Journal articles: 'Blame'

1

Bernáth, László. "Blame and Fault: Toward a New Conative Theory of Blame." Disputatio 12, no. 59 (December 1, 2020): 371–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/disp-2020-0018.

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Abstract This paper outlines a new conative theory of blame. I argue that the best-known conative approaches to blame (Scanlon 1998, 2008, Sher 2006a) misrepresent the cognitive and dispositional components of blame. Section 1 argues, against Scanlon and Sher, that blaming involves the judgment that an act or state is the fault of the blamed. I also propose an alternative dispositional condition on which blaming only occurs if it matters to the blamer whether the blamed gets the punishment that she deserves. In Section 2, I discuss objections to judgment-based accounts of blame (that they cannot tell the difference between blaming and judging to be blameworthy, that they cannot explain why blame is often accompanied by emotion, and that they cannot make sense of irrational blame), and I argue that my proposal can handle all of them.

2

Li, Feng, Haipeng Jia, Ziyi Cai, Sihai Liu, Xuesong Lu, Xinyi Zeng, and Paul S. F. Yip. "Putting the Blame on Others in Suicide Notes From Shanghai and Wuhan, China." Crisis 41, no. 6 (November 2020): 469–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/0227-5910/a000677.

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Abstract. Background: Suicide note leavers sometimes blame others for their death. The blame could reveal extrinsic suicide risk factors and thus countermeasures may be ascertained. Aims: This study included suicide note leavers in Shanghai and Wuhan ( n = 555) to examine (a) who was inclined to put the blame (b) on whom and (c) for what reason(s). Method: Logistic regressions were used to compare the note leavers who blamed others with those who did not. Cramer's V tests were used to examine the correlations between the note leavers' demographics and the targets of the blame. Results: Note leavers who used poisoning and cutting were more likely to blame others compared with those who used jumping, drowning, and hanging. Non-native note leavers tended to more frequently blame social problems and their workplaces compared with the natives. The common reasons for the blame on nonfamily members, children, and lovers/spouses were being mistakenly blamed for something, being disobedient, and having conflicts/hatred, respectively. Limitations: Some blame could have been made under the influence of psychiatric disorder/substances, and thus potentially deviated from the facts. Conclusion: Emotional/marriage consultations and family-therapy services should be made available to females experiencing love/family crises. Mental health services in the workplace could help reduce suicide risks.

3

Dudleston, Keith E. "Blame the ‘blame culture'." Psychiatrist 37, no. 8 (August 2013): 276. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.37.8.276.

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4

Heath, Kathleen Carson, Hugh Donnan, and Gerald W. Halpin. "ATTRIBUTIONS FOR BLAME AND RESPONSIBILITY AMONG FEMALE INCEST VICTIMS." Social Behavior and Personality: an international journal 18, no. 1 (January 1, 1990): 157–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2224/sbp.1990.18.1.157.

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Attributions concerning blame and responsibility for incest were assessed prior to therapy among 40 female victims. Also, relationships between causal attributions and emotional distress were investigated. Assessments of blame as attributed to “offender”, “victim”, “society”, and “situation” were obtained and correlated with measures of anxiety, depression, and hostility. Beliefs about responsibility for resolution of the incest problem were assessed and delineated also. An ANOVA on blame scores revealed a significant main effect (F = 78.62, df = 3, 117 p < .0001). Comparison procedures indicated the victims blamed the offender (p < .01) more than society, the situation, or the victim. However, there was no difference between societal and situational blame. Society and the situation were blamed (p < .01) more than the victim. No significant correlations between the blame attributions and distress levels were found. Victims' beliefs concerning responsibility for resolution of the incest problem were analyzed. An ANOVA performed on “offender”, “victim”, “society”, and “situational” responsibility items did not yield a significant main effect.

5

Bogart, Kathleen R., Nicole M. Rosa, and Michael L. Slepian. "Born that way or became that way: Stigma toward congenital versus acquired disability." Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 22, no. 4 (April 12, 2018): 594–612. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430218757897.

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Stigma may differ depending on the timing of group-membership entry, whether a person was “born that way” or “became that way.” Disability, a highly understudied minority group, varies on this domain. Three studies demonstrated that congenital disability is more stigmatized than acquired disability and essentialism and blame moderate and mediate this effect. Congenital disability was more stigmatized than the acquired version of the same disability (Studies 1–2). People with congenital disability were more essentialized, but less blamed than people with acquired disability (Study 2). Manipulating onset and essentialism revealed that when disability was acquired, low essentialism predicted greater stigma through blame (Study 3). However, when disability was congenital, essentialism did not affect stigma through blame. For stigmatized groups unlikely to be blamed for their group membership, reducing essentialism could ameliorate stigma, but for groups that might be blamed for their group membership, increasing essentialism may be a tool to reduce stigma by reducing blame.

6

O'Connor, Nick, Beth Kotze, and Murray Wright. "Blame and Accountability 1: Understanding Blame and Blame Pathologies." Australasian Psychiatry 19, no. 2 (April 2011): 113–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3109/10398562.2011.562296.

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7

Todd, Patrick, and Brian Rabern. "The Paradox of Self-Blame." American Philosophical Quarterly 59, no. 2 (April 1, 2022): 111–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/21521123.59.2.01.

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Abstract It is widely accepted that there is what has been called a non-hypocrisy norm on the appropriateness of moral blame; roughly, one has standing to blame only if one is not guilty of the very offence one seeks to criticize. Our acceptance of this norm is embodied in the common retort to criticism, “Who are you to blame me?” But there is a paradox lurking behind this commonplace norm. If it is always inappropriate for x to blame y for a wrong that x has committed, then all cases in which x blames x (i.e., cases of self-blame) are rendered inappropriate. But it seems to be ethical common-sense that we are often, sadly, in position (indeed, excellent, privileged position) to blame ourselves for our own moral failings. And thus, we have a paradox: a conflict between the inappropriateness of hypocritical blame, and the appropriateness of self-blame. We consider several ways of resolving the paradox and contend none is as defensible as a position that simply accepts it: we should never blame ourselves. In defending this starting position, we defend a crucial distinction between self-blame and guilt.

8

Lad, Lawrence J., Susan B. Hughes, and Barbara Howes. "Taking Blame or Shifting Blame." Proceedings of the International Association for Business and Society 5 (1994): 1089–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/iabsproc1994591.

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9

Griffiths, Matt. "Fair blame, not no blame." Nursing Standard 31, no. 44 (June 28, 2017): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.7748/ns.31.44.28.s27.

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10

Liang, Shuailong, Olivia Nicol, and Yue Zhang. "Who Blames Whom in a Crisis? Detecting Blame Ties from News Articles Using Neural Networks." Proceedings of the AAAI Conference on Artificial Intelligence 33 (July 17, 2019): 655–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1609/aaai.v33i01.3301655.

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Blame games tend to follow major disruptions, be they financial crises, natural disasters or terrorist attacks. To study how the blame game evolves and shapes the dominant crisis narratives is of great significance, as sense-making processes can affect regulatory outcomes, social hierarchies, and cultural norms. However, it takes tremendous time and efforts for social scientists to manually examine each relevant news article and extract the blame ties (A blames B). In this study, we define a new task, Blame Tie Extraction, and construct a new dataset related to the United States financial crisis (20072010) from The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal and USA Today. We build a Bi-directional Long Short-Term Memory (BiLSTM) network for contexts where the entities appear in and it learns to automatically extract such blame ties at the document level. Leveraging the large unsupervised model such as GloVe and ELMo, our best model achieves an F1 score of 70% on the test set for blame tie extraction, making it a useful tool for social scientists to extract blame ties more efficiently.

11

Gay, Elizabeth. "Blame." New England Journal of Medicine 383, no. 1 (July 2, 2020): 9–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1056/nejmp2000393.

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12

Rousseau, Paul. "Blame." Palliative and Supportive Care 9, no. 3 (August 15, 2011): 335–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1478951511000290.

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13

Duthie, Elizabeth A. "Blame." Nursing Management (Springhouse) 49, no. 11 (November 2018): 18–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/01.numa.0000547256.76967.9e.

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14

Lee, Alan. "Don'T Blame Me, Blame My Genes!" Police Journal: Theory, Practice and Principles 69, no. 3 (July 1996): 265–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032258x9606900313.

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15

Donovan, Roxanne A. "To Blame or Not To Blame." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 22, no. 6 (June 2007): 722–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886260507300754.

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16

Russell, Brenda, Shane W. Kraus, Kristine M. Chapleau, and Debra Oswald. "Perceptions of Blame in Intimate Partner Violence: The Role of the Perpetrator’s Ability to Arouse Fear of Injury in the Victim." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 34, no. 5 (May 3, 2016): 1089–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886260516646999.

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Men are more likely to be blamed more for intimate partner violence (IPV) than are women who commit the same offense. However, because men are typically stronger and perceived as more physically aggressive than women are, perpetrator sex is confounded with masculinity and the ability to arouse fear in the victim. This study disentangled the construct of gender in understanding bystanders’ attributions of blame in IPV. Participants ( N = 639) read a scenario in which the perpetrator’s sex (male/female) and gender identity (masculine/feminine), and the victim’s sex (male/female) were manipulated and rated how much they blamed the perpetrator and the perpetrator’s ability to arouse fear of injury in the victim. Results showed that male perpetrators (regardless of gender identity) who assaulted a female victim were attributed the most blame and were perceived as having the greatest ability to arouse victim fear. In contrast, feminine female perpetrators were attributed the least blame and perceived as arousing the least victim fear regardless of the victim’s gender. Furthermore, controlling for the perpetrator’s ability to arouse fear in the victim resulted in the elimination of the interaction effects for blame. This finding suggests that perpetrators’ ability to arouse fear is an underlying factor in bystanders’ attributions of blame.

17

Hyman, William A. "Blame the User or Blame the Design?" Biomedical Safety & Standards 49, no. 14 (August 15, 2019): 105–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/01.bmsas.0000576732.06276.c1.

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18

Meehan, Daniella. "Is Epistemic Blame Distinct from Moral Blame?" Logos & Episteme 10, no. 2 (2019): 183–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/logos-episteme201910216.

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In contemporary epistemology, recent attempts have been made to resist the notion of epistemic blame. This view, which I refer to as ‘epistemic blame skepticism,’ seems to challenge the notion of epistemic blame by reducing apparent cases of the phenomenon to examples of moral or practical blame. The purpose of this paper is to defend the notion of epistemic blame against a reductionist objection to epistemic blame, offered by Trent Dougherty in “Reducing Responsibility.” This paper will object to Dougherty’s position by examining an account in favour of epistemic blame and demonstrate concerns over the reductionist methodology employed by Dougherty to argue for his sceptical position.

19

Puska, Pekka. "Blame the patients or blame the politicians?" International Journal of Public Health 52, no. 6 (December 2007): 331–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00038-007-0229-y.

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20

Gurnham, David. "Victim-blame as a symptom of rape myth acceptance? Another look at how young people in England understand sexual consent." Legal Studies 36, no. 2 (June 2016): 258–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lest.12107.

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There is no doubt that being ‘critical’ about victim-blame requires ensuring first that it is the perpetrator and not the victim who is held responsible for sexual offending. At the same time, engagement with this topic requires critical acuity as to how victim-blame is identified, and to the boundary between raising legitimate questions about the presence or absence of consent in less than ideal circumstances, and falling back on to myths and stereotypes that are unfair to complainants and damaging to victims. This paper identifies and critiques three purported intersections of rape myths and victim-blame that have gained widespread acknowledgement within feminist legal studies: first, that a woman is blamed for voluntarily putting herself into circumstances in which ‘rape happens’; secondly, that a woman is blamed for ‘miscommunicating’ her refusal; and, thirdly, that consent is wrongly understood to have been given in circumstances where a woman in fact lacked the freedom to do so. This critique of methodological and analytical approaches to identifying victim-blame as a symptom of rape myth acceptance focuses on research published recently by the Office of the Children's Commissioner,‘“Sex Without Consent, I Suppose That Is Rape”: How Young People in England Understand Sexual Consent’.

21

Toews, Kelsi, Jorden A. Cummings, and Jessica L. Zagrodney. "Mother Blame and the Just World Theory in Child Sexual Abuse Cases." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 34, no. 21-22 (November 10, 2016): 4661–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886260516675922.

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Mothers are blamed for a variety of negative experiences and outcomes of their children, including child sexual abuse (CSA). According to just world hypothesis (JWH), people have a need to view the world as one where there is no such thing as an innocent victim; that is, the world is fair and just. These beliefs predict victim blaming in situations such as sexual abuse, physical abuse, and robbery. However, JWH has not been applied to the examination of mother blame, a situation in which the blame target did not directly experience the traumatic event. We examined this application in two studies: (a) a thematic analysis of focus group discussions and (b) a correlational study. Across both studies, participants identified personal characteristics of the mother that either increased or decreased blame, consistent with JWH. However, when directly asked, most participants denied holding just world beliefs, particularly as related to child sexual abuse. Our results indicate that methodological choices might affect results, and that socially constructed views of “ideal mothers” influence mother blame. We discuss implications for validity of just world theory (JWT), methodological choices, and reduction of mother blame.

22

Bates, Jane. "Blame game." Nursing Standard 29, no. 49 (August 5, 2015): 26–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.7748/ns.29.49.26.s26.

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23

Lee, Thomas A. "Blame Luca." Accounting, Auditing & Accountability Journal 35, no. 6 (August 3, 2022): 1489–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aaaj-08-2022-170.

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24

Mendes, Aysha. "Beyond blame." Journal of Paramedic Practice 13, no. 8 (August 2, 2021): 315. http://dx.doi.org/10.12968/jpar.2021.13.8.315.

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25

Abel, Gregory. "Blame Scheme." JAMA 326, no. 1 (July 6, 2021): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/jama.2021.7392.

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26

Chislenko. "CAUSAL BLAME." American Philosophical Quarterly 58, no. 4 (2021): 347. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/48619319.

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27

Lipley, Nick. "Beyond blame." Nursing Standard 15, no. 45 (July 25, 2001): 12–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.7748/ns.15.45.12.s31.

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28

Bourgholtzer, Frank. "Blame Truman." Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 58, no. 6 (November 1, 2002): 101–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.2968/058006019.

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29

Bryant, Wayne M. "Blame Canada." Journal of Bisexuality 1, no. 4 (May 4, 2001): 137–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j159v01n04_11.

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30

Terrance, Cheryl, Karyn Plumm, and Betsi Little. "Maternal Blame." Violence Against Women 14, no. 8 (August 2008): 870–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077801208321331.

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31

Kritikou, Ekat. "Blame ROS." Nature Reviews Molecular Cell Biology 7, no. 6 (May 17, 2006): 385. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/nrm1947.

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32

Breithaupt, Holger. "Blame games." EMBO reports 4, no. 9 (September 2003): 819. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/sj.embor.embor926.

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33

Gardner, Joby. "Placed Blame." Urban Education 46, no. 4 (April 12, 2011): 588–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042085911399792.

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34

Gurdal, Mehmet Y., Joshua B. Miller, and Aldo Rustichini. "Why Blame?" Journal of Political Economy 121, no. 6 (December 2013): 1205–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/674409.

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35

Harker, Debra, Michael Harker, and Stuart Svensen. "Attributing Blame." Journal of Food Products Marketing 13, no. 2 (May 17, 2007): 33–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j038v13n02_03.

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36

Burrows, Alan. "Blame culture." World Pumps 2004, no. 448 (January 2004): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0262-1762(04)00039-2.

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37

Pickard, H. "Irrational blame." Analysis 73, no. 4 (September 5, 2013): 613–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/analys/ant075.

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38

Thorniley-Walker, Robert. "Climate blame." New Scientist 212, no. 2843 (December 2011): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0262-4079(11)63089-3.

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39

Bates, Jane. "Blame game." Nursing Standard 26, no. 1 (September 7, 2011): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.7748/ns.26.1.25.s29.

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40

Bashir, Omar S., and Darren J. Lim. "Misplaced Blame." Journal of Conflict Resolution 57, no. 3 (August 2012): 509–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002712453710.

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41

Purkert, Ben. "Blame Game." Ploughshares 40, no. 1 (2014): 160. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/plo.2014.0007.

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42

Driver, Julia. "Private Blame." Criminal Law and Philosophy 10, no. 2 (February 26, 2015): 215–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11572-015-9368-z.

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43

Shibles, Warren. "Reformatory blame." Journal of Rational-Emotive Therapy 5, no. 4 (1987): 266–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01073817.

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44

Balzacq, Thierry, and Elise Rousseau. "Blame and Complicity in International Relations: Making Non-intervention Morally Bearable." European Review of International Studies 7, no. 2-3 (December 17, 2020): 293–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21967415-bja10025.

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Abstract On various occasions, states have condemned other nations or groups for mass atrocities they commit; but this rarely leads to any step to redress the untoward situation. This article therefore asks: What functions does blame serve when the blamers lack – or are reluctant to use – the power or authority to punish transgressors? Unlike approaches that focus on the effects of blaming on the wrongdoer, we argue that openly attributing responsibility for wrongdoings to another state or non-state actor has become a normative strategy to shape the way a government is perceived domestically and abroad. Specifically, international blame serves two main objectives: an immediate, communicative function, that is, to express moral protest, and a future-oriented purpose, that is, to dispel future indictment of complicity. We suggest that a corollary of this normative strategy is to make non-intervention morally acceptable. Thus, while in principle the blamer might stand up for the violated norm and value the victims, the strategic use of blame tends to legitimate inaction, by diverting attention away from blaming’s deontic commitments. The article therefore warns against the instrumental use of blame as an act of supererogation (that is, an act that is not compulsory but whose performance is praiseworthy), and as a form of moral clearance (whereby the blamer acknowledges the issue but leaves responsibility for finding solution to the international society). Rather, while blaming ascribes responsibility for the act to an agent, we argue, it also puts the blamer in a specific moral situation: the necessity to take measures that interrupt the unfolding action. Our analysis leads us to put forward a plausible norm that broadens the scope of complicity in international politics: states become complicit in the wrongdoing of other actors (states or non-states) whenever they violate moral obligations that blaming demands. In other words, to blame is to commit oneself to act, though the exact nature of this action varies.

45

Krisagbedo, E. C., C. U. Agbedo, A. K. Abubakar, and Y. Ibrahim. "Electoral Defeat, Conversational Practices of Blame and Avoidance of Responsibility in Nigerian Media Political Discourses." Theory and Practice in Language Studies 11, no. 4 (April 1, 2021): 430–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/tpls.1104.13.

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This paper addresses electoral defeat suffered by the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) at the 2015 presidential polls and the communicative character of blame and avoidance of responsibility as evident in the Nigerian media political discourses. Discourse analysts are yet to study the linguistic aspects of blame and avoidance of responsibility in great details. This work is intended as a contribution towards filling this lacuna in knowledge by examining the conversational discursive practices adopted by Nigerian politicians in the circumstances of blame risk to achieve the twin goals of positive self-presentation and consolidation of political capital (Hansson, 2015). Some PDP members enlisted the discursive strategies of blame avoidance, in which blames and denials are carefully and strategically planned to serve positive self-representation (semantic macro-strategy of in-group favouritism) and negative other-representation, that is, semantic macro-strategy of derogation of out-group, (https://www.hse.ru/en/). We illustrate the linguistic mechanism of blame and avoidance of responsibility and how it thrives as a dominant recurrent theme in conflict talk and public communication discourses. The findings tend to enrich and enliven the literature on discourse studies and by extension open fresh vistas of critical research into language use in politics.

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Kim, Jaejoong, and Bumseok Jeong. "Expecting social punishment facilitates control over a decision under uncertainty by recruiting medial prefrontal cortex." Social Cognitive and Affective Neuroscience 15, no. 11 (November 1, 2020): 1260–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/scan/nsaa145.

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Abstract In many decision-making situations, sub-optimal choices are increased by uncertainty. However, when wrong choices could lead to social punishment, such as blame, people might try to improve their performance by minimizing sub-optimal choices, which could be achieved by increasing the subjective cost of errors, thereby globally reducing decision noise or reducing an uncertainty-induced component of decision noise. In this functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) study, 46 participants performed a choice task in which the probability of a correct choice with a given cue and the conditional probability of blame feedback (by making an incorrect choice) changed continuously. By comparing computational models of behaviour, we found that participants optimized their performance by preferentially reducing a component of decision noise associated with uncertainty. Simultaneously, expecting blame significantly deteriorated participants’ mood. Model-based fMRI analyses and dynamic causal modelling indicate that the optimization mechanism based on the expectation of being blamed would be controlled by a neural circuit centred on the right medial prefrontal cortex. These results show novel behavioural and neural mechanisms regarding how humans optimize uncertain decisions under the expectation of being blamed.

47

Heinkelmann‐Wild, Tim, and Bernhard Zangl. "Multilevel blame games: Blame‐shifting in the European Union." Governance 33, no. 4 (November 12, 2019): 953–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/gove.12459.

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48

Wright, Valerie, and Heather M. Washington. "The blame game: news, blame, and young homicide victims." Sociological Focus 51, no. 4 (April 5, 2018): 350–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00380237.2018.1457934.

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49

Lupton, Ben, and Richard Warren. "Managing Without Blame? Insights from the Philosophy of Blame." Journal of Business Ethics 152, no. 1 (September 2, 2016): 41–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10551-016-3276-6.

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50

Aramburu, Beatriz, and Barbara C. Leigh. "For Better or Worse: Attributions about Drunken Aggression Toward Male and Female Victims." Violence and Victims 6, no. 1 (January 1991): 31–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0886-6708.6.1.31.

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Research on attributions about drunken violence has suggested that intoxication serves to decrease responsibility attributed to aggressors while increasing responsibility attributed to victims. In this study, we used a scenario depicting a violent interaction in which intoxication of aggressor and victim and victim sex were varied. Subjects made attributions of blame, causality, responsibility, and normative judgments about aggressor and victim. In general, drunkenness made things worse for the intoxicated person in terms of observers’ judgments: A drunken aggressor was blamed more than a sober aggressor, an intoxicated victim—whether male or female—was blamed more than a sober victim, and aggression toward a drunken victim was rated as more acceptable than aggression toward a sober victim. Results are discussed in terms of the use of alcohol intoxication as a gender-independent cue to blame the victim, and the increasing societal disapproval of drunkenness.

Journal articles on the topic 'Blame'

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