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1
Frankel, Jeffrey A. Yen bloc or dollar bloc: Exchange rate policies of the East Asian economies. Birmingham: University of Birmingham, International Finance Group, 1992.
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2
United, States Congress House Committee on Small Business Subcommittee on Regulation Business Opportunities and Energy. Pacific Northwest trade with the Eastern Bloc: Opportunities and obstacles for timber and electronics : hearing before the Subcommittee on Regulatation, Business Opportunities, and Energy of the Committee on Small Business, House of Representatives, One Hundred First Congress, second session, Portland, OR, February 12, 1990. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1990.
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4
Asean Free Trade Area: Trading Bloc or Building Block. Agps Press Publication, 1997.
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5
Ahuja, Amit. Mobilizing the Marginalized. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190916428.001.0001.
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In India, a young democratic system has undermined the legitimacy of a two-thousand-year-old social system that excluded and humiliated an entire people by treating them as untouchables. This incomplete, but irreversible change in Indian society and politics has been authored by the mobilization of some of the most marginalized citizens in the world and counts as one of the most significant achievements of Indian democracy. Dalits, the former untouchables in India, who number over 200 million, have been mobilized by social movements and political parties, but their mobilization is puzzling. Dalits’ parties perform poorly in elections in states historically home to movements demanding social equality while they do well in other states where such movements have been weak or entirely absent. For Dalits, collective action in the social sphere appears to undermine rather than bolster collective action in the electoral sphere. Mobilizing the Marginalized shows how social movements by marginalized ethnic groups—those who are stigmatized by others and disproportionately poor—undermine bloc voting to generate competition for marginalized citizens’ votes across political parties. The book presents evidence showing that a marginalized group gains more from participating in a social movement and dividing support among parties than from voting en bloc for an ethnic party.
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Seger, Paul. The Law of Neutrality. Edited by Andrew Clapham and Paola Gaeta. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780199559695.003.0010.
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This chapter examines the law of neutrality in international armed conflict. It explains that the law of neutrality is a law emanating from the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries but has never been formally adapted since the Hague Conventions of 1907. It discusses the core duty of a neutral state which is to refrain from supporting warring parties through military means and its right to require the states in conflict to respect its neutrality, including its neutral territory. This chapter also considers the concepts of temporary and permanent neutrality and considers the distinction of neutral states from non-belligerent, non-aligned or ‘bloc free’ states.
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Kilson, Martin. Analysis of Black American Voters in Barack Obama’s Victory. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252036453.003.0003.
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This chapter probes the electoral attributes of a special political dynamic that contributed significantly to Barack Obama's victory in both the 2008 Democratic primary contests and in the national presidential election. That special political dynamic involved the unique contribution of African American voters (hereafter referred to as the Black Voter Bloc or BVB) in facilitating Obama's election as the first African American President of the United States. It argues that the BVB played a critical electoral role in the Obama campaign's delegate count victory in the Democratic primaries by early July 2008 and in the Obama–Biden Democratic ticket's victory over the McCain–Palin Republican ticket in the November 4, 2008, presidential election.
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Trencsényi, Balázs, Michal Kopeček, Luka Lisjak Gabrijelčič, Maria Falina, Mónika Baár, and Maciej Janowski. Stalinism and De-Stalinization. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198737155.003.0009.
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By 1948, a full-fledged Stalinist dictatorship was introduced all over the region. Socialist realism became an official aesthetic ideology; in historiography, in most cases it was the national Romantic vision that was extolled as “progressive,” but there were also attempts to claim the progressive character of a strong central state power. Independent reflection on Stalinism was only possible either in exile or in the private sphere. After Stalin’s death, however, criticism started to appear, digging more and more into hitherto banned cultural, economic, and historical topics. In 1956 the dramatic events in Hungary and Poland triggered a wave of reflections on the limits of resistance. Yugoslavia, breaking with the Soviet bloc in 1948, followed a different trajectory; however, this did not lead to a lack of repressions towards dissidents, such as Milovan Đilas, whose theory of the “new class” was to have an enormous impact in the region and beyond.
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Imlay, Talbot C. International Socialism at War, 1914–1918. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199641048.003.0002.
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This chapter examines the efforts of European socialists to revive and recast the Socialist International after August 1914. In so doing, it challenges the view that socialist internationalism suffered a deadly blow on the outbreak of war. Almost from the beginning, socialists from different parties met to discuss various aspects of the war. Although these meetings were initially limited to socialists from the same alliance bloc, over time the pressure mounted to organize an international socialist conference that would bridge the belligerent split. During the war, the French, German, and (to a lesser extent) British parties grew increasingly divided over the question of whether to favour a negotiated or victorious end to the war. As divisions deepened, socialists closely followed developments in other parties, with factions in one party drawing inspiration from those in others in what amounted to a struggle to define the meaning of socialist internationalism.
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Selvage, Douglas. The Truth About Friendship Treaties: Behind The Iron Curtain. Edited by Dan Stone. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199560981.013.0016.
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The basic, legal building blocks for the Soviet sphere of influence during the Cold War were the bilateral ‘Treaties of Friendship, Cooperation, and Mutual Assistance’ between the states of East Central Europe and the Soviet Union. Germany was the main potential enemy, but the treaties also applied to any state allied with it or any third state in general – most importantly, the United States. This article traces the evolution of the East Central European states' limited sovereignty from the origins of the friendship-treaty system during World War II through to its final reformulation in the mid-1970s. In terms of the Soviet bloc friendship treaties, one can speak of three periodsm the first of which began with the establishment of the system of friendship treaties under Soviet dictator Joseph Stalin, 1943–1948, and ended with his death in 1953. A second period began after Stalin's death in 1953 and the eventual assumption of power by Soviet leader Nikita S. Khrushchev, whose removal ushered in a third and final period for the friendship-treaty system under his successor, Leonid Brezhnev.
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Middell, Matthias. 1989. Edited by Stephen A. Smith. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199602056.013.044.
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The essay argues that the story of 1989 can be told either as a narrow or a wide story. The narrow story focuses on the end of communism, the unification of Germany, and the subsequent integration of former communist states into the European Union. It works especially well for Central and Eastern Europe, although it also has implications for regimes in Africa that relied on Soviet support. However, it also requires considerable qualification, given the survival of communist regimes in China, Vietnam, Cuba, and elsewhere. In the second, wide version of the story, 1989 brings to visibility processes that had been at work for several decades, undermining the power blocs of the Cold War era and the territorially defined polities on which the system of international relations rested. In this story 1989 is of as much relevance to the West as to the former Eastern Bloc. The essay looks at both stories in relation to Gorbachev and perestroika, the US role in the end of the Cold War, German unification, the singing revolution in the Baltic, and 1989 in China and Cuba.
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Schneider, Axel, and Daniel Woolf. Editors’ Introduction. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199225996.003.0001.
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This concluding volume in The Oxford History of Historical Writing covers a very small period in comparison with some of its companions: barely two‐thirds of a century. As with the other volumes, the boundary dates are both fluid and imprecise: 1945 is a watershed date for the world in the sense that it marked the end of the Second World War and the division of Europe into a Western and an Eastern bloc. Elsewhere in the world, other dates are more meaningful: for China, 1949 is the critical year; and in much of Africa the decolonization of the 1950s and 1960s marked a significant rupture with past, colonial historiography. Unlike the earlier volumes, our period is also an unfinished one, for though some obvious sub‐periods are broken at points such as the early 1960s, the fall of European communism at the end of the 1980s, and the rapid rise of both globalization and radical Islam during the 1990s, it is difficult to predict, in early 2010 as this introduction is written, just where the story of post‐war historiography will end, or how. What ...
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Moore, Christopher. Calling Philosophers Names. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691195056.001.0001.
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This book provides a fresh account of the origins of the term philosophos or “philosopher” in ancient Greece. Tracing the evolution of the word's meaning over its first two centuries, the book shows how it first referred to aspiring political sages and advice-givers, then to avid conversationalists about virtue, and finally to investigators who focused on the scope and conditions of those conversations. Questioning the familiar view that philosophers from the beginning “loved wisdom” or merely “cultivated their intellect,” the book shows that they were instead mocked as laughably unrealistic for thinking that their incessant talking and study would earn them social status or political and moral authority. Taking a new approach to the history of early Greek philosophy, the book seeks to understand who were called philosophoi or “philosophers” and why, and how the use of and reflections on the word contributed to the rise of a discipline. The book demonstrates that a word that began in part as a wry reference to a far-flung political bloc came, hardly a century later, to mean a life of determined self-improvement based on research, reflection, and deliberation. Early philosophy dedicated itself to justifying its own dubious-seeming enterprise. And this original impulse to seek legitimacy holds novel implications for understanding the history of the discipline and its influence.
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Petho, Ágnes, ed. Caught In-Between. Edinburgh University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474435499.001.0001.
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This collection of essays explores intermediality as a new perspective in the interpretation of the cinemas that have emerged after the collapse of the former Eastern Bloc. As an aesthetic based on a productive interaction of media and highlighting cinema's relationship with the other arts, intermediality always implies a state of in-betweenness which is capable of registering tensions and ambivalences that go beyond the realm of media. The comparative analyses of films from Hungary, Romania, Poland, the Czech Republic, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Russia demonstrate that intermediality can be employed in this way as a form of introspection dealing with complex issues of art and society. Appearing in a variety of sensuous or intellectual modes, intermediality can become an effective poetic strategy to communicate how the cultures of the region are caught in-between East and West, past and present, emotional turmoil and more detached self-awareness. Through different theoretical approaches and thematic focuses, the book attempts to contribute to the understanding of intermedial phenomena in contemporary cinema as a whole by mapping meaningful areas of in-betweenness including the intermedial and interart relations in-between cinema, music, theatre, photography, painting, sculpture, literature, language and the new, digital technologies of the moving image.
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Nassauer, Anne. Situational Breakdowns. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190922061.001.0001.
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This book provides an account of how and why routine interactions break down and how such situational breakdowns lead to protest violence and other types of surprising social outcomes. It takes a close-up look at the dynamic processes of how situations unfold and compares their role to that of motivations, strategies, and other contextual factors. The book discusses factors that can draw us into violent situations and describes how and why we make uncommon individual and collective decisions. Covering different types of surprise outcomes from protest marches and uprisings turning violent to robbers failing to rob a store at gunpoint, it shows how unfolding situations can override our motivations and strategies and how emotions and culture, as well as rational thinking, still play a part in these events. The first chapters study protest violence in Germany and the United States from 1960 until 2010, taking a detailed look at what happens between the start of a protest and the eruption of violence or its peaceful conclusion. They compare the impact of such dynamics to the role of police strategies and culture, protesters’ claims and violent motivations, the black bloc and agents provocateurs. The analysis shows how violence is triggered, what determines its intensity, and which measures can avoid its outbreak. The book explores whether we find similar situational patterns leading to surprising outcomes in other types of small- and large-scale events: uprisings turning violent, such as Ferguson in 2014 and Baltimore in 2015, and failed armed store robberies.