatric and over 50% of adult patients1. LIC are characterized by high CD44 expression and low reactive oxygen species (ROS) levels 2, 3. T-ALL LIC maintain low ROS by cystine/glutamate anti-porter complex of which CD44 is a key component 2, 4. CD44 also interacts with microenvironmental components; hyaluronic acid, osteopontin, fibronectin etc. NOTCH1 transcriptionally upregulates CD44/MYC by binding the upstream 'super-enhancer' sites. BRD4, a member of the bromodomain and extra terminal domain (BET) family, is a critical scaffold of super-enhancer complexes that binds acetylated histones (3 and 4) and drives NOTCH1 mediated MYC/CD44 transcription 5, 4, 1. We hypothesized that degradation of BRD4 with hetero-bifunctional PROteolysis TArgeting Chimera (PROTACTM) such as ARV-825, will lead to efficient and sustained downregulation of NOTCH1/MYC /CD44 transcription and disrupt cell intrinsic and extrinsic pathways for persistence of T-ALL LIC. Methods: We confirmed the anti-leukemia effect of ARV-825 (IC50 pico to low nanomolar) against T-ALL cells including early T-cell phenotype (ETP) and Gamma-secretase inhibitor (GSI) resistant T-ALL8. To confirm disruption of NOTCH1/MYC/CD44 axis in-vivo, we specifically tested the impact of BRD4 degradation on NOTCH1 and its target genes including MYC, CD44 and as functional readout, intra-cellular ROS, in a T-ALL/ patient-derived xenograft (PDX) mouse model of disseminated leukemia possessing a constitutively active NOTCH1 mutation. Mass cytometry based proteomic analysis (CyTOF) studies were done to quantitatively assess T-ALL LICs and suppression of NOTCH1-MYC-CD44 axis, and secondary transplantation was carried out into sub-lethally irradiated mouse recipients to functionally evaluate LIC elimination. Results: ARV-825 mediated sustained BRD4 degradation resulted in profound down-regulation of MYC, CD98, CD44 and its variants (CD44v). Moreover, we observed down-regulation of cell intrinsic anti-apoptotic proteins Bcl-2, Bcl-XL. As a functional correlate of down-regulation of CD98/CD44/CD44v (glutathione anti-porter system), flow cytometry confirmed increased intracellular ROS and decreased reduced glutathione (GSH). In a PDX mouse model of human T-ALL, ARV-825 treatment improved survival compared to mice treated with vehicle (P=0.002) (Fig.1). CyTOF analysis of mouse bone marrow cells showed quantitative reduction of phenotypically defined LIC (CD4+CD8+CD7+ CD19- ) 6,7 with down regulation of the NOTCH1-MYC-CD44 axis along with oncogenic molecules (transcription factors Myc and NFkB, cell cycle regulators, activated PI3K/Akt, and anti-apoptotic Bcl2 family proteins) in mice treated with ARV-825 (Fig.2). Finally, secondary transplantation of equal number of human CD45+ cells from Vehicle and ARV-825 treated mice in to NSG mice led to delayed leukemia development and extended survival of mice engrafted from ARV-825 treated mice (Vehicle:38 days Vs ARV-825: 58 days P=0.0001/ Vehicle:36.5 days Vs ARV-825: 50 days P=0.0001) (Fig.3), providing functional confirmation of LIC elimination. Conclusion: Degradation of BRD4 with PROTAC (ARV-825), modulates the NOTCH1/MYC/CD44 axis and has the potential of therapeutically targeting the LIC in T-ALL. Reference Pui CH, Carroll WL, Meshinchi S, Arceci RJ. Journal of clinical oncology 2011; 29(5): 551-565. Ishimoto T, Nagano O, Yae T, Tamada M, Motohara T, Oshima H et al.Cancer cell 2011; 19(3): 387-400. Diehn M, Cho RW, Lobo NA, Kalisky T, Dorie MJ, Kulp AN et al.Nature 2009; 458(7239): 780-783. Garcia-Peydro M, Fuentes P, Mosquera M, Garcia-Leon MJ, Alcain J, Rodriguez A et al.The Journal of clinical investigation 2018. doi: 10.1172/JCI92981 Sanchez-Martin M, Ferrando A. Blood 2017; 129(9): 1124-1133. Cox CV, Martin HM, Kearns PR, Virgo P, Evely RS, Blair A. Blood 2007; 109(2): 674-682. Gerby B, Clappier E, Armstrong F, Deswarte C, Calvo J, Poglio S et al.Leukemia 2011; 25(8): 1249-1258. Sujan Piya, Hong Mu, Seemana Bhattacharya, Teresa McQueen, R. Eric Davis, Vivian Ruvolo, Natalia Baran, Yimin Qian, Craig M. Crews, M. James You , Patrick Zweider-McKay, Marina Konopleva, Hagop Kantarjian , Michael Andreeff1, Gautam Borthakur. 59 th Annual Meeting &Exposition, Atlanta GA: December 9-12, 2017. Disclosures Qian: Arvinas LLC Inc: Employment. Raina:Arvinas LLC Inc: Employment. Konopleva:Stemline Therapeutics: Research Funding. Andreeff:Aptose: Equity Ownership, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Oncoceutics: Equity Ownership, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Reata: Equity Ownership; SentiBio: Equity Ownership; Oncolyze: Equity Ownership; Eutropics: Equity Ownership, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Astra Zeneca: Research Funding; Daiichi-Sankyo: Consultancy, Patents & Royalties: MDM2 inhibitor activity patent, Research Funding; United Therapeutics: Patents & Royalties: GD2 inhibition in breast cancer ; Jazz Pharma: Consultancy; Celgene: Consultancy; Amgen: Consultancy, Research Funding.


 The age period of 0-8 years is the most important moment for every human being to develop all the developmental features supported by parents at home and teachers / tutors at the Early Childhood Education Institute (ECE). In parenting, six main aspects must be known and applied by each parent. Lack of education, nutritional knowledge, care and care, and aspects of clean-living habits in the family can have an impact on children's growth and development processes. This study aims to develop a module 6 aspects of child development for parental guidance. This study uses a research and development approach to test the effectiveness of the posttest design. Respondents in this study are parents who have children up to 5 years and early childhood educators. The findings show that from these six main aspects, it seems that parents and ECE tutors do not yet understand the ECE concept. In another perspective, there is still a lack of knowledge about these 6 main aspects which require training and parenting modules to develop the 6 aspects of child development.
 Keywords: Early Childhood Education, Child Development Aspect, Parenting Training Module
 References:
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The ability to explain word meanings is central to a child’s language development and socialisation into different domains of language use. In previous research explanations have been shown to be linked to cognitive and linguistic development as well as academic language and discursive skills. This paper analyses what kinds of linguistic and discursive competences are put to use in explanation activities in interactions between an 8-year-old bilingual child (Albin) and his mother around a digital game. The data comes from a larger data set of video-recordings and field observation of children’s interactions around games. The analysis focuses on explanation sequences in which the child explicates the meaning of objects and procedures in the game world. The analysis shows how explanations are initiated, how they unfold in interaction and how they make relevant asymmetrical roles for the participants, allowing the child to construct a position of knowledge with regard to the game, an important part of his life world. More specifically, the analysis elucidates how Albin’s explanations highlight semantic features and relations that are meaningful for him and how he employs a wide range of linguistic and other semiotic resources in constructing his explanations in a context-sensitive way. The findings shed light on linguistic, interactional and multimodal features of explanations as a discourse activity and provide a window into practices of two-way language socialization in the family.

<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt;"><em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"><span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">Artikkelen omhandler</span> erfaringer fra et prosjekt der sykepleiestudenter overtar ansvaret for sengeposter i somatisk sykehus i slutten av andre studieår ved bachelor i sykepleie. Studentene har gjennom flere år evaluert prosjektet svært godt. I artikkelen ønsker vi<strong> </strong>å løfte frem studentenes erfaringer med samarbeid i praksisfellesskap, og slik formidle kunnskap om kliniske praksisstudier.</span></span></em></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt;"><em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman; font-size: small;"> </span></em></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt;"><em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"><span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">Studien har e</span>n kvalitativ tilnærming og er basert på åpne spørsmål i en spørreskjemaundersøkelse med fokus på studenters samarbeidserfaringer. Resultater fra studien viser at å få ansvar i kliniske studier bidrar til at studentene må samarbeide med hverandre. Samarbeidet fører videre til at de deler kunnskaper og erfaringer med hverandre. Denne gjensidige avhengigheten av hverandre i teamet på sengeposten bidrar til at studenten blir tryggere i sykepleierrollen. Å<span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;"> få ansvar for sykepleien til pasienten i kliniske studier bidrar til samarbeid, </span>trygghet og identitet, noe som er viktig for utvikling av sykepleiestudenten som fagperson, viser studien.</span></span></em></p>

ABSTRACT The ybxI gene of Bacillus subtilis 168 encodes a preprotein of 267 amino acid residues, including a putative signal peptide of 23 residues. The YbxI primary structure exhibits high similarity scores with two members of the superfamily of the serine penicillin-recognizing enzymes: the class D β-lactamases and the hydrophilic carboxy-terminal domains of the BlaR and MecR penicillin receptors. To determine the function and the activity of this putative penicillin-recognizing enzyme, we have subcloned the ybxI gene in the pET-26b expression vector. Transformation of Escherichia coli BL21(DE3) by the recombinant plasmid pCIP51 resulted in the export of the mature YbxI in the periplasm as a water-soluble protein. The recombinant protein was purified to 95% homogeneity. YbxI interacts with several β-lactam antibiotics and can hydrolyze some of them. YbxI is not inactivated by clavulanic acid. The YbxI function and its enzymatic activity in B. subtilis remain unknown. The acyl-enzyme obtained after incubation of YbxI with a fluorescent derivative of ampicillin can be detected by sodium dodecyl sulfate-polyacrylamide gel electrophoresis, confirming that YbxI can be acylated by β-lactam antibiotics. YbxI does not hydrolyze some of the standard substrates of d-alanyl-d-alanine peptidases, the targets of penicillin. YbxI belongs to the penicillin-recognizing enzyme family but has an activity intermediate between those of a penicillin-binding protein and a β-lactamase.

<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt;"><em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">Hensikt: Å få økt kunnskap om hvordan pasienter innlagt i sykehus på grunn av forverring av KOLS har erfart å medvirke i helsehjelpen. Når pasienter får nødvendig kunnskap om sin sykdom bidrar det til medvirkning. Det foreligger lite kunnskap om brukermedvirkning fra norske sykehusavdelinger, og hvordan og ved hvilke anledninger pasientene skal kunne medvirke. </span></span></em></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt;"><em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">Metode: Studien har en kvalitativ, beskrivende design. Kvalitativt forskningsintervju ble benyttet som datasamlingsmetode. Analysen er inspirert av Malteruds systematiske tekstkondensering.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">  </span></span></span></em></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt;"><em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">Resultater: Informantene erfarte medvirkning når de var tydelige på egne behov og bevisst egen kunnskap, mens de opplevde at pustebesvær, manglende krefter og lav tiltro til egen erfaring hemmet medvirkning. Pasientene opplevde at sykepleierne fremmet deres medvirkning ved å vise omsorg og forståelse, ved at de var kjent for pasienten og hadde tid. Travelhet og mangel på respekt ble erfart som et hinder for medvirkning.</span></span></em></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt;"><em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">Konklusjon: Informantenes opplevelse av medvirkning hang sammen med faktorer både hos dem selv og hos sykepleier. Pasientene bør utfordres til å være aktive og ha tiltro til egen kunnskap, og sykepleierne bør bli mer lyttende. Både pasientrollen og hjelperollen må endres slik at sykepleier og pasient blir mer likeverdige partnere. </span></span></em></p>


 
 
 Indonesia is a country that has a high potential for natural disasters. Picture story book is a form of disaster management learning that can help children from an early age to prepare for a natural disaster. The aims of this study to develop story books as a disaster management learning media, to improve knowledge and skills of children and teacher about the understanding, principles, and actions of rescue when facing the natural disasters, to increase the teacher’s learning quality in disaster management. Developmental research approach is used to execute the study. A total of 48 children aged 5-6 years have to carry out pre-test and post-test. Pre-test data shows that children's knowledge about disaster management with an average of 47.92% and its improved at post-test with 76,88%. Five theme of story books involves floods, landslides, earthquakes, tsunamis, lands and forest fires is the product. Dissemination of five story books are proper for children and improve their understanding of disaster management.
 Keywords: Early Childhood Education, Management Disaster, Storybooks
 Reference:
 
 
 
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mso-style-priority:99; mso-style-parent:""; mso-padding-alt:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; mso-para-margin:0cm; mso-para-margin-bottom:.0001pt; mso-pagination:widow-orphan; font-size:10.0pt; font-family:Times; mso-ansi-language:NO-BOK; mso-fareast-language:NO-BOK;} --> <!--[endif] --> <!--StartFragment--><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 10.0pt; font-family: Times; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-ansi-language: NO-NYN; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;" lang="NO-NYN">I denne artikkelen analyserer vi det semiotiske landskapet som famnar om og er ein del av <em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">staden</em> Universitetet i Tromsø (UiT), inkludert Universitetssykehuset Nord-Norge (UNN). Analysen bygger på eit todelt datamateriale som om­fattar fotografi frå universitets­området i tillegg til relevante dokument om språk­lovgjeving og andre offisielle vedtak om språkbruk. Dei aktuelle språka er norsk (bokmål og nynorsk), nord­samisk, engelsk og kvensk/finsk. I tillegg blir ymse slag visuelle symbol under­kasta analyse. Også kunstnarleg utsmykking blir kort omtala. Vi viser korleis synleggjering av ulike språk på UiT er eit resultat av språkpolitikk på ulike nivå, men også er påverka av meir implisitte faktorar som lokale og nasjonale språkhierarki og, ikkje minst, konstruksjonen av ein regional institusjons­identitet som blir uttrykt gjennom det semiotiske landskapet meir generelt. Som ramme rundt denne analysen gjer vi dessutan ein ekskurs til det som i 2011 utløyste ein intens debatt i Tromsø kommune, nemleg spørsmålet om kommunen burde eller ikkje burde bli innlemma i forvaltningsområdet for samisk språk. Den måten denne problemstillinga er blitt takla på av politiske organ i kommunen, og ikkje minst debatten om den i medieoffentlegheita, står i skarp kontrast til den fleirspråklege freden som omgjev universitetet og universitets­sjukehuset.</span><!--EndFragment-->

Colonial and postcolonial imaginaries of the Andaman Islands have represented the islands as a natural prison, a terra nullius, a site of nationalist martyrdom in the Indian anti-colonial struggle, and a repository of indigenous “exotica.” The islands are both a “melting pot” and a “frontier.” Successive waves of migration since 1858 have created a multiethnic and multilingual mosaic referred to as “Southeast India” and “Mini-India.” Convicts incarcerated by the British were joined by partition refugees from eastern Bengal, Adivasis from Chota Nagpur, and Telugu- and Tamil- speaking migrants from southern India. The 500-odd remaining indigenous people of tribal ethnicity are confined to reserved territories, depend on government support, or refuse contact. Strategically located at the juncture of the Bay of Bengal and the Andaman Sea, the islands play a crucial role in India’s current military expansion with its aim of countering the Chinese naval presence in the Indo-Pacific. Once the site of British “civilizing” missions, a coercive penal system, violent Japanese occupation during WWII, and a formerly thriving but now outlawed timber industry, the Andamans are the location of conflicting postcolonial imaginaries. From environmentalists’ pleas to “save” the “fragile” islands, to marketing for tourists portraying them as a tropical paradise holiday destination, the Andamans are a poly-semiotic place at the friction point of center-periphery tensions.
 I focus on three questions in this article: Firstly, how does the Indian mainland/center see the islands? Secondly, how do different islanders see, on the one hand, the mainland—both as it is today and in terms of memorialized places of family origin—and, on the other, “their” own islands and their internal divisions? Thirdly, how do marginalized subaltern islanders conceive of their position on the islands’ periphery—on the one hand vis-.-vis the political centers of Port Blair and Delhi, and, on the other, the politically dominant groups on the islands?

<span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><p align="left">Artikkelen diskuterer den prinsipielle betydningen av sosiale og biologiske faktorer i barndommen for dødelighetsrisikoen i voksen alder. Ulike modeller av livsløpet blir presentert; kritisk og sensitiv periode, akkumulering av risiko og til sist en forløpsmodell. Disse modellene blir diskutert i lys av empiriske studier hvor sosiale og biologiske faktorer i barndommen er vist å ha en assosiasjon med dødelighet i voksen alder. En slik livsløpsmodell har potensial til å forklare ulikhet i helse på en biologisk og sosialt plausibel måte. Men den stiller også spørsmål ved om årsaksfaktorer fra tidligere i livet kan hevdes å være uavhengige før vi kjenner hvordan de biologiske og sosiale kjedene av risiko henger sammen og har utviklet seg over tid. Det blir derfor hevdet av en del forskere at for å forstå kroniske sykdommers etiologi fullt ut må både sosiale og biologiske årsakskjeder inngå i modellen.</p></span></span>

IntroductionAccounts of mentoring relationships inevitably draw attention to hierarchies of expertise, knowledge and learning. While public concerns about both the risks and benefits for young people of social media, little attention has been given to the nature of the mentoring role that parents and families play alongside of schools. This conceptual paper explores models of mentorship in the context of family dynamics as they are affected by social media use. This is a context that explicitly disrupts hierarchical structures of mentoring in that new media, and particularly social media use, tends to be driven by youth cultural practices, identity formation, experimentation and autonomy-seeking practices (see for example: Robards; boyd; Campos-Holland et al.; Hodkinson). A growing body of research supports the notion that young people are more skilled in navigating social media platforms than their parents (FOSI; Campos-Holland et al.). This research establishes that uncertainty and tension derived from parents’ impression that their children know more about social media they do (FOSI; Sorbring) has brought about a market for advice and educational programs. In the content of this paper it is notable that when family dynamics and young people’s social media use are addressed through notions of digital citizenship or cyber safety programs, a hierarchical mentorship is assumed, but also problematised; thus the expertise hierarchy is inverted. This paper argues that use of social media platforms, networks, and digital devices challenges traditional hierarchies of expertise in family environments. Family members, parents and children in particular, are involved in ongoing, complex conversations and negotiations about expertise in relation to technology and social media use. These negotiations open up an alternative space for mentorship, challenging traditional roles and suggesting the need for cooperative processes. And this, in turn, can inspire new ways of relating with and through social media and mobile technologies within the family.Inverting Expertise: Social Media, Family and MentoringSocial media are deeply embedded in everyday routines for the vast majority of the population. The emergence of the ‘networked society’, characterised by increasing and pervasive digital and social connectivity, has the potential to create new forms of social interactions within and across networks (Rainie and Wellman), but also to reconfigure intergenerational and family relations. In this way, social media introduces new power asymmetries that affect family dynamics and in particular relationships between young people and their parents. This relatively new mediated environment, by default, exposes young people to social contexts well beyond family and immediate peers making their lived experiences individual, situational and contextual (Swist et al.). The perceived risks this introduces can provoke tensions within families looking to manage those uncertain social contexts, in the process problematising traditional structures of mentorship. Mentoring is a practice predominantly understood within educational and professional workplace settings (Ambrosetti and Dekkers). Although different definitions can be found across disciplines, most models position a mentor as a more experienced knowledge holder, implying a hierarchical relationship between a mentor and mentee (Ambrosetti and Dekkers). Stereotypically, a mentor is understood to be older, wiser and more experienced, while a mentee is, in turn, younger and in need of guidance – a protégé. Alternative models of mentorship see mentoring as a reciprocal process (Eby, Rhodes and Allen; Naweed and Ambrosetti).This “reciprocal” perspective on mentorship recognises the opportunity both sides in the process have to contribute and benefit from the relationship. However, in situations where one party in the relationship does not have the expected knowledge, skills or confidence, this reciprocity becomes more difficult. Thus, as an alternative, asymmetrical or cooperative mentorship lies between the hierarchical and reciprocal (Naweed and Ambrosetti). It suggests that the more experienced side (whichever it is) takes a lead while mentoring is negotiated in a way that meets both sides’ needs. The parent-child relationship is generally understood in hierarchical terms. Traditionally, parents are considered to be mentors for their children, particularly in acquiring new skills and facilitating transitions towards adult life. Such perspectives on parent-child relationships are based on a “deficit” approach to youth, “whereby young people are situated as citizens-in-the-making” (Collin). Social media further problematises the hierarchical dynamic with the role of knowledge holder varying between and within the family members. In many contemporary mediated households, across developed and wealthy nations, technologically savvy children are actively tailoring their own childhoods. This is a context that requires a reconceptualisation of traditional mentoring models within the family context and recognition of each stakeholder’s expertise, knowledge and agency – a position that is markedly at odds with traditional deficit models. Negotiating Social Media Use within the FamilyIn the early stages of the internet and social media research, a generational gap was often at the centre of debates. Although highly contested, Prensky’s metaphor of digital natives and digital immigrants persists in both the popular media and academic literature. This paradigm portrays young people as tech savvy in contrast with their parents. However, such assumptions are rarely grounded in empirical evidence (Hargittai). Nonetheless, while parents are active users of social media, they find it difficult to negotiate social media use with their children (Sorbring). Some studies suggest that parental concerns arise from impressions that their children know more about social media than they do (FOSI; Wang, Bianchi and Raley). Additionally, parental concern with a child’s social media use is positively correlated with the child’s age; parents of older children are less confident in their skills and believe that their child is more digitally skillful (FOSI). However, it may be more productive to understand social media expertise within the family as shared: intermittently fluctuating between parents and children. In developed and wealthy countries, children are already using digital media by the age of five and throughout their pre-teen years predominantly for play and learning, and as teenagers they are almost universally avid social media users (Nansen; Nansen et al.; Swist et al.). Smartphone ownership has increased significantly among young people in Australia, reaching almost 80% in 2015, a proportion nearly identical to the adult population (Australian Communications and Media Authority). In addition, most young people are using multiple devices switching between them according to where, when and with whom they connect (Australian Communications and Media Authority). The locations of internet use have also diversified. While the home remains the most common site, young people make use of mobile devices to access the internet at school, friend’s homes, and via public Wi-Fi hotspots (Australian Communications and Media Authority). As a result, social media access and engagement has become more frequent and personalised and tied to processes of socialisation and well-being (Sorbring; Swist et al.). These developments have been rapid, introducing asymmetry into the parent-child mentoring dynamic along with family tensions about rules, norms and behaviours of media use. Negotiating an appropriate balance between emerging autonomy and parental oversight has always featured as a primary parenting challenge and social media seem to have introduced a new dimension in this context. A 2016 Pew report on parents, teens, and digital monitoring reveals that social media use has become central to the establishment of family rules and disciplinary practices, with over two thirds of parents reporting the use of “digital grounding” as punishment (Pew). As well as restricting social media use, the majority of parents report limiting the amount of time and times of day their children can be online. Interestingly, while parents engage in a variety of hands-on approaches to monitoring and regulating children’s social media use, they are less likely to use monitoring software, blocking/filtering online content, tracking locations and the like (Pew). These findings suggest that parents may lack confidence in technology-based restrictions or prefer pro-active, family based approaches involving discussion about appropriate social media use. This presents an opportunity to explore how social media produces new forms of parent-child relationships that might be best understood through the lens of cooperative models of mentorship. Digital Parenting: Technological and Pedagogical Interventions Parents along with educators and policy makers are looking for technological solutions to the knowledge gap, whether perceived or real, associated with concerns regarding young people’s social media use. Likewise, technology and social media companies are rushing to develop and sell advice, safety filters and resources of all kinds to meet such parental needs (Clark; McCosker). This relatively under-researched field requires further exploration and dissociation from the discourse of risk and fear (Livingstone). Furthermore, in order to develop opportunities modelled on concepts of cooperative mentoring, such programs and interventions need to move away from hierarchical assumptions about the nature of expertise within family contexts. As Collin and Swist point out, online campaigns aimed at addressing young people and children’s safety and wellbeing “are often still designed by adult ‘experts’” (Collin and Swist). A cooperative mentoring approach within family contexts would align with recent use of co-design or participatory design within social and health research and policy (Collin and Swist). In order to think through the potential of cooperative mentorship approaches in relation to social media use within the family, we examine some of the digital resources available to parents.Prominent US cyber safety and digital citizenship program Cyberwise is a commercial website founded by Diana Graber and Cynthia Lieberman, with connections to Verizon Wireless, Google and iKeepSafe among many other partnerships. In addition to learning resources around topics like “Being a Responsible Citizen of the Digital World”, Cyberwise offers online and face to face workshops on “cyber civics” in California, emphasising critical thinking, ethical discussion and decision making about digital media issues. The organisation aims to educate and support parents and teachers in their endeavor to guide young people in civil and safe social media use. CyberWise’s slogan “No grown up left behind!”, and its program of support and education is underpinned by and maintains the notion of adults as lacking expertise and lagging behind young people in digital literacy and social media skills. In the process, it introduces an additional level of expertise in the cyber safety expert and software-based interventions. Through a number of software partners, CyberWise provides a suite of tools that offer parents some control in preventing cyberbullying and establishing norms for cyber safety. For example, Frienedy is a dedicated social media platform that fosters a more private mode of networking for closed groups of mutually known people. It enables users to control completely what they share and with whom they share it. The tool does not introduce any explicit parental monitoring mechanisms, but seeks to impose an exclusive online environment divested of broader social influences and risks – an environment in which parents can “introduce kids to social media on their terms when they are ready”. Although Frienedy does not explicitly present itself as a monitoring tool, it does perpetuate hierarchical forms of mentorship and control for parents. On the other hand, PocketGuardian is a parental monitoring service for tracking children’s social media use, with an explicit emphasis on parental control: “Parents receive notification when cyberbullying or sexting is detected, plus resources to start a conversation with their child without intruding child’s privacy” (the software notifies parents when it detects an issue but without disclosing the content). The tool promotes its ability to step in on behalf of parents, removing “the task of manually inspecting your child's device and accounts”. The software claims that it analyses the content rather than merely catching “keywords” in its detection algorithms. Obviously, tools such as PocketGuardian reflect a hierarchical mentorship model (and recognise the expertise asymmetry) by imposing technological controls. The software, in a way, fosters a fear of expertise deficiency, while enabling technological controls to reassert the parent-child hierarchy. A different approach is exemplified by the Australian based Young and Well Cooperative Research Centre, a “living lab” experiment – this is an overt attempt to reverse deliberate asymmetry. This pedagogical intervention, initially taking the form of an research project, involved four young people designing and delivering a three-hour workshop on social networking and cyber safety for adult participants (Third et al.). The central aim was to disrupt the traditional way adults and young people relate to each other in relation to social media and technology use and attempted to support learning by reversing traditional roles of adult teacher and young student. In this way ‘a non-hierarchical space of intergenerational learning’ was created (Third et al.). The result was to create a setting where intergenerational conversation helped to demystify social media and technology, generate familiarity with sites, improve adult’s understanding of when they should assist young people, and deliver agency and self-efficacy for the young people involved (7-8). In this way, young people’s expertise was acknowledged as a reflection of a cooperative or asymmetrical mentoring relationship in which adult’s guidance and support could also play a part. These lessons have been applied and developed further through a participatory design approach to producing apps and tools such as Appreciate-a-mate (Collin and Swist). In that project “the inclusion of young people’s contexts became a way of activating and sustaining attachments in regard to the campaign’s future use”(313).In stark contrast to the CyberWise tools, the cooperative mentoring (or participatory design) approach, exemplified in this second example, has multiple positive outcomes: first it demystifies social media use and increases understanding of the role it plays in young people’s (and adults’) lives. Second, it increases adults’ familiarity and comfort in navigating their children’s social media use. Finally, for the young people involved, it supports a sense of achievement and acknowledges their expertise and agency. To build sustainability into these processes, we would argue that it is important to look at the family context and cooperative mentorship as an additional point of intervention. Understood in this sense, cooperative and asymmetrical mentoring between a parent and child echoes an authoritative parenting style which is proven to have the best outcome for children (Baumrind), but in a way that accommodates young people’s technology expertise.Both programs analysed target adults (parents) as less skilful than young people (their children) in relation to social media use. However, while first case study, the technology based interventions endorses hierarchical model, the Living Lab example (a pedagogical intervention) attempts to create an environment without hierarchical obstacles to learning and knowledge exchange. Although the parent-child relationship is indubitably characterised by the hierarchy to some extent, it also assumes continuous negotiation and role fluctuation. A continuous process, negotiation intensifies as children age and transition to more independent media use. In the current digital environment, this negotiation is often facilitated (or even led) by social media platforms as additional agents in the process. Unarguably, digital parenting might implicate both technological and pedagogical interventions; however, there should be a dialogue between the two. Without presumed expertise roles, non-hierarchical, cooperative environment for negotiating social media use can be developed. Cooperative mentorship, as a concept, offers an opportunity to connect research and practice through participatory design and it deserves further consideration.ConclusionsPrevailing approaches to cyber safety education tend to focus on risk management and in doing so, they maintain hierarchical forms of parental control. Adhering to such methods fails to acknowledge young people’s expertise and further deepens generational misunderstanding over social media use. Rather than insisting on hierarchical and traditional roles, there is a need to recognise and leverage asymmetrical expertise within the family in regards to social media.Cooperative and asymmetrical mentorship happens naturally in the family and can be facilitated by and through social media. The inverted hierarchy of expertise we have described here puts both parents and children, in a position of constant negotiation over social media use. This negotiation is complex, relational, unpredictable, open toward emergent possibilities and often intensive. Unquestionably, it is clear that social media provides opportunities for negotiation over, and inversion of, traditional family roles. Whether this inversion of expertise is real or only perceived, however, deserves further investigation. This article formulates some of the conceptual groundwork for an empirical study of family dynamics in relation to social media use and rulemaking. The study aims to continue to probe the positive potential of cooperative and asymmetrical mentorship and participatory design concepts and practices. The idea of cooperative mentorship does not necessarily provide a universal solution to how families negotiate social media use, but it does provide a new lens through which this dynamic can be observed. Clearly family dynamics, and the parent-child relationship, in particular, can play a vital part in supporting effective digital citizenship and wellbeing processes. Learning about this spontaneous and natural process of family negotiations might equip us with tools to inform policy and practices that can help parents and children to collaboratively create ‘a networked world in which they all want to live’ (boyd). ReferencesAmbrosetti, Angelina, and John Dekkers. "The Interconnectedness of the Roles of Mentors and Mentees in Pre-Service Teacher Education Mentoring Relationships." Australian Journal of Teacher Education 35.6 (2010): 42-55. Naweed, Anjum, and Ambrosetti Angelina. "Mentoring in the Rail Context: The Influence of Training, Style, and Practicenull." Journal of Workplace Learning 27.1 (2015): 3-18.Australian Communications and Media Authority, Office of the Childrens eSafety Commissioner. Aussie Teens and Kids Online. Australian Communications and Media Authority, 2016. Baumrind, Diana. "Effects of Authoritative Parental Control on Child Behavior." Child Development 37.4 (1966): 887. boyd, danah. It's Complicated: The Social Lives of Networked Teens. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2014. Campos-Holland, Ana, Brooke Dinsmore, Gina Pol, Kevin Zevalios. "Keep Calm: Youth Navigating Adult Authority across Networked Publics." Technology and Youth: Growing Up in a Digital World. Eds. Sampson Lee Blair, Patricia Neff Claster, and Samuel M. Claster. 2015. 163-211. Clark, Lynn Schofield. The Parent App: Understanding Families in the Digital Age. New York: Oxford University Press, 2013. Collin, Philippa. Young Citizens and Political Participation in a Digital Society: Addressing the Democratic Disconnect. Palgrave Macmillan, 2015. Collin, Philippa, and Teresa Swist. "From Products to Publics? The Potential of Participatory Design for Research on Youth, Safety and Well-Being." Journal of Youth Studies 19.3 (2016): 305-18. Eby, Lillian T., Jean E. Rhodes, and Tammy D. Allen. "Definition and Evolution of Mentoring." The Blackwell Handbook of Mentoring: A Multiple Perspectives Approach. Eds. Tammy D. Allen and Lillian T. Eby. Malden, Mass.: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010. 7-20.FOSI. Parents, Privacy & Technology Use. Washington: Family Online Safety Institute, 2015. Hargittai, Eszter. "Digital Na(t)ives? Variation in Internet Skills and Uses among Members of the 'Net Generation'." Sociological Inquiry 80.1 (2010): 92-113.Hodkinson, Paul. "Bedrooms and Beyond: Youth, Identity and Privacy on Social Network Sites." New Media & Society (2015). Livingstone, Sonia. "More Online Risks for Parents to Worry About, Says New Safer Internet Day Research." Parenting for a Digital Future 2016.McCosker, Anthony. "Managing Digital Citizenship: Cyber Safety as Three Layers of Contro." Negotiating Digital Citizenship: Control, Contest and Culture. Eds. A. McCosker, S. Vivienne, and A. Johns. London: Rowman & Littlefield, forthcoming 2016. Nansen, Bjorn. "Accidental, Assisted, Automated: An Emerging Repertoire of Infant Mobile Media Techniques." M/C Journal 18.5 (2015). Nansen, Bjorn, et al. "Children and Digital Wellbeing in Australia: Online Regulation, Conduct and Competence." Journal of Children and Media 6.2 (2012): 237-54. Pew, Research Center. Parents, Teens and Digital Monitoring: Pew Research Center, 2016. Prensky, Marc. "Digital Natives, Digital Immigrants Part 1." On the Horizon 9.5 (2001): 1-6. Rainie, Harrison, and Barry Wellman. Networked: The New Social Operating System. Cambridge, Mass.: Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2012. Robards, Brady. "Leaving Myspace, Joining Facebook: ‘Growing up’ on Social Network Sites." Continuum 26.3 (2012): 385-98. Sorbring, Emma. "Parents’ Concerns about Their Teenage Children’s Internet Use." Journal of Family Issues 35.1 (2014): 75-96.Swist, Teresa, et al. Social Media and Wellbeing of Children and Young People: A Literature Review. Perth, WA: Prepared for the Commissioner for Children and Young People, Western Australia, 2015. Third, Amanda, et al. Intergenerational Attitudes towards Social Networking and Cybersafety: A Living Lab. Melbourne: Cooperative Research Centre for Young People, Technology and Wellbeing, 2011.Wang, Rong, Suzanne M. Bianchi, and Sara B. Raley. "Teenagers’ Internet Use and Family Rules: A Research Note." Journal of Marriage and Family 67.5 (2005): 1249-58.

This article will look at the use of personal photographs that attempt to convey a sense of social activism as a reaction against global terrorism. Moreover, I argue that the photographs uploaded to the site “We’re Not Afraid”, which began after the London bombings in 2005, presents a forum to promote the pleasures of western cultural values as a defence against the anxiety of terror. What is compelling are the ways in which the Website promotes, seemingly, everyday modalities through what may be deemed as the domestic snapshot. Nevertheless, the aura from the context of these images operates to arouse the collective memory of terrorism and violence. It promotes photography’s spectacular power. To begin it is worthwhile considering the ways in which the spectacle of terrorism is mediated. For example, the bombs activated on the London Underground and at Tavistock Square on the 7th of July 2005 marked the day that London became a victim of ‘global’ terrorism, re-instilling the fear projected by the media to be alarmed and to be suspicious. In the shadow of the terrorist events of September 11, as well as the Madrid Bombings in 2004, the incidents once again drew attention to the point that in the Western world ‘we’ again can be under attack. Furthermore, the news media plays a vital role in mediating the reality and the spectacle of terrorist attacks in the display of visual ‘proof’. After the London bombings of 7 July 2005, the BBC Website encouraged photo submissions of the incidents, under the heading “London Explosions: Your Photos”, thus promoting citizen journalism. Within six hours the BBC site received more that 1000 photographs. According to Richard Sambrook, director of the BBC’s World Service and Global News division, “people were participating in our coverage in way we had never seen before” (13). Other news Websites, such as Reuters and MSNBC also set up a similar call and display of the incidents. The images taken by everyday people and survivors‚ suggest a visceral response to the trauma of terrorism in which they became active participants in the reportage. Leading British newspapers further evoked the sensational terror of the incidents through the captioning of horrific images of destruction. It contextualised them within the realm of fascination and fear with headlines such as “London’s Day of Terror” from the Guardian, “Terror Comes to London” from the Independent and “Al-Qa’eda Brings Terror to the Heart of London” from the Daily Telegraph (“What the Papers Say”). Roland Barthes notes that “even from the perspective of a purely immanent analysis, the structure of the photograph is not an isolated structure; it is in communication with at least one other structure, namely the text – title, caption or article – accompanying every press photograph” (16). He suggested that, with the rise to prominence of ‘the press photograph’ as a mode of visual communication, the traditional relationship between image and text was inverted: “it is not the image which comes to elucidate or ‘realize’ the text, but the latter which comes to sublimate, patheticize or rationalize the image” (25). Frederic Jameson raises a very important point in regards to the role the media plays in terror. He suggests that the Western media is not only affected by a permanent condition of amnesia, but that this has become its primary ‘informational function’ (20). Hence, terror images are constantly repeated for their affect. “When combined with the media, terrorism’s reality-making power is astounding: its capacity to blend the media’s sensational stories, old mythical stereotypes, and a burning sense of moral wrath” (Zulaika and Douglass ix). Susan Sontag, in her 2003 book Regarding the Pain of Others, also discusses the assault of images (116). She argues that “the iconography of suffering has a long pedigree. The sufferings most often deemed worthy of representation are those understood to be the product of wrath, divine or human” (40). Furthermore, globalisation has profoundly changed the rhetoric of terrorism in which the uses of photographs for political means are ubiquitous. Sontag argues that “it seems as if there is a greater quantity of such news than before” (116). Nevertheless, she stresses, “it seems normal to turn away from images that simply make us feel bad” (116). Rather, than the focus on images of despair, the “We’re Not Afraid” Website provides a reaction against visual assaults. The images suggest a turning away from the iconography of terror and suffering to a focus on everyday western middle-class modalities. The images on the site consist of domestic ritual photographic practices, such as family snapshots. The images were disseminated following what has been referred to as the ‘incidents’ by the British press of the attacks on 7 July on the London transport system. Significantly, rather than being described as an event, such as the September 11 terrorist assaults were, the term ‘incidents’ suggests that everyday modalities, the everyday ways of being, may not be affected despite the terror of the attacks. It is, perhaps, a very British approach to the idea of ‘moving on’ despite adversity, which the Website advocates. The Website invites the general public to upload personal photographs captioned with the phrase “We’re not afraid” to “show that terrorists would not change the way people lived their lives” (Clarke).The Website began on 7 July 2005 and during the first week the site received, at times, up to 15 images a minute from across the world (Nikkah). Notably, within days of the Website’s launch it received over 3500 images and 11 million hits (Clarke).The images taken by everyday people and survivors‚ suggest a visceral response to the incidents. These images seem to support Susan Sontag’s argument from On Photography, in which she argues that photography is mainly a social rite, a defence against anxiety, and a tool of power (8). The images present a social activism for the predominantly white middle-class online participants and, as such, is subversive in its move away from the contextualised sensational images of violence that abound in the mainstream press. According to the site’s creator, London Web designer, Alfie Dennen “the idea for this site came from a picture of one of the bombed trains sent from a mobile phone to Dennen’s own weblog. Someone else added the words ‘We’re Not Afraid’ alongside the image” (“‘Not Afraid’ Website Overwhelmed”). Hence, in Dennen’s Weblog the terror and trauma of the train images of the London underground, that were circulated in the main stream press, have been recontextualised by the caption to present defiance and survival. The images uploaded onto the Website range from personal snapshots to manipulated photographs which all bear the declaration: ‘We are not afraid’. Currently, there are 770 galleries with 24 images per gallery amounting to around 18500 images that have been sent to the site. The photographs provide a crack in the projected reality of terrorism and the iconography of suffering as espoused by the mainstream media. The Website claims: We’re not afraid is an outlet for the global community to speak out against the acts of terror that have struck London, Madrid, New York, Baghdad, Basra, Tikrit, Gaza, Tel-Aviv, Afghanistan, Bali, and against the atrocities occurring in cities around the world each and every day. It is a worldwide action for people not willing to be cowed by terrorism and fear mongering. It suggests that: The historical response to these types of attacks has been a show of deadly force; we believe that there is a better way. We refuse to respond to aggression and hatred in kind. Instead, we who are not afraid will continue to live our lives the best way we know how. We will work, we will play, we will laugh, we will live. We will not waste one moment, nor sacrifice one bit of our freedom, because of fear. We are not afraid. (“we’re not afraid.com: Citizens for a secure world, united against terror.”) The images evoke the social memory of our era of global terrorism. Arguably, the events since September 11 have placed the individual in a protection mode. The photographs represent, as Sontag espouses, a tool against the anxiety of our time. This is a turn away from the visual iconography of despair. As such, rather than images of suffering they are images of survival, or life carrying on as usual. Or, more precisely, the images represent depictions of everyday western middle-class existence. The images range from family snaps, touristic photographs, pictures of the London underground and some manipulated images all containing the words ‘We’re Not Afraid’. Dennen “said the site had become a symbol for people to show solidarity with London and say they will not be cowed by the bombings” (“‘Not Afraid’ Website Overwhelmed”). The photographs also serve as a form of protection of western middle-class values and lifestyle that may be threatened by terrorist acts. Of consideration is that “personal photographs not only bind us to our own pasts – they bind us to the pasts of the social groups to which we belong” (Gye 280). The images on the site may be described as a “revocation of social power through visibility” and as such photography is considered a “performance of power” (Frosh 46). Barthes asserts that “formerly, the image illustrated the text (made it clearer); today, the text loads the image, burdening it with a culture, a moral, an imagination” (25). The images loaded onto the Website “We’re Not Afraid’ assumes notions of resilience and defiance which can be closely linked to Anglo-American cultural memory and imagination. Significantly, efforts to influence ‘heart and minds’ through support of touring exhibitions were common in the earlier days of the Cold War. Sontag argues that “photographic collections can be used to substitute a world” (162). The images exalted a universal humanism, similarly to the images on the “We’re Not Afraid” site. Many exhibits were supported throughout the 1950s, often under the auspices of the USIA (United States Information Agency). A famous example is the photography exhibit ‘The Family of Man’ which travelled to 28 countries between 1955-59 and was seen by 9 million people (Kennedy 316). It contained 503 images, 273 photographers from 68 nations “it posited humanity as a universal ideal and human empathy as a compensatory response to the threat of nuclear annihilation” (Kennedy 322). Significantly, Liam Kennedy asserts that, the Cold War rhetoric surrounding the exhibition blurred the boundaries between art, information and propaganda. The exhibition has been critiqued ideologically as an imperialist project, most notably by Allan Sekula in which he states “the worldliness of photography is the outcome, not of any immanent universality of meaning, but of a project of global domination” (96). In more recent times an exhibition, backed by the US State Department titled ‘After September 11: Images from Ground Zero’, by photojournalist/art photographer Joel Meyorowitz travelled to more than 60 countries and assisted in shaping and maintaining a public memory of the attacks of the World Trade Centre and its aftermath (Kennedy 315). Similar, to ‘The Family of Man’, it adds an epic quality to the images. As Kennedy points out that: To be sure this latter exhibit has been more overtly designed as propaganda, yet it also carries the cachet of ‘culture’ (most obviously, via the signature of a renowned photographer) and is intended to transmit a universal message that transcends the politics of difference. (Kennedy 323) The Website “We’re Not Afraid’ maintains the public memory of terrorism, without the horror of suffering. With a ‘universal message’ similar to the aforementioned exhibitions, it attempts to transcends the politics of difference by addressing the ‘we’ as the ‘everyday’ citizen. It serves as a gallery space and similarly evokes western romantic universal ideals conveyed in the exhibition ‘The Family of Man’, whilst its aesthetic forms avoid the stylististically captured scenes of ‘After September 11’. As stated earlier, the site had over 11 million hits in the first few weeks; as such the sheer number of viewers exceeds that of any formal photographic exhibition. Moreover, unlike these highly constructed art exhibitions from leading professional photographers, the Website significantly presents a democratic form of participation in which the ‘personal is political’. It is the citizen journalist. It is the ‘everyday’ person, as evidenced in the predominant snapshot aesthetics and the ordinariness in the images that are employed. Kris Cohen, in his analysis of photoblogging suggests that this aesthetic emphasises the importance in “photoblogging of not thinking too much, of the role that instinct plays in the making of photographs and the photoblog” (890). As discussed, previously, the overwhelming response and contributions to the Website within days of its launch seems to suggest this. The submission of photographs suggests a visceral response to the incidents from the ‘people’ in the celebration of the ‘everyday’ and the mundane. It also should be noted that “there are now well over a million documented blogs and photoblogs in the world”, with most appearing since 2003 (Cohen 886). As Cohen suggests “their newfound popularity has provoked a gentle storm of press, along with a significant number of utopic scenarios in which blogs feature as the next emancipatory mass media product”(886). The world-wide press coverage for the “We’re Not Afraid’ site is one key example that promotes this “utopian vision of transfigured citizens and in Benedict Anderson’s well used term an ‘imagined community” (Goggin xx). Nevertheless, the defiant captioning of the images also returns us historically to the social memory of the London Blitz 1940-41 in which the theme of a transfigured community was employed and in which the London underground and shelters became a signifier for the momentum of “We’re Not Afraid’. Barthes explained in Mythologies about the “the sight of the ‘naturalness’ with which newspapers, art and common sense constantly dress up a reality which, even though it is the one we live in, is undoubtedly determined by history” (11). What I want to argue is that the mythology surrounding the London bombings articulated in the Website “We’re Not Afraid’ is determined by 20th Century history of the media and the cultural imaginary surrounding predominantly British values*.** *The British Prime Minister at the time, Tony Blair, asserted that “qualities of creativity built on tolerance, openness and adaptability, work and self improvement, strong communities and families and fair play, rights and responsibilities and an outward looking approach to the world that all flow from our unique island geography and history.” (“Blair Defines British Values”). These values are suggested in the types of photographs uploaded onto the activist Website, as such notions of the British Empire are evoked. Moreover, in his address following the incident, “Blair harkened back to the ‘Blitz spirit’ that saw Londoners through the dark days of Nazi bombing during World War II — and, by association, to Winston Churchill, the wartime leader whose determined, moving speeches helped steel the national resolve” (“Blair Delivers”). In his Churchillian cadence he paid “tribute to the stoicism and resilience of the people of London who have responded in a way typical of them”. He said Britain would show “by our spirit and dignity” that “our values will long outlast” the terrorists. He further declared that “the purpose of terrorism is just that. It is to terrorize people and we will not be terrorized” (“Blair Delivers”). The mythology of the Blitz and “the interpretive context at the time (and for some years thereafter) can be summarized by the phrase ‘the People’s War’—a populist patriotism that combined criticism of the past with expectations of social change and inclusive messages of shared heritage and values” (Field 31). The image conveyed is of a renewed sense of community. The language of triumph against adversity and the endurance of ordinary citizens are also evoked in the popular press of the London incidents. The Times announced: Revulsion and resolve: Despite the shock, horror and outrage, the calm shown in London was exemplary. Ordinary life may be inconvenienced by the spectre of terror, yet terrorism will not force free societies to abandon their fundamental features. An attack was inevitable. The casualties were dreadful. The terrorists have only strengthened the resolve of Britain and its people. (“What the Papers Say”) Similarly the Daily Express headline was “We Britons Will Never Be Defeated” (“What the Papers Say”). The declaration of “We’re not afraid” alongside images on the Website follows on from this trajectory. The BBC reported that the Website “‘We’re not afraid’ gives Londoners a voice” (“Not Afraid Website Overwhelmed”). The BBC has also made a documentary concerning the mission and the somewhat utopian principles presented. Similarly discussion of the site has been evoked in other Weblogs that overwhelmingly praise it and very rarely question its role. One example is from a discussion of “We’re Not Afraid” on another activist site titled “World Changing: Change Your Thinking”. The contributor states: Well, I live in the UK and I am afraid. I’m also scared that sites like We’re Not Afraid encourage an unhealthy solidarity of superiority, nationalism and xenophobia – perpetuating a “we’re good” and “they’re evil” mentality that avoids the big picture questions of how we got here. Posted by: John Norris at July 8, 2005 03:45 AM Notably, this statement also reiterates the previous argument on cultural diplomacy presented by theorists in regards to the exhibitions of ‘The Family of Man’ and ‘After September 11’ in which the images are viewed as propaganda, promoting western cultural values. This is also supported by the mood of commentary in the British press since the London bombings, in which it is argued that “Britain and the British way of life are under threat, the implication being that the threat is so serious that it may ultimately destroy the nation and its values” (King). The significance of the Website is that it represents a somewhat democratic medium in its call for engagement and self-expression. Furthermore, the emancipatory photography of self and space, presented in the “We’re Not Afraid” site, echoes Blair’s declaration of “we will not be terrorized”. However, it follows similar politically conservative themes that were evoked in the Blitz, such as community, family and social stability, with tacit reference to social fragmentation and multi-ethnicity (Field 41-42). In general, as befitted the theme of “a People’s War,” the Blitz imagery was positive and sympathetic in the way it promoted the endurance of the ordinary citizen. Geoffrey Field suggests “it offered an implicit rejoinder to the earlier furor—focusing especially on brave, caring mothers who made efforts to retain some semblance of family under the most difficult circumstances and fathers who turned up for work no matter how heavy the bombing had been the night before” (24). Images on the Website consist of snapshots of babies, families, pets, sporting groups, people on holiday and at celebrations. It represents a, somewhat, global perspective of middle-class values. The snapshot aesthetic presents, what Liz Kotz refers to as, the “aesthetics of intimacy”. It is a certain kind of photographic work which is quasi-documentary and consists of “colour images of individuals, families, or groupings, presented in an apparently intimate, unposed manner, shot in an off-kilter, snapshot style, often a bit grainy, unfocused, off-colour” (204). These are the types of images that provide the visual gratification of solidarity amongst its contributors and viewers, as it seemingly appears more ‘real’. Yet, Kotz asserts that these type of photographs also involve a structure of power relations “that cannot be easily evaded by the spontaneous performance before the lens” (210). For example, Sarah Boxer importantly points out that “We’re Not Afraid”, set up to show solidarity with London, seems to be turning into a place where the haves of the world can show that they’re not afraid of the have-nots” (1). She argues that “there’s a brutish flaunting of wealth and leisure” (1). The iconography in the images of “We’re not Afraid” certainly promotes a ‘memorialisation’ of the middle-class sphere. The site draws attention to the values of the global neoliberal order in which capital accumulation is paramount. It, nevertheless, also attempts to challenge “the true victory of terrorism”, which Jean Baudrillard circumspectly remarks is in “the regression of the value system, of all the ideology of freedom and free movement etc… that the Western world is so proud of, and that legitimates in its eyes its power over the rest of the world”. Self-confidence is conveyed in the images. Moreover, with the subjects welcoming gaze to the camera there may be a sense of narcissism in publicising what could be considered mundane. However, visibility is power. For example, one of the contributors, Maryland USA resident Darcy Nair, said “she felt a sense of helplessness in the days after 9/11. Posting on the We’re Not Afraid may be a small act, but it does give people like her a sense that they’re doing something” (cited in Weir). Nair states that: It seems that it is the only good answer from someone like me who’s not in the government or military…There are so many other people who are joining in. When bunches of individuals get together – it does make me feel hopeful – there are so many other people who feel the same way. (cited in Weir) Participation in the Website conveys a power which consists of defiantly celebrating western middle-class aesthetics in the form of personal photography. As such, the personal becomes political and the private becomes public. The site offers an opportunity for a shared experience and a sense of community that perhaps is needed in the era of global terrorism. It could be seen as a celebration of survival (Weir). The Website seems inspirational with its defiant message. Moreover, it also has postings from various parts of the world that convey a message of triumph in the ‘everyday’. The site also presents the ubiquitous use of photography in a western cultural tradition in which idealised constructions are manifested in ‘Kodak’ moments and in which the domestic space and leisure times are immortalised and become, significantly, the arena of activism. As previously discussed Sontag argues that photography is mainly a social rite, a defence against anxiety, and a tool of power (8). The Website offers the sense of a global connection. It promotes itself as “citizens for a secure world, united against terror”. It attempts to provide a universal solidarity, which appears uplifting. It is a defence against anxiety in which, in the act of using personal photographs, it becomes part of the collective memory and assists in easing the frustration of not being able to do anything. As Sontag argues “often something looks, or is felt to look ‘better’ in a photograph. Indeed, it is one of the functions of photography to improve the normal appearance of things” (81). Rather than focus on the tragic victim of traditional photojournalism, in which the camera is directed towards the other, the site promotes the sharing and triumph of personal moments. In the spotlight are ‘everyday’ modalities from ‘everyday people’ attempting to confront the rhetoric of terrorism. In their welcoming gaze to the camera the photographic subjects challenge the notion of the sensational image, the spectacle that is on show is that of middle-class modalities and a performance of collective power. Note Themes from this article have been presented at the 2005 Cultural Studies Association of Australasia Conference in Sydney, Australia and at the 2006 Association for Cultural Studies Crossroads Conference in Istanbul, Turkey. References Barthes, Roland. “The Photographic Message.” Image-Music-Text. Trans. Stephen Heath. New York: Noonday Press, 1977 [1961]. 15-31. Barthes, Roland. Mythologies. Trans. Annette Lavers. London: Vintage, 1993 [1972]. Baudrillard, Jean. “The Spirit of Terrorism.” Trans. Rachel Bloul. La Monde 2 (2001). < http://www.egs.edu/faculty/baudrillard/baudrillard-the-spirit-of-terrorism.html >. “Blair Defines British Values.” BBC News 28 Mar. 2000. < http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk_politics/693591.stm >. “Blair Delivers a Classically British Rallying Cry.” Associated Press 7 July 2005. < http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/8502984/ >. Boxter, Sarah. “On the Web, Fearlessness Meets Frivolousness.” The York Times 12 July 2005. < http://www.nytimes.com/2005/07/12/arts/design/12boxe.html?ex= 1278820800&en=e3b207245991aea8&ei=5088&partner=rssnyt&emc=rss >. Clarke, R. “Web Site Shows Defiance to Bombers: Thousands Send Images to Say ‘We Are Not Afraid.’” CNN International 12 July 2005. < http://edition.cnn.com/2005/WORLD/europe/07/11/london.website/ >. “CJ Bombings in London.” MSNBC TV Citizen Journalist. < http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/8499792/ >. Cohen, Kris R. “What Does the Photoblog Want?” Media, Culture & Society 27.6 (2005): 883-901. Dennen, Alfie. “We’renotafraid.com: Citizens for a Secure World, United Against Terror.” < http://www.werenotafraid.com/ >. Field, Geoffrey. “Nights Underground in Darkest London: The Blitz, 1940–1941.” International Labor and Working-Class History 62 (2002): 11-49. Frosh, Paul. “The Public Eye and the Citizen-Voyeur: Photography as a Performance of Power.” Social Semiotics 11.1 (2001): 43-59. Gye, Lisa. “Picture This: The Impact of Mobile Camera Phones on Personal Photographic Practices.” Continuum: Journal of Media and Cultural Studies 22.2 (2007): 279-288. Jameson, Fredric. “Postmodernism and Consumer Society.” The Cultural Turn: Selected Writings on the Postmodern. New York: Verso, 1998. 1-20. Kennedy, Liam. “Remembering September 11: Photography as Cultural Diplomacy.” International Affairs 79.2 (2003): 315-326. King, Anthony. “What Does It Mean to Be British?” Telegraph 27 May 2005. < http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/main.jhtml?xml=/news/2005/07/27/ nbrit27.xml >. Kotz, Liz. “The Aesthetics of Intimacy.” In D. Bright (ed.), The Passionate Camera: Photography and Bodies of Desire. London: Routledge, 1998. 204-215. “London Explosions: Your Photos.” BBC News 8 July 2005 < http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/in_pictures/4660563.stm >. Nikkhah, Roya. “We’restillnotafraid.com.” Telegraph co.uk 23 July 2005. < http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/main.jhtml?xml=/news/2005/07/24/ nseven224.xml >. “‘Not Afraid’ Website Overwhelmed.” BBC News 12 July 2005. < http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/1/hi/england/london/4674425.stm >. Norris, John. “We’re Not Afraid”. World Changing: Change Your Thinking. < http://www.worldchanging.com/archives/003069.html >. “Reuters: You Witness News.” < http://www.reuters.com/youwitness >. Sambrook, Richard. “Citizen Journalism and the BBC.” Nieman Reports (Winter 2005): 13-16. Sekula, Allan. “The Traffic in Photographs.” In Photography against the Grain: Essays and Photoworks 1973-1983. Halifax Nova Scotia: Nova Scotia College Press, 1984. Sontag, Susan. Regarding the Pain of Others. New York: Farrar, Strauss & Giroux, 2003. Sontag. Susan. On Photography. New York: Farrar, Strauss & Giroux, 1977. Weir, William. “The Global Community Support and Sends a Defiant Message to Terrorists.” Hartford Courant 14 July 2005. < http://www.uchc.edu/ocomm/newsarchive/news05/jul05/notafraid.html >. We’renot afraid.com: Citizens for a Secure World, United against Terror. < http://www.werenotafraid.com >. “What the Papers Say.” Media Guardian 8 July 2005. < http://www.guardian.co.uk/media/2005/jul/08/pressandpublishing.terrorism1 >. Zulaika, Joseba, and William A. Douglass. Terror and Taboo: The Follies, Fables, and Faces of Terrorism. New York: Routledge, 1996.


 
 
 This article will look at the use of personal photographs that attempt to convey a sense of social activism as a reaction against global terrorism. Moreover, I argue that the photographs uploaded to the site “We’re Not Afraid”, which began after the London bombings in 2005, presents a forum to promote the pleasures of western cultural values as a defence against the anxiety of terror. What is compelling are the ways in which the Website promotes, seemingly, everyday modalities through what may be deemed as the domestic snapshot. Nevertheless, the aura from the context of these images operates to arouse the collective memory of terrorism and violence. It promotes photography’s spectacular power. To begin it is worthwhile considering the ways in which the spectacle of terrorism is mediated. For example, the bombs activated on the London Underground and at Tavistock Square on the 7th of July 2005 marked the day that London became a victim of ‘global’ terrorism, re-instilling the fear projected by the media to be alarmed and to be suspicious. In the shadow of the terrorist events of September 11, as well as the Madrid Bombings in 2004, the incidents once again drew attention to the point that in the Western world ‘we’ again can be under attack. Furthermore, the news media plays a vital role in mediating the reality and the spectacle of terrorist attacks in the display of visual ‘proof’. After the London bombings of 7 July 2005, the BBC Website encouraged photo submissions of the incidents, under the heading “London Explosions: Your Photos”, thus promoting citizen journalism. Within six hours the BBC site received more that 1000 photographs. According to Richard Sambrook, director of the BBC’s World Service and Global News division, “people were participating in our coverage in way we had never seen before” (13). Other news Websites, such as Reuters and MSNBC also set up a similar call and display of the incidents. The images taken by everyday people and survivors‚ suggest a visceral response to the trauma of terrorism in which they became active participants in the reportage. Leading British newspapers further evoked the sensational terror of the incidents through the captioning of horrific images of destruction. It contextualised them within the realm of fascination and fear with headlines such as “London’s Day of Terror” from the Guardian, “Terror Comes to London” from the Independent and “Al-Qa’eda Brings Terror to the Heart of London” from the Daily Telegraph (“What the Papers Say”). Roland Barthes notes that “even from the perspective of a purely immanent analysis, the structure of the photograph is not an isolated structure; it is in communication with at least one other structure, namely the text – title, caption or article – accompanying every press photograph” (16). He suggested that, with the rise to prominence of ‘the press photograph’ as a mode of visual communication, the traditional relationship between image and text was inverted: “it is not the image which comes to elucidate or ‘realize’ the text, but the latter which comes to sublimate, patheticize or rationalize the image” (25). Frederic Jameson raises a very important point in regards to the role the media plays in terror. He suggests that the Western media is not only affected by a permanent condition of amnesia, but that this has become its primary ‘informational function’ (20). Hence, terror images are constantly repeated for their affect. “When combined with the media, terrorism’s reality-making power is astounding: its capacity to blend the media’s sensational stories, old mythical stereotypes, and a burning sense of moral wrath” (Zulaika and Douglass ix). Susan Sontag, in her 2003 book Regarding the Pain of Others, also discusses the assault of images (116). She argues that “the iconography of suffering has a long pedigree. The sufferings most often deemed worthy of representation are those understood to be the product of wrath, divine or human” (40). Furthermore, globalisation has profoundly changed the rhetoric of terrorism in which the uses of photographs for political means are ubiquitous. Sontag argues that “it seems as if there is a greater quantity of such news than before” (116). Nevertheless, she stresses, “it seems normal to turn away from images that simply make us feel bad” (116). Rather, than the focus on images of despair, the “We’re Not Afraid” Website provides a reaction against visual assaults. The images suggest a turning away from the iconography of terror and suffering to a focus on everyday western middle-class modalities. The images on the site consist of domestic ritual photographic practices, such as family snapshots. The images were disseminated following what has been referred to as the ‘incidents’ by the British press of the attacks on 7 July on the London transport system. Significantly, rather than being described as an event, such as the September 11 terrorist assaults were, the term ‘incidents’ suggests that everyday modalities, the everyday ways of being, may not be affected despite the terror of the attacks. It is, perhaps, a very British approach to the idea of ‘moving on’ despite adversity, which the Website advocates. The Website invites the general public to upload personal photographs captioned with the phrase “We’re not afraid” to “show that terrorists would not change the way people lived their lives” (Clarke).The Website began on 7 July 2005 and during the first week the site received, at times, up to 15 images a minute from across the world (Nikkah). Notably, within days of the Website’s launch it received over 3500 images and 11 million hits (Clarke).The images taken by everyday people and survivors‚ suggest a visceral response to the incidents. These images seem to support Susan Sontag’s argument from On Photography, in which she argues that photography is mainly a social rite, a defence against anxiety, and a tool of power (8). The images present a social activism for the predominantly white middle-class online participants and, as such, is subversive in its move away from the contextualised sensational images of violence that abound in the mainstream press. According to the site’s creator, London Web designer, Alfie Dennen “the idea for this site came from a picture of one of the bombed trains sent from a mobile phone to Dennen’s own weblog. Someone else added the words ‘We’re Not Afraid’ alongside the image” (“‘Not Afraid’ Website Overwhelmed”). Hence, in Dennen’s Weblog the terror and trauma of the train images of the London underground, that were circulated in the main stream press, have been recontextualised by the caption to present defiance and survival. The images uploaded onto the Website range from personal snapshots to manipulated photographs which all bear the declaration: ‘We are not afraid’. Currently, there are 770 galleries with 24 images per gallery amounting to around 18500 images that have been sent to the site. The photographs provide a crack in the projected reality of terrorism and the iconography of suffering as espoused by the mainstream media. The Website claims: We’re not afraid is an outlet for the global community to speak out against the acts of terror that have struck London, Madrid, New York, Baghdad, Basra, Tikrit, Gaza, Tel-Aviv, Afghanistan, Bali, and against the atrocities occurring in cities around the world each and every day. It is a worldwide action for people not willing to be cowed by terrorism and fear mongering. It suggests that: The historical response to these types of attacks has been a show of deadly force; we believe that there is a better way. We refuse to respond to aggression and hatred in kind. Instead, we who are not afraid will continue to live our lives the best way we know how. We will work, we will play, we will laugh, we will live. We will not waste one moment, nor sacrifice one bit of our freedom, because of fear. We are not afraid. (“we’re not afraid.com: Citizens for a secure world, united against terror.”) The images evoke the social memory of our era of global terrorism. Arguably, the events since September 11 have placed the individual in a protection mode. The photographs represent, as Sontag espouses, a tool against the anxiety of our time. This is a turn away from the visual iconography of despair. As such, rather than images of suffering they are images of survival, or life carrying on as usual. Or, more precisely, the images represent depictions of everyday western middle-class existence. The images range from family snaps, touristic photographs, pictures of the London underground and some manipulated images all containing the words ‘We’re Not Afraid’. Dennen “said the site had become a symbol for people to show solidarity with London and say they will not be cowed by the bombings” (“‘Not Afraid’ Website Overwhelmed”). The photographs also serve as a form of protection of western middle-class values and lifestyle that may be threatened by terrorist acts. Of consideration is that “personal photographs not only bind us to our own pasts – they bind us to the pasts of the social groups to which we belong” (Gye 280). The images on the site may be described as a “revocation of social power through visibility” and as such photography is considered a “performance of power” (Frosh 46). Barthes asserts that “formerly, the image illustrated the text (made it clearer); today, the text loads the image, burdening it with a culture, a moral, an imagination” (25). The images loaded onto the Website “We’re Not Afraid’ assumes notions of resilience and defiance which can be closely linked to Anglo-American cultural memory and imagination. Significantly, efforts to influence ‘heart and minds’ through support of touring exhibitions were common in the earlier days of the Cold War. Sontag argues that “photographic collections can be used to substitute a world” (162). The images exalted a universal humanism, similarly to the images on the “We’re Not Afraid” site. Many exhibits were supported throughout the 1950s, often under the auspices of the USIA (United States Information Agency). A famous example is the photography exhibit ‘The Family of Man’ which travelled to 28 countries between 1955-59 and was seen by 9 million people (Kennedy 316). It contained 503 images, 273 photographers from 68 nations “it posited humanity as a universal ideal and human empathy as a compensatory response to the threat of nuclear annihilation” (Kennedy 322). Significantly, Liam Kennedy asserts that, the Cold War rhetoric surrounding the exhibition blurred the boundaries between art, information and propaganda. The exhibition has been critiqued ideologically as an imperialist project, most notably by Allan Sekula in which he states “the worldliness of photography is the outcome, not of any immanent universality of meaning, but of a project of global domination” (96). In more recent times an exhibition, backed by the US State Department titled ‘After September 11: Images from Ground Zero’, by photojournalist/art photographer Joel Meyorowitz travelled to more than 60 countries and assisted in shaping and maintaining a public memory of the attacks of the World Trade Centre and its aftermath (Kennedy 315). Similar, to ‘The Family of Man’, it adds an epic quality to the images. As Kennedy points out that: To be sure this latter exhibit has been more overtly designed as propaganda, yet it also carries the cachet of ‘culture’ (most obviously, via the signature of a renowned photographer) and is intended to transmit a universal message that transcends the politics of difference. (Kennedy 323) The Website “We’re Not Afraid’ maintains the public memory of terrorism, without the horror of suffering. With a ‘universal message’ similar to the aforementioned exhibitions, it attempts to transcends the politics of difference by addressing the ‘we’ as the ‘everyday’ citizen. It serves as a gallery space and similarly evokes western romantic universal ideals conveyed in the exhibition ‘The Family of Man’, whilst its aesthetic forms avoid the stylististically captured scenes of ‘After September 11’. As stated earlier, the site had over 11 million hits in the first few weeks; as such the sheer number of viewers exceeds that of any formal photographic exhibition. Moreover, unlike these highly constructed art exhibitions from leading professional photographers, the Website significantly presents a democratic form of participation in which the ‘personal is political’. It is the citizen journalist. It is the ‘everyday’ person, as evidenced in the predominant snapshot aesthetics and the ordinariness in the images that are employed. Kris Cohen, in his analysis of photoblogging suggests that this aesthetic emphasises the importance in “photoblogging of not thinking too much, of the role that instinct plays in the making of photographs and the photoblog” (890). As discussed, previously, the overwhelming response and contributions to the Website within days of its launch seems to suggest this. The submission of photographs suggests a visceral response to the incidents from the ‘people’ in the celebration of the ‘everyday’ and the mundane. It also should be noted that “there are now well over a million documented blogs and photoblogs in the world”, with most appearing since 2003 (Cohen 886). As Cohen suggests “their newfound popularity has provoked a gentle storm of press, along with a significant number of utopic scenarios in which blogs feature as the next emancipatory mass media product”(886). The world-wide press coverage for the “We’re Not Afraid’ site is one key example that promotes this “utopian vision of transfigured citizens and in Benedict Anderson’s well used term an ‘imagined community” (Goggin xx). Nevertheless, the defiant captioning of the images also returns us historically to the social memory of the London Blitz 1940-41 in which the theme of a transfigured community was employed and in which the London underground and shelters became a signifier for the momentum of “We’re Not Afraid’. Barthes explained in Mythologies about the “the sight of the ‘naturalness’ with which newspapers, art and common sense constantly dress up a reality which, even though it is the one we live in, is undoubtedly determined by history” (11). What I want to argue is that the mythology surrounding the London bombings articulated in the Website “We’re Not Afraid’ is determined by 20th Century history of the media and the cultural imaginary surrounding predominantly British values*.** *The British Prime Minister at the time, Tony Blair, asserted that “qualities of creativity built on tolerance, openness and adaptability, work and self improvement, strong communities and families and fair play, rights and responsibilities and an outward looking approach to the world that all flow from our unique island geography and history.” (“Blair Defines British Values”). These values are suggested in the types of photographs uploaded onto the activist Website, as such notions of the British Empire are evoked. Moreover, in his address following the incident, “Blair harkened back to the ‘Blitz spirit’ that saw Londoners through the dark days of Nazi bombing during World War II — and, by association, to Winston Churchill, the wartime leader whose determined, moving speeches helped steel the national resolve” (“Blair Delivers”). In his Churchillian cadence he paid “tribute to the stoicism and resilience of the people of London who have responded in a way typical of them”. He said Britain would show “by our spirit and dignity” that “our values will long outlast” the terrorists. He further declared that “the purpose of terrorism is just that. It is to terrorize people and we will not be terrorized” (“Blair Delivers”). The mythology of the Blitz and “the interpretive context at the time (and for some years thereafter) can be summarized by the phrase ‘the People’s War’—a populist patriotism that combined criticism of the past with expectations of social change and inclusive messages of shared heritage and values” (Field 31). The image conveyed is of a renewed sense of community. The language of triumph against adversity and the endurance of ordinary citizens are also evoked in the popular press of the London incidents. The Times announced: Revulsion and resolve: Despite the shock, horror and outrage, the calm shown in London was exemplary. Ordinary life may be inconvenienced by the spectre of terror, yet terrorism will not force free societies to abandon their fundamental features. An attack was inevitable. The casualties were dreadful. The terrorists have only strengthened the resolve of Britain and its people. (“What the Papers Say”) Similarly the Daily Express headline was “We Britons Will Never Be Defeated” (“What the Papers Say”). The declaration of “We’re not afraid” alongside images on the Website follows on from this trajectory. The BBC reported that the Website “‘We’re not afraid’ gives Londoners a voice” (“Not Afraid Website Overwhelmed”). The BBC has also made a documentary concerning the mission and the somewhat utopian principles presented. Similarly discussion of the site has been evoked in other Weblogs that overwhelmingly praise it and very rarely question its role. One example is from a discussion of “We’re Not Afraid” on another activist site titled “World Changing: Change Your Thinking”. The contributor states: Well, I live in the UK and I am afraid. I’m also scared that sites like We’re Not Afraid encourage an unhealthy solidarity of superiority, nationalism and xenophobia – perpetuating a “we’re good” and “they’re evil” mentality that avoids the big picture questions of how we got here. Posted by: John Norris at July 8, 2005 03:45 AM Notably, this statement also reiterates the previous argument on cultural diplomacy presented by theorists in regards to the exhibitions of ‘The Family of Man’ and ‘After September 11’ in which the images are viewed as propaganda, promoting western cultural values. This is also supported by the mood of commentary in the British press since the London bombings, in which it is argued that “Britain and the British way of life are under threat, the implication being that the threat is so serious that it may ultimately destroy the nation and its values” (King). The significance of the Website is that it represents a somewhat democratic medium in its call for engagement and self-expression. Furthermore, the emancipatory photography of self and space, presented in the “We’re Not Afraid” site, echoes Blair’s declaration of “we will not be terrorized”. However, it follows similar politically conservative themes that were evoked in the Blitz, such as community, family and social stability, with tacit reference to social fragmentation and multi-ethnicity (Field 41-42). In general, as befitted the theme of “a People’s War,” the Blitz imagery was positive and sympathetic in the way it promoted the endurance of the ordinary citizen. Geoffrey Field suggests “it offered an implicit rejoinder to the earlier furor—focusing especially on brave, caring mothers who made efforts to retain some semblance of family under the most difficult circumstances and fathers who turned up for work no matter how heavy the bombing had been the night before” (24). Images on the Website consist of snapshots of babies, families, pets, sporting groups, people on holiday and at celebrations. It represents a, somewhat, global perspective of middle-class values. The snapshot aesthetic presents, what Liz Kotz refers to as, the “aesthetics of intimacy”. It is a certain kind of photographic work which is quasi-documentary and consists of “colour images of individuals, families, or groupings, presented in an apparently intimate, unposed manner, shot in an off-kilter, snapshot style, often a bit grainy, unfocused, off-colour” (204). These are the types of images that provide the visual gratification of solidarity amongst its contributors and viewers, as it seemingly appears more ‘real’. Yet, Kotz asserts that these type of photographs also involve a structure of power relations “that cannot be easily evaded by the spontaneous performance before the lens” (210). For example, Sarah Boxer importantly points out that “We’re Not Afraid”, set up to show solidarity with London, seems to be turning into a place where the haves of the world can show that they’re not afraid of the have-nots” (1). She argues that “there’s a brutish flaunting of wealth and leisure” (1). The iconography in the images of “We’re not Afraid” certainly promotes a ‘memorialisation’ of the middle-class sphere. The site draws attention to the values of the global neoliberal order in which capital accumulation is paramount. It, nevertheless, also attempts to challenge “the true victory of terrorism”, which Jean Baudrillard circumspectly remarks is in “the regression of the value system, of all the ideology of freedom and free movement etc… that the Western world is so proud of, and that legitimates in its eyes its power over the rest of the world”. Self-confidence is conveyed in the images. Moreover, with the subjects welcoming gaze to the camera there may be a sense of narcissism in publicising what could be considered mundane. However, visibility is power. For example, one of the contributors, Maryland USA resident Darcy Nair, said “she felt a sense of helplessness in the days after 9/11. Posting on the We’re Not Afraid may be a small act, but it does give people like her a sense that they’re doing something” (cited in Weir). Nair states that: It seems that it is the only good answer from someone like me who’s not in the government or military…There are so many other people who are joining in. When bunches of individuals get together – it does make me feel hopeful – there are so many other people who feel the same way. (cited in Weir) Participation in the Website conveys a power which consists of defiantly celebrating western middle-class aesthetics in the form of personal photography. As such, the personal becomes political and the private becomes public. The site offers an opportunity for a shared experience and a sense of community that perhaps is needed in the era of global terrorism. It could be seen as a celebration of survival (Weir). The Website seems inspirational with its defiant message. Moreover, it also has postings from various parts of the world that convey a message of triumph in the ‘everyday’. The site also presents the ubiquitous use of photography in a western cultural tradition in which idealised constructions are manifested in ‘Kodak’ moments and in which the domestic space and leisure times are immortalised and become, significantly, the arena of activism. As previously discussed Sontag argues that photography is mainly a social rite, a defence against anxiety, and a tool of power (8). The Website offers the sense of a global connection. It promotes itself as “citizens for a secure world, united against terror”. It attempts to provide a universal solidarity, which appears uplifting. It is a defence against anxiety in which, in the act of using personal photographs, it becomes part of the collective memory and assists in easing the frustration of not being able to do anything. As Sontag argues “often something looks, or is felt to look ‘better’ in a photograph. Indeed, it is one of the functions of photography to improve the normal appearance of things” (81). Rather than focus on the tragic victim of traditional photojournalism, in which the camera is directed towards the other, the site promotes the sharing and triumph of personal moments. In the spotlight are ‘everyday’ modalities from ‘everyday people’ attempting to confront the rhetoric of terrorism. In their welcoming gaze to the camera the photographic subjects challenge the notion of the sensational image, the spectacle that is on show is that of middle-class modalities and a performance of collective power. Note Themes from this article have been presented at the 2005 Cultural Studies Association of Australasia Conference in Sydney, Australia and at the 2006 Association for Cultural Studies Crossroads Conference in Istanbul, Turkey. References Barthes, Roland. “The Photographic Message.” Image-Music-Text. Trans. Stephen Heath. New York: Noonday Press, 1977 [1961]. 15-31. Barthes, Roland. Mythologies. Trans. Annette Lavers. London: Vintage, 1993 [1972]. Baudrillard, Jean. “The Spirit of Terrorism.” Trans. Rachel Bloul. La Monde 2 (2001). http://www.egs.edu/faculty/baudrillard/baudrillard-the-spirit-of-terrorism.html>. “Blair Defines British Values.” BBC News 28 Mar. 2000. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk_politics/693591.stm>. “Blair Delivers a Classically British Rallying Cry.” Associated Press 7 July 2005. http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/8502984/>. Boxter, Sarah. “On the Web, Fearlessness Meets Frivolousness.” The York Times 12 July 2005. http://www.nytimes.com/2005/07/12/arts/design/12boxe.html?ex= 1278820800&en=e3b207245991aea8&ei=5088&partner=rssnyt&emc=rss>. Clarke, R. “Web Site Shows Defiance to Bombers: Thousands Send Images to Say ‘We Are Not Afraid.’” CNN International 12 July 2005. http://edition.cnn.com/2005/WORLD/europe/07/11/london.website/>. “CJ Bombings in London.” MSNBC TV Citizen Journalist. http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/8499792/>. Cohen, Kris R. “What Does the Photoblog Want?” Media, Culture & Society 27.6 (2005): 883-901. Dennen, Alfie. “We’renotafraid.com: Citizens for a Secure World, United Against Terror.” http://www.werenotafraid.com/>. Field, Geoffrey. “Nights Underground in Darkest London: The Blitz, 1940–1941.” International Labor and Working-Class History 62 (2002): 11-49. Frosh, Paul. “The Public Eye and the Citizen-Voyeur: Photography as a Performance of Power.” Social Semiotics 11.1 (2001): 43-59. Gye, Lisa. “Picture This: The Impact of Mobile Camera Phones on Personal Photographic Practices.” Continuum: Journal of Media and Cultural Studies 22.2 (2007): 279-288. Jameson, Fredric. “Postmodernism and Consumer Society.” The Cultural Turn: Selected Writings on the Postmodern. New York: Verso, 1998. 1-20. Kennedy, Liam. “Remembering September 11: Photography as Cultural Diplomacy.” International Affairs 79.2 (2003): 315-326. King, Anthony. “What Does It Mean to Be British?” Telegraph 27 May 2005. http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/main.jhtml?xml=/news/2005/07/27/ nbrit27.xml>. Kotz, Liz. “The Aesthetics of Intimacy.” In D. Bright (ed.), The Passionate Camera: Photography and Bodies of Desire. London: Routledge, 1998. 204-215. “London Explosions: Your Photos.” BBC News 8 July 2005 http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/in_pictures/4660563.stm>. Nikkhah, Roya. “We’restillnotafraid.com.” Telegraph co.uk 23 July 2005. http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/main.jhtml?xml=/news/2005/07/24/ nseven224.xml>. “‘Not Afraid’ Website Overwhelmed.” BBC News 12 July 2005. http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/1/hi/england/london/4674425.stm>. Norris, John. “We’re Not Afraid”. World Changing: Change Your Thinking. http://www.worldchanging.com/archives/003069.html>. “Reuters: You Witness News.” http://www.reuters.com/youwitness>. Sambrook, Richard. “Citizen Journalism and the BBC.” Nieman Reports (Winter 2005): 13-16. Sekula, Allan. “The Traffic in Photographs.” In Photography against the Grain: Essays and Photoworks 1973-1983. Halifax Nova Scotia: Nova Scotia College Press, 1984. Sontag, Susan. Regarding the Pain of Others. New York: Farrar, Strauss & Giroux, 2003. Sontag. Susan. On Photography. New York: Farrar, Strauss & Giroux, 1977. Weir, William. “The Global Community Support and Sends a Defiant Message to Terrorists.” Hartford Courant 14 July 2005. http://www.uchc.edu/ocomm/newsarchive/news05/jul05/notafraid.html>. We’renot afraid.com: Citizens for a Secure World, United against Terror. http://www.werenotafraid.com>. “What the Papers Say.” Media Guardian 8 July 2005. http://www.guardian.co.uk/media/2005/jul/08/pressandpublishing.terrorism1>. Zulaika, Joseba, and William A. Douglass. Terror and Taboo: The Follies, Fables, and Faces of Terrorism. New York: Routledge, 1996. 
 
 
 
 Citation reference for this article
 
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<span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><p align="left">Før et forskningsprosjekt kan settes i gang, må forskere forholde seg til en rekke omfattende søknadsprosedyrer. I denne artikkelen belyses forhold som er spesielt aktuelle for forskere, slik som muligheter og begrensninger for innhenting av data til forskning og tilgjengelighet av data fra sentrale helseregistre. Som bakgrunn benyttes helseregisterloven og tilhørende forskrifter for de sentrale helseregistrene. Regler om dispensasjon fra taushetsplikt blir også nærmere belyst.</p><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><p align="left"><strong>English Summary</strong></p><p align="left">Before a research project can be initiated, researchers must relate to a series of comprehensive procedures for making an application. In this article, the conditions that are particularly relevant for researchers, such as the possibilities and restrictions for collecting data for research purposes, and for obtaining access to data from central health registers, are discussed. The Personal Health Data Filing System Act and related regulations are used as background for the discussion. The regulations relating to exemption from the duty of confidentiality are also discussed.</p></span></span></span></span>

När nu det genetiska arvet framstår alltmer som en förklaring till sjukdom och mänskligt beteende i allmänhet behöver man ställa frågan hur sådana förklaringar påverkar människors uppfattningar om familj och släktskap över tid och i framtiden och i vilken utsträckning genetiska förklaringar strider mot vidare social utveckling. Idéer om genetiskt arv och cancersjukdom sätter familj och släktgrupper i fokus. När en person informeras om anlag för cancersjukdom blir frågan om alla medlemmar i en släktgrupp bör informeras och undersökas. Det kan gälla såväl från en medicinetisk utgångspunkt som från en känslomässig och ansvarskännande utgångspunkt bland diagnostiserade enskilda. Forskning kring ärftliga sjukdomar innebär en medikalisering av släktskap något som kan innebära stora förändringar för enskilda personer. Under en tid då familjestrukturer är mera flytande och mindre bestämda genom blodsband än tidigare kan man ställa frågan vilken betydelse en betoning av genetiskt arv som överförare av mänskligt beteende och släktskap kan få. Inbyggt i begreppet genetiskt arv finns en betoning av familj och släkt som medier genom vilka ärftlighet flyter. Ett fall från en antropologisk studie illustrerar hur genetisk kargtläggning leder till medikalisering av släktskap[1].[1] En tidigare version finns publicerad i Scand.J of Publ.Health 2004 men är här uppdaterad och reviderad.

<strong><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><p align="left"> </p></span></span><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;">INNLEDNING</span></span></strong><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><p align="left">Epidemiologiske undersøkelser av lipidnivået hos</p><p align="left">befolkningen er helt avhengig av at analysemetodene</p><p align="left">holder stabilt nivå over flere år. Dette er lettest å oppnå</p><p align="left">hvis man hele tiden benytter ett laboratorium, og</p><p align="left">hjerte-karundersøkelsene til Statens helseundersøkelser</p><p align="left">har konsekvent benyttet Klinisk kjemisk avdeling,</p><p align="left">Ullevål sykehus. Ulike hensyn kan likevel tilsi at andre</p><p align="left">laboratorier benyttes. Undersøkelsene til Universitetet</p><p align="left">i Tromsø som har har vært gjennomført fire ganger i</p><p align="left">perioden 1973-1995, har vært utført ved Klinisk</p><p align="left">kjemisk avdeling, Regionsykehuset i Tromsø. Helseundersøkelsen</p><p align="left">i Nord-Trøndelag 1995-1997 har</p><p align="left">benyttet Sentrallaboratoriet, Innherred sykehus. I dette</p><p align="left">arbeidet viser vi hvor store forskjellene blir hvis</p><p align="left">feltlagene sender prøver fra samme person til ulike</p><p align="left">laboratorier. Vi har undersøkt forskjellene mellom</p><p align="left">Regionsykehuset i Tromsø og Ullevål sykehus, og</p><p>mellom Innherred sykehus og Ullevål sykehus.</p></span></span>


 
 
 On May 18, 2003, the Australian Minister for Education, Brendon Nelson, appeared on the Channel Nine Sunday programme. The Yoda of political journalism, Laurie Oakes, attacked him personally and professionally. He disclosed to viewers that the Minister for Education, Science and Training had suffered a false start in his education, enrolling in one semester of an economics degree that was never completed. The following year, he commenced a medical qualification and went on to become a practicing doctor. He did not pay fees for any of his University courses. When reminded of these events, Dr Nelson became agitated, and revealed information not included in the public presentation of the budget of that year, including a ‘cap’ on HECS-funded places of five years for each student. He justified such a decision with the cliché that Australia’s taxpayers do not want “professional students completing degree after degree.” The Minister confirmed that the primary – and perhaps the only – task for university academics was to ‘train’ young people for the workforce. The fact that nearly 50% of students in some Australian Universities are over the age of twenty five has not entered his vision. He wanted young people to complete a rapid degree and enter the workforce, to commence paying taxes and the debt or loan required to fund a full fee-paying place. Now – nearly two years after this interview and with the Howard government blessed with a new mandate – it is time to ask how this administration will order education and value teaching and learning. The curbing of the time available to complete undergraduate courses during their last term in office makes plain the Australian Liberal Government’s stance on formal, publicly-funded lifelong learning. The notion that a student/worker can attain all required competencies, skills, attributes, motivations and ambitions from a single degree is an assumption of the new funding model. It is also significant to note that while attention is placed on the changing sources of income for universities, there have also been major shifts in the pattern of expenditure within universities, focusing on branding, marketing, recruitment, ‘regional’ campuses and off-shore courses. Similarly, the short-term funding goals of university research agendas encourage projects required by industry, rather than socially inflected concerns. There is little inevitable about teaching, research and education in Australia, except that the Federal Government will not create a fully-funded model for lifelong learning. The task for those of us involved in – and committed to – education in this environment is to probe the form and rationale for a (post) publicly funded University. This short paper for the ‘order’ issue of M/C explores learning and teaching within our current political and economic order. Particularly, I place attention on the synergies to such an order via phrases like the knowledge economy and the creative industries. To move beyond the empty promises of just-in-time learning, on-the-job training, graduate attributes and generic skills, we must reorder our assumptions and ask difficult questions of those who frame the context in which education takes place. For the term of your natural life Learning is a big business. Whether discussing the University of the Third Age, personal development courses, self help bestsellers or hard-edged vocational qualifications, definitions of learning – let alone education – are expanding. Concurrent with this growth, governments are reducing centralized funding and promoting alternative revenue streams. The diversity of student interests – or to use the language of the time, client’s learning goals – is transforming higher education into more than the provision of undergraduate and postgraduate degrees. The expansion of the student body beyond the 18-25 age group and the desire to ‘service industry’ has reordered the form and purpose of formal education. The number of potential students has expanded extraordinarily. As Lee Bash realized Today, some estimates suggest that as many as 47 percent of all students enrolled in higher education are over 25 years old. In the future, as lifelong learning becomes more integrated into the fabric of our culture, the proportion of adult students is expected to increase. And while we may not yet realize it, the academy is already being transformed as a result. (35) Lifelong learning is the major phrase and trope that initiates and justifies these changes. Such expansive economic opportunities trigger the entrepreneurial directives within universities. If lifelong learning is taken seriously, then the goals, entry standards, curriculum, information management policies and assessments need to be challenged and changed. Attention must be placed on words and phrases like ‘access’ and ‘alternative entry.’ Even more consideration must be placed on ‘outcomes’ and ‘accountability.’ Lifelong learning is a catchphrase for a change in purpose and agenda. Courses are developed from a wide range of education providers so that citizens can function in, or at least survive, the agitation of the post-work world. Both neo-liberal and third way models of capitalism require the labeling and development of an aspirational class, a group who desires to move ‘above’ their current context. Such an ambiguous economic and social goal always involves more than the vocational education and training sector or universities, with the aim being to seamlessly slot education into a ‘lifestyle.’ The difficulties with this discourse are two-fold. Firstly, how effectively can these aspirational notions be applied and translated into a real family and a real workplace? Secondly, does this scheme increase the information divide between rich and poor? There are many characteristics of an effective lifelong learner including great personal motivation, self esteem, confidence and intellectual curiosity. In a double shifting, change-fatigued population, the enthusiasm for perpetual learning may be difficult to summon. With the casualization of the post-Fordist workplace, it is no surprise that policy makers and employers are placing the economic and personal responsibility for retraining on individual workers. Instead of funding a training scheme in the workplace, there has been a devolving of skill acquisition and personal development. Through the twentieth century, and particularly after 1945, education was the track to social mobility. The difficulty now – with degree inflation and the loss of stable, secure, long-term employment – is that new modes of exclusion and disempowerment are being perpetuated through the education system. Field recognized that “the new adult education has been embraced most enthusiastically by those who are already relatively well qualified.” (105) This is a significant realization. Motivation, meta-learning skills and curiosity are increasingly being rewarded when found in the already credentialed, empowered workforce. Those already in work undertake lifelong learning. Adult education operates well for members of the middle class who are doing well and wish to do better. If success is individualized, then failure is also cast on the self, not the social system or policy. The disempowered are blamed for their own conditions and ‘failures.’ The concern, through the internationalization of the workforce, technological change and privatization of national assets, is that failure in formal education results in social exclusion and immobility. Besides being forced into classrooms, there are few options for those who do not wish to learn, in a learning society. Those who ‘choose’ not be a part of the national project of individual improvement, increased market share, company competitiveness and international standards are not relevant to the economy. But there is a personal benefit – that may have long term political consequences – from being ‘outside’ society. Perhaps the best theorist of the excluded is not sourced from a University, but from the realm of fictional writing. Irvine Welsh, author of the landmark Trainspotting, has stated that What we really need is freedom from choice … People who are in work have no time for anything else but work. They have no mental space to accommodate anything else but work. Whereas people who are outside the system will always find ways of amusing themselves. Even if they are materially disadvantaged they’ll still find ways of coping, getting by and making their own entertainment. (145-6) A blurring of work and learning, and work and leisure, may seem to create a borderless education, a learning framework uninhibited by curriculum, assessment or power structures. But lifelong learning aims to place as many (national) citizens as possible in ‘the system,’ striving for success or at least a pay increase which will facilitate the purchase of more consumer goods. Through any discussion of work-place training and vocationalism, it is important to remember those who choose not to choose life, who choose something else, who will not follow orders. Everybody wants to work The great imponderable for complex economic systems is how to manage fluctuations in labour and the market. The unstable relationship between need and supply necessitates flexibility in staffing solutions, and short-term supplementary labour options. When productivity and profit are the primary variables through which to judge successful management, then the alignments of education and employment are viewed and skewed through specific ideological imperatives. The library profession is an obvious occupation that has confronted these contradictions. It is ironic that the occupation that orders knowledge is experiencing a volatile and disordered workplace. In the past, it had been assumed that librarians hold a degree while technicians do not, and that technicians would not be asked to perform – unsupervised – the same duties as librarians. Obviously, such distinctions are increasingly redundant. Training packages, structured through competency-based training principles, have ensured technicians and librarians share knowledge systems which are taught through incremental stages. Mary Carroll recognized the primary questions raised through this change. If it is now the case that these distinctions have disappeared do we need to continue to draw them between professional and para-professional education? Does this mean that all sectors of the education community are in fact learning/teaching the same skills but at different levels so that no unique set of skills exist? (122) With education reduced to skills, thereby discrediting generalist degrees, the needs of industry have corroded the professional standards and stature of librarians. Certainly, the abilities of library technicians are finally being valued, but it is too convenient that one of the few professions dominated by women has suffered a demeaning of knowledge into competency. Lifelong learning, in this context, has collapsed high level abilities in information management into bite sized chunks of ‘skills.’ The ideology of lifelong learning – which is rarely discussed – is that it serves to devalue prior abilities and knowledges into an ever-expanding imperative for ‘new’ skills and software competencies. For example, ponder the consequences of Hitendra Pillay and Robert Elliott’s words: The expectations inherent in new roles, confounded by uncertainty of the environment and the explosion of information technology, now challenge us to reconceptualise human cognition and develop education and training in a way that resonates with current knowledge and skills. (95) Neophilliacal urges jut from their prose. The stress on ‘new roles,’ and ‘uncertain environments,’ the ‘explosion of information technology,’ ‘challenges,’ ‘reconceptualisations,’ and ‘current knowledge’ all affirms the present, the contemporary, and the now. Knowledge and expertise that have taken years to develop, nurture and apply are not validated through this educational brief. The demands of family, work, leisure, lifestyle, class and sexuality stretch the skin taut over economic and social contradictions. To ease these paradoxes, lifelong learning should stress pedagogy rather than applications, and context rather than content. Put another way, instead of stressing the link between (gee wizz) technological change and (inevitable) workplace restructuring and redundancies, emphasis needs to be placed on the relationship between professional development and verifiable technological outcomes, rather than spruiks and promises. Short term vocationalism in educational policy speaks to the ordering of our public culture, requiring immediate profits and a tight dialogue between education and work. Furthering this logic, if education ‘creates’ employment, then it also ‘creates’ unemployment. Ironically, in an environment that focuses on the multiple identities and roles of citizens, students are reduced to one label – ‘future workers.’ Obviously education has always been marinated in the political directives of the day. The industrial revolution introduced a range of technical complexities to the workforce. Fordism necessitated that a worker complete a task with precision and speed, requiring a high tolerance of stress and boredom. Now, more skills are ‘assumed’ by employers at the time that workplaces are off-loading their training expectations to the post-compulsory education sector. Therefore ‘lifelong learning’ is a political mask to empower the already empowered and create a low-level skill base for low paid workers, with the promise of competency-based training. Such ideologies never need to be stated overtly. A celebration of ‘the new’ masks this task. Not surprisingly therefore, lifelong learning has a rich new life in ordering creative industries strategies and frameworks. Codifying the creative The last twenty years have witnessed an expanding jurisdiction and justification of the market. As part of Tony Blair’s third way, the creative industries and the knowledge economy became catchwords to demonstrate that cultural concerns are not only economically viable but a necessity in the digital, post-Fordist, information age. Concerns with intellectual property rights, copyright, patents, and ownership of creative productions predominate in such a discourse. Described by Charles Leadbeater as Living on Thin Air, this new economy is “driven by new actors of production and sources of competitive advantage – innovation, design, branding, know-how – which are at work on all industries.” (10) Such market imperatives offer both challenges and opportunity for educationalists and students. Lifelong learning is a necessary accoutrement to the creative industries project. Learning cities and communities are the foundations for design, music, architecture and journalism. In British policy, and increasingly in Queensland, attention is placed on industry-based research funding to address this changing environment. In 2000, Stuart Cunningham and others listed the eight trends that order education, teaching and learning in this new environment. The Changes to the Provision of Education Globalization The arrival of new information and communication technologies The development of a knowledge economy, shortening the time between the development of new ideas and their application. The formation of learning organizations User-pays education The distribution of knowledge through interactive communication technologies (ICT) Increasing demand for education and training Scarcity of an experienced and trained workforce Source: S. Cunningham, Y. Ryan, L. Stedman, S. Tapsall, K. Bagdon, T. Flew and P. Coaldrake. The Business of Borderless Education. Canberra: DETYA Evaluation and Investigations Program [EIP], 2000. This table reverberates with the current challenges confronting education. Mobilizing such changes requires the lubrication of lifelong learning tropes in university mission statements and the promotion of a learning culture, while also acknowledging the limited financial conditions in which the educational sector is placed. For university scholars facilitating the creative industries approach, education is “supplying high value-added inputs to other enterprises,” (Hartley and Cunningham 5) rather than having value or purpose beyond the immediately and applicably economic. The assumption behind this table is that the areas of expansion in the workforce are the creative and service industries. In fact, the creative industries are the new service sector. This new economy makes specific demands of education. Education in the ‘old economy’ and the ‘new economy’ Old Economy New Economy Four-year degree Forty-year degree Training as a cost Training as a source of competitive advantage Learner mobility Content mobility Distance education Distributed learning Correspondence materials with video Multimedia centre Fordist training – one size fits all Tailored programmes Geographically fixed institutions Brand named universities and celebrity professors Just-in-case Just-in-time Isolated learners Virtual learning communities Source: T. Flew. “Educational Media in Transition: Broadcasting, Digital Media and Lifelong Learning in the Knowledge Economy.” International Journal of Instructional Media 29.1 (2002): 20. There are myriad assumptions lurking in Flew’s fascinating table. The imperative is short courses on the web, servicing the needs of industry. He described the product of this system as a “learner-earner.” (50) This ‘forty year degree’ is based on lifelong learning ideologies. However Flew’s ideas are undermined by the current government higher education agenda, through the capping – through time – of courses. The effect on the ‘learner-earner’ in having to earn more to privately fund a continuance of learning – to ensure that they keep on earning – needs to be addressed. There will be consequences to the housing market, family structures and leisure time. The costs of education will impact on other sectors of the economy and private lives. Also, there is little attention to the groups who are outside this taken-for-granted commitment to learning. Flew noted that barriers to greater participation in education and training at all levels, which is a fundamental requirement of lifelong learning in the knowledge economy, arise in part out of the lack of provision of quality technology-mediated learning, and also from inequalities of access to ICTs, or the ‘digital divide.’ (51) In such a statement, there is a misreading of teaching and learning. Such confusion is fuelled by the untheorised gap between ‘student’ and ‘consumer.’ The notion that technology (which in this context too often means computer-mediated platforms) is a barrier to education does not explain why conventional distance education courses, utilizing paper, ink and postage, were also unable to welcome or encourage groups disengaged from formal learning. Flew and others do not confront the issue of motivation, or the reason why citizens choose to add or remove the label of ‘student’ from their bag of identity labels. The stress on technology as both a panacea and problem for lifelong learning may justify theories of convergence and the integration of financial, retail, community, health and education provision into a services sector, but does not explain why students desire to learn, beyond economic necessity and employer expectations. Based on these assumptions of expanding creative industries and lifelong learning, the shape of education is warping. An ageing population requires educational expenditure to be reallocated from primary and secondary schooling and towards post-compulsory learning and training. This cost will also be privatized. When coupled with immigration flows, technological changes and alterations to market and labour structures, lifelong learning presents a profound and personal cost. An instrument for economic and social progress has been individualized, customized and privatized. The consequence of the ageing population in many nations including Australia is that there will be fewer young people in schools or employment. Such a shift will have consequences for the workplace and the taxation system. Similarly, those young workers who remain will be far more entrepreneurial and less loyal to their employers. Public education is now publically-assisted education. Jane Jenson and Denis Saint-Martin realized the impact of this change. The 1980s ideological shift in economic and social policy thinking towards policies and programmes inspired by neo-liberalism provoked serious social strains, especially income polarization and persistent poverty. An increasing reliance on market forces and the family for generating life-chances, a discourse of ‘responsibility,’ an enthusiasm for off-loading to the voluntary sector and other altered visions of the welfare architecture inspired by neo-liberalism have prompted a reaction. There has been a wide-ranging conversation in the 1990s and the first years of the new century in policy communities in Europe as in Canada, among policy makers who fear the high political, social and economic costs of failing to tend to social cohesion. (78) There are dense social reorderings initiated by neo-liberalism and changing the notions of learning, teaching and education. There are yet to be tracked costs to citizenship. The legacy of the 1980s and 1990s is that all organizations must behave like businesses. In such an environment, there are problems establishing social cohesion, let alone social justice. To stress the product – and not the process – of education contradicts the point of lifelong learning. Compliance and complicity replace critique. (Post) learning The Cold War has ended. The great ideological battle between communism and Western liberal democracy is over. Most countries believe both in markets and in a necessary role for Government. There will be thunderous debates inside nations about the balance, but the struggle for world hegemony by political ideology is gone. What preoccupies decision-makers now is a different danger. It is extremism driven by fanaticism, personified either in terrorist groups or rogue states. Tony Blair (http://www.number-10.gov.uk/output/Page6535.asp) Tony Blair, summoning his best Francis Fukuyama impersonation, signaled the triumph of liberal democracy over other political and economic systems. His third way is unrecognizable from the Labour party ideals of Clement Attlee. Probably his policies need to be. Yet in his second term, he is not focused on probing the specificities of the market-orientation of education, health and social welfare. Instead, decision makers are preoccupied with a war on terror. Such a conflict seemingly justifies large defense budgets which must be at the expense of social programmes. There is no recognition by Prime Ministers Blair or Howard that ‘high-tech’ armory and warfare is generally impotent to the terrorist’s weaponry of cars, bodies and bombs. This obvious lesson is present for them to see. After the rapid and successful ‘shock and awe’ tactics of Iraq War II, terrorism was neither annihilated nor slowed by the Coalition’s victory. Instead, suicide bombers in Saudi Arabia, Morocco, Indonesia and Israel snuck have through defenses, requiring little more than a car and explosives. More Americans have been killed since the war ended than during the conflict. Wars are useful when establishing a political order. They sort out good and evil, the just and the unjust. Education policy will never provide the ‘big win’ or the visible success of toppling Saddam Hussein’s statue. The victories of retraining, literacy, competency and knowledge can never succeed on this scale. As Blair offered, “these are new times. New threats need new measures.” (ht tp://www.number-10.gov.uk/output/Page6535.asp) These new measures include – by default – a user pays education system. In such an environment, lifelong learning cannot succeed. It requires a dense financial commitment in the long term. A learning society requires a new sort of war, using ideas not bullets. References Bash, Lee. “What Serving Adult Learners Can Teach Us: The Entrepreneurial Response.” Change January/February 2003: 32-7. Blair, Tony. “Full Text of the Prime Minister’s Speech at the Lord Mayor’s Banquet.” November 12, 2002. http://www.number-10.gov.uk/output/Page6535.asp. Carroll, Mary. “The Well-Worn Path.” The Australian Library Journal May 2002: 117-22. Field, J. Lifelong Learning and the New Educational Order. Stoke on Trent: Trentham Books, 2000. Flew, Terry. “Educational Media in Transition: Broadcasting, Digital Media and Lifelong Learning in the Knowledge Economy.” International Journal of Instructional Media 29.1 (2002): 47-60. Hartley, John, and Cunningham, Stuart. “Creative Industries – from Blue Poles to Fat Pipes.” Department of Education, Science and Training, Commonwealth of Australia (2002). Jenson, Jane, and Saint-Martin, Denis. “New Routes to Social Cohesion? Citizenship and the Social Investment State.” Canadian Journal of Sociology 28.1 (2003): 77-99. Leadbeater, Charles. Living on Thin Air. London: Viking, 1999. Pillay, Hitendra, and Elliott, Robert. “Distributed Learning: Understanding the Emerging Workplace Knowledge.” Journal of Interactive Learning Research 13.1-2 (2002): 93-107. Welsh, Irvine, from Redhead, Steve. “Post-Punk Junk.” Repetitive Beat Generation. Glasgow: Rebel Inc, 2000: 138-50. 
 
 
 
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<strong><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><p align="left"> </p></span></span><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;">SAMMENDRAG</span></span></strong><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><p align="left">Smerter i bekkenregionen under graviditet representerer en epidemiologisk utfordring. Avgrensing overfor</p><p align="left">smerter i nedre del av rygg er uklar, likeledes patogenese og etiologi. Artikkelen setter søkelyset på</p><p align="left">medisinske og sosiokulturelle forhold knyttet til fenomenet. Noen nordiske prevalensdata bl.a. fra</p><p align="left">spørreskjemaundersøkelsen "Graviditet og arbeid" blir brukt som illustrasjon. Artikkelen konkluderer med</p><p align="left">forslag til videre forskning.</p></span></span><strong><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><span style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><p align="left"> </p></span></span><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;">ENGLISH SUMMARY</span></span></strong><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><p align="left">Heiberg E, Stray-Pedersen B.</p></span></span></span><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><p align="left"> </p></span></span><p align="left"><strong><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;">Is pelvic pain during pregnancy a strain syndrome?</span></span></strong><em><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-ItalicMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-ItalicMT;"><em><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-ItalicMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-ItalicMT;"><p align="left">Nor J Epidemiol</p></span></span></em></span><em><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-ItalicMT;"><p align="left"> </p></span></em></span><p align="left"> </p></em><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;">1997; </span></span><strong><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPS-BoldMT;">7 </span></span></strong><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"><span style="font-size: x-small; font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;">(1): 117-121.<p align="left">Pain in the area of the pelvic girdle during pregnancy represents a challenge for epidemiologic research.</p><p align="left">Clinically the type of pain related to the pelvic girdle differs from that of low back pain, even if the two</p><p align="left">types of pain often occur together. Pathogenesis and etiology of pelvic pain in pregnancy is unclear. The</p><p align="left">article draws attention to biomedical as well as sociocultural factors associated with the phenomenon.</p><p align="left">Some Nordic prevalence data, among them the Norwegian questionnaire study "Pregnancy and Work" are</p><p>used as illustrations. The article suggests areas for further research.</p></span></span></p>