Journal articles on the topic 'Blues Brothers'

In The Souls of Black Folk (1903) W. E. B. Du Bois described African American music as a “gift” to America, contesting the tendency to regard white interest in black culture as appropriation or theft. Yet this metaphor invoked the complex circuits of indebtedness and obligation that are intrinsic to gift exchange in anthropological accounts of the practice, challenging white recipients of the gift to make adequate response. This challenge is most systematically addressed in a sequence of films that tell stories about white enthusiasm for the blues. The Blues Brothers (1980), Crossroads (1986), Blues Brothers 2000 (1998) and Black Snake Moan (2006) depict the blues as a gift and explore how whites might appropriately acknowledge and reciprocate for receiving it in a culture distorted by racial inequalities. The films develop a distinct set of narrative conventions for handling the politics of racial obligation, vacillating between seeing black music as a transracial cultural resource on the one hand and as a racially defined, inalienable possession of African Americans on the other. Using these same conventions, Honeydripper (2007) invites us to see the process of cultural exchange from a different perspective in which the problematic status of the blues as racialized property is diminished.

Abstract This article argues that Suzan-Lori Parks’ Pulitzer-prize winning play Topdog/Underdog (1999) mobilizes a conspiracy theory concept of anti-black violence in America. The highly discursive play depicts a pair of black brothers named Lincoln and Booth as they banter, argue, and compete with each other over games of three-card monte. In the final scene of the play, the brothers fulfil the destiny inscribed in their names: Booth shoots and kills his brother Lincoln after a dispute over their meager inheritance. The play frames this final act of brutal fratricide as a form of political assassination in order to activate the rescaling that comes with a conspiracy theory lexicon: Topdog/Underdog formulates a generative and radically resistant conspiratorial conception of anti-black violence that ultimately enables a genuine confrontation with the origins and structures of racialized oppression. The play thus belongs to a lineage of works by black writers that have wielded a paranoid aesthetic in order to galvanize a revolutionary opposition to the structures of racial oppression. This tradition includes authors such as W. E. B. Du Bois, Richard Wright, and, most explicitly, John A. Williams, whose novel The Man Who Cried I Am (1967) emerges in the article as a precedent for the conspiratorial racial politics of Parks’s play. In its own interpretation of paranoid anti-racist critique, Topdog/Underdog elaborates a concept of conspiracy without intentionality whose hierarchies, despite being beyond the parameters of any single individual or collective entity’s agency, can nonetheless be undermined and, ultimately, toppled.

Based on a recent, archival discovery of the script, “But Amen is the Price” is the first substantive writing about James Baldwin’s collaboration with Ray Charles, Cicely Tyson, and others in a performance of musical and dramatic pieces. Titled by Baldwin, “The Hallelujah Chorus” was performed in two shows at Carnegie Hall in New York City on 1 July 1973. The essay explores how the script and presentation of the material, at least in Baldwin’s mind, represented a call for people to more fully involve themselves in their own and in each other’s lives. In lyrical interludes and dramatic excerpts from his classic work, “Sonny’s Blues,” Baldwin addressed divisions between neighbors, brothers, and strangers, as well as people’s dissociations from themselves in contemporary American life. In solo and ensemble songs, both instrumental and vocal, Ray Charles’s music evinced an alternative to the tradition of Americans’ evasion of each other. Charles’s sound meant to signify the history and possibility of people’s attainment of presence in intimate, social, and political venues of experience. After situating the performance in Baldwin’s personal life and public worldview at the time and detailing the structure and content of the performance itself, “But Amen is the Price” discusses the largely negative critical response as a symptom faced by much of Baldwin’s other work during the era, responses that attempted to guard “aesthetics” generally—be they literary, dramatic, or musical—as class-blind, race-neutral, and apolitical. The essay presents “The Hallelujah Chorus” as a key moment in Baldwin’s search for a musical/literary form, a way to address, as he put it, “the person and the people,” in open contention with the social and political pressures of the time.

The blues genre is commonly (and not incorrectly) regarded as a key marker of African-American identity and one with ‘deep’ (folk, or ‘down home’) roots. But this status is inadequately understood unless it is placed in a context of inter-racial exchange, in which ‘roots’ are a product of a complex transaction between ‘modernity’ and ‘tradition’. This territory is explored in terms of a thematics of loss, nostalgia and trauma, evident both in blues content and in the historical structure of revival to which the genre has been continually subject. A useful background is the film O Brother, Where Art Thou?, a nostalgic celebration of nostalgia with a blues/bluegrass inter-racial dimension, and a productive theoretical framework is provided by Lacan's approach to fantasy, loss and nostalgia.

The webs of musical connection are essential to the harmony and cohesion of James Baldwin’s “Sonny’s Blues.” As a result, we must explore the spectrum of musical references Baldwin makes to unveil their delicate conjunctions. It is vital to probe the traditions of African-American music—Spirituals, Blues, Jazz, and Pop—to get a more comprehensive sense of how Baldwin makes use of music from the sacred and secular continuum in the African-American community. Looking more closely at the variety of African-American musical genres to which Baldwin refers in the story, we can discern even more the nuances of unity that Baldwin creates in his story through musical allusions, and shed greater light on Baldwin’s exploration of the complexities of African-American life and music, all of which have as their core elements of human isolation, loneliness, and despair ameliorated by artistic expression, hope, and the search for familial ties. Through musical intertextuality, Baldwin demonstrates not only how closely related seemingly disparate (in the Western tradition) musical genres are, but also shows that the elements of the community that these genres flow from and represent are much more in synchronization than they sometimes seem or are allowed to be. To realize kinship across familial (Creole), socio-economic (the brother), and most importantly for this paper appreciation and meanings of musical genres advances to Sonny the communal cup of trembling that is both a mode and an instance of envisioning and treating music in its unifying terms, seeing how they coalesce through a holistic vision.

Abstract A kindred is described in which two brothers with a poikilocytic variant of hereditary elliptocytosis (HE) were found to have a defect of spectrin dimer association and a decreased spectrin-band 3 ratio. Two-dimensional gel electrophoresis of limited tryptic digests of their spectrin revealed decreased amounts of the alpha I domain when compared with control digests and the appearance of two major peptides with mol wts of 43,000 and 42,000 and isoelectric points (5.75 to 5.85) more basic than the alpha I domain. Tryptic digests of spectrin from the asymptomatic mother of the two brothers were normal. Immunoblots of the two-dimensional gels using an antiserum to the alpha I domain revealed that the 43,000- and 42,000-dalton peptides were derived from the alpha I domain, along with a series of lower mol wt peptides, some of which were below the detection limits of Coomassie blue-stained gels. Limit chymotryptic maps of 125I-labeled tryptic peptides confirmed that the 43,000- and 42,000-dalton peptides were derived from the alpha I domain. This kindred represents a new structural variant of spectrin in HE in that the major abnormal tryptic peptides derived from the alpha I domain have lower mol wts and more basic isoelectric points than hitherto described.

A kindred is described in which two brothers with a poikilocytic variant of hereditary elliptocytosis (HE) were found to have a defect of spectrin dimer association and a decreased spectrin-band 3 ratio. Two-dimensional gel electrophoresis of limited tryptic digests of their spectrin revealed decreased amounts of the alpha I domain when compared with control digests and the appearance of two major peptides with mol wts of 43,000 and 42,000 and isoelectric points (5.75 to 5.85) more basic than the alpha I domain. Tryptic digests of spectrin from the asymptomatic mother of the two brothers were normal. Immunoblots of the two-dimensional gels using an antiserum to the alpha I domain revealed that the 43,000- and 42,000-dalton peptides were derived from the alpha I domain, along with a series of lower mol wt peptides, some of which were below the detection limits of Coomassie blue-stained gels. Limit chymotryptic maps of 125I-labeled tryptic peptides confirmed that the 43,000- and 42,000-dalton peptides were derived from the alpha I domain. This kindred represents a new structural variant of spectrin in HE in that the major abnormal tryptic peptides derived from the alpha I domain have lower mol wts and more basic isoelectric points than hitherto described.

AbstractThis article discusses an extraordinary body in popular music, that belonging to the person with anorexia which is also usually a gendered body – female – and that of the singer or frontperson. I explore the relation between the anorexic body and popular music, which is more than simply looking at constructions of anorexia in pop. It involves contextually thinking about the (medical) history and the critical reception and representation, the place of anorexia across the creative industries more widely, and a particular moment when pop played a role in the public awareness of anorexia. Following such context the article looks in more detail at a small number of popular music artists who had experience of anorexia, their stage and media presentations (of it), and how they did or apparently did not explore their experience of it in their own work and public appearances. This close discussion is framed within thinking about the popular music industry's capacity for carelessness, its schedule of pressure and practice of destruction on its own stars, particularly in this instance its female artists. This is an article about a condition and an industry. At its heart is the American singer and drummer Karen Carpenter (1950–1983), a major international pop star in the 1970s, in the Carpenters duo with her brother Richard; the other figures discussed are Scottish child pop star Lena Zavaroni (1963–1999), and the Welsh rock lyricist, stylist and erstwhile guitarist of the Manic Street Preachers, Richey Edwards (1967–1995 missing/2008 officially presumed dead).

Blue Cliffs Station in South Canterbury was taken up by Henry Poingdestre in 1856, 5 years after my great-grandfather, George Rhodes and his brother Robert drove a flock of sheep from Banks Peninsula to The Levels Station to establish the first run in South Canterbury. It was from George that McKenzie famously stole 1000 sheep in 1855 and was caught in the now named Mackenzie Pass, only to escape again into the mist the same night.

212 Soldiers for the Queen: Fijians in the British Army 1961-1997, by David Tough. West Geelong, Victoria: Barralier Book. 360pp. ISBN 9780648355212.WHEN MIKA Vuidravuwalu was asked why he enlisted in the British Army in 1961, he replied: ‘Experience, put on the British Army uniform, and fight for the red, white and blue.’ He added that his brother had served with Fijian forces against the Japanese in the Solomons. Vuidravuwaluwa was one of 212 Fijians who eagerly signed up when the British Army, short of soldiers and specialists, sought recruits from the colonies.

Blood cultures submitted to the Clinical Microbiology Laboratory, Queen Alia Military Hospital, Amman during 1999-2001 were examined to evaluate thermonuclease testing for identifying Staphylococcus aureus in blood culture broths growing gram-positive cocci. Of 170 cultures studied, 129 yielded gram-positive staphylococci and 41 yielded other gram-positive cocci. Toluidine blue-deoxynucleic acid agar plates were used to test for thermonuclease activity. St and ard tube coagulase tests were performed on the isolates. Direct detection of thermonuclease activity in 76 blood culture broths containing gram-positive staphylococci showed 100% correlation with subsequent tube coagulase tests. The thermonuclease test provides a fast, specific and reliable confirmation of S. aureus bacteraemia by direct examination of blood culture broths that contain gram-positive cocci. This allows for timely, optimal antibiotic therapy

Hollywood films such as Pixar’s Moana (2016) and Warner Brothers’ Aquaman (2018) have drawn on the aesthetics and stories of the island cultures of Oceania to inform their narratives. In doing so, these works have both succeeded and failed to respect and engage with oceanic cultural knowledge, providing a cultural vehicle to expand communication, while also exploiting Oceanic culture for financial gain. Cultural tropes and stereotypes pose a heavy intellectual burden that neither film fully shoulders, nor are the complexities of their content acknowledged. Moana sought to enlarge the franchise of the “Disney Princess” genre, but could not avoid issues of cultural appropriation and tokenism becoming entangled with an ongoing process of engagement. Moana’s desire to represent the cultural memory of Oceania raises questions, but while Pixar presents digital fantasy, Aquaman hides its global ambitions beneath star Jason Momoa’s broad shoulders. If the blue humanities is to follow the seminal postcolonial scholarship of Tongan and Fijian cultural theorist Epeli Hau’ofa by exploring a counter-hegemonic narrative in scholarly treatment of the global oceans, then how can it respond with respect? This risk applies equally to academic literary inquiry, with a more inclusive mode of receptive and plural blue humanities as an emerging response.

The hangings in the lodge room are blue, spread with golden stars. The Master and all the brothers wear a white robe as well as a blue headband with twelve golden stars on it, tied around their foreheads. The Master sits under a blue canopy on a throne, behind which is a transparent light that is sufficient to illuminate the whole lodge. Facing is a painting or image of a square city, or the celestial Jerusalem, descending from heaven, to crush the remains of the present Jerusalem. A Serpent or hydra with three heads representing the badness of the infidels remains there. This Celestial Jerusalem, elevated as on a cloud, has twelve gates, three on each side with a Tree in the middle that bears twelve different sorts of fruits. Under this is the ancient Jerusalem which is in ruins and overturned, along with the Serpent which is in chains and appearing crushed by the weight of the Celestial Jerusalem. There is a high mountain on one side toward which the candidate (for initiation) is directed by the Warden (the guide), who then retreats backwards, and after a moment of silence, the candidate takes three steps toward the three-headed Serpent and steps on each of the heads. He then advances in a special way toward the city and receives the secret sign, token, and password of the degree. He is also given a crimson sash with twelve golden stars on which hang a square jewel of gold from the right shoulder to the left hip, on one side the letter Alpha and on the other Omega.1

Abstract Introduction: Carney complex is a rare autosomal dominant disorder characterized by pigmented lesions of skin and mucosae, endocrine neoplasms or overactivity, and myxomas of the heart, skin, and other organs. Most patients have at least two affected endocrine organs at time of diagnosis. We present a case of Carney complex with endocrine involvement limited to the thyroid gland. Case: A 48-year-old female was referred for evaluation of thyroid nodules incidentally discovered on imaging for submandibular salivary gland swelling. Ultrasound evaluation of the thyroid revealed numerous, bilateral nodules that were mostly cystic or spongiform, though some had irregular borders and microcalcifications. A brother with Carney complex had been diagnosed with papillary carcinoma, and the patient decided to undergo thyroidectomy. Fortunately, no thyroid carcinoma was found on postsurgical histopathology. Initial biochemical evaluation showed no evidence of hypercortisolemia (8 AM cortisol 1.7 mcg/dL on 1 mg dexamethasone suppression test; 24-h urine cortisol 26.1 mcg [reference: 4-50]), growth hormone excess (IGF-1 190 ng/mL [reference: 52-328]), or hyperprolactinemia (prolactin 10 ng/mL [reference: 2.74-26.72]). Imaging showed no pituitary or adrenal masses. The patient underwent total hysterectomy with bilateral salpingo-oophorectomy for endometrial cancer prior to referral. She was diagnosed with Carney complex at age 19 years, and her manifestations included atrial and ventricular myxomas, intraductal adenoma of the breast, multiple skin lesions (lentigines, blue nevi, and cutaneous myxomas), and myxomas of the external auditory canals. She is in a Carney complex kindred that includes her mother, two brothers, and a niece. Discussion: Carney complex is usually caused by inactivating mutations or large deletions in the protein kinase A type I alpha regulatory subunit (PRKAR1A) gene located on chromosome 17q22-24. Most mutations are inherited in an autosomal dominant manner, though approximately 30% of cases are due to de novo mutations. In a review of 365 cases, the median age at diagnosis was 20 years. Growth hormone adenomas or somatomammotroph hyperplasia occurs in approximately 75% of patients, and most have at least one additional endocrine abnormality including multinodular goiter, primary pigmented nodular adrenocortical hyperplasia, and testicular or ovarian masses. There is an approximately 10% chance of developing well differentiated thyroid carcinoma. Treatment for Carney complex is individualized depending on the patient’s presentation and includes excision or surgical removal of myxomas, neoplasms, and skin lesions, as well as regular evaluation for cardiac myxomas and endocrine overactivity. This case of Carney complex is unusual because the only endocrinopathy is multinodular goiter.

Although subtitled “A Domestic Story,” Wilkie Collins's Poor Miss Finch (1872) offers a sensational plot bursting with secrets and mistaken identities. Many of the novel's plot twists and turns center on the transformation of the hero, Oscar Dubourg, from a wealthy white Englishman into a dark blue “Other” when he is treated with nitrate of silver after a serious head injury. While Oscar's medication cures him of his seizures, it also causes agryria, a skin discoloration, which turns him permanently dark blue. The hero's experience of this traumatic side effect is exacerbated by the reaction of his blind fiancée Lucilla, the title's “Poor Miss Finch.” In the novel, Lucilla's blindness leads her to distort visual concepts such as light and color in her imagination, resulting in her desperate fear of dark colors. The novel's central conflict arises when Oscar engages the help of Lucilla's companion Madame Pratolungo in hiding his new dark skin color from the blind heroine. Complicating this situation further is the arrival of Oscar's identical (but still white) twin Nugent, who deviously schemes to elope with the beautiful Lucilla by impersonating his brother.

LARGELY OVERLOOKEDin Collins scholarship, the 1872 novelPoor Miss Finch: A Domestic Storydescribes the complicated relationships between a young blind woman, Lucilla Finch, and twin brothers, Oscar and Nugent Dubourg. Lucilla's blindness results in her aversion to dark colors, and as she and Oscar fall in love, he must deploy a series of elaborate deceptions in a desperate attempt to keep from her his own dark secret–that his skin has been turned blue by medication prescribed for his epileptic condition. Following an extraordinary operation, Lucilla's eyesight begins to return, and Oscar's carefully guarded secret of blueness threatens to destroy their relationship. The plot ofPoor Miss Finchexplores the ways in which Oscar hides his blueness from Lucilla as well as the duplicitous function of his twin, Nugent, who stands in for Oscar as Lucilla begins to regain her sight. At every turn,Poor Miss Finchmines issues of identity and investigates the ways in which identity becomes withheld and disclosed–closeted and uncloseted–through a series of spectacular deceptions that enable the keeping of secrets.

The light-emitting diode (LED) has been widely used in the food industry, and its application has been focused on microbial sterilization, specifically using blue-LED. The investigation has been recently extended to characterize the biotic and abiotic (photodynamic) effects of different wavelengths. Here, we investigated LED effects on kimchi fermentation. Kimchi broths were treated with three different colored-LEDs (red, green, and blue) or kept in the dark as a control. Multiomics was applied to evaluate the microbial taxonomic composition using 16S rRNA gene amplicon sequencing, and the metabolomic profiles were determined using liquid chromatography–Orbitrap mass spectrometry. Cell viability was tested to determine the potential cytotoxicity of the LED-treated kimchi broths. First, the amplicon sequencing data showed substantial changes in taxonomic composition at the family and genus levels according to incubation (initial condition vs. all other groups). The differences among the treated groups (red-LED (RLED), green-LED (GLED), blue-LED (BLED), and dark condition) were marginal. The relative abundance of Weissella was decreased in all treated groups compared to that of the initial condition, which coincided with the decreased composition of Lactobacillus. Compositional changes were relatively high in the GLED group. Subsequent metabolomic analysis indicated a unique metabolic phenotype instigated by different LED treatments, which led to the identification of the LED treatment-specific and common compounds (e.g., luteolin, 6-methylquinoline, 2-hydroxycinnamic acid, and 9-HODE). These results indicate that different LED wavelengths induce characteristic alterations in the microbial composition and metabolomic content, which may have applications in food processing and storage with the aim of improving nutritional quality and the safety of food.

The article analyzes the practice of legislative regulation of the gametes’ donation and its ethical grounds. Gametes’ donation is often used in conjunction with assisted reproductive technologies to treat infertility and/or family planning. The study applies an interdisciplinary approach: it is based on the research carried out in the field of philosophy (bioethics), law, medicine with the application of sociological surveys.The article shows that the introduction of this practice affects traditional family values, blurs fraternal-sisterly relations making genetic brothers and sisters strangers to each other, transforms the family creating its new forms through the practice of co-parenting that is gaining popularity in English-speaking countries. Also, the article identifies the problem of negative attitude of religious authorities to the practice of donating gametes. The legislative regulation cannot but take into account the public sentiment; and the percentage of believers in the State when implementing the laws regulating the donation of gametes is an important factor. Another important problem discussed in the article concerns the welfare and rights of a future child conceived with the help of the donation of gametes, his or her «right to know» and «right not to know» the birth secret.

Matti Kurjensaari’s Portraits of Others, On Memory and Himself In the late 1960s and early 1970s Matti Kurjensaari (1907–1988) published three collections of essays that comprised portraits of well-known gures in Finnish political and cultural life. e portrait essays included in Veljeni merellä myrskyävällä (“My Brothers on the Stormy Sea”, 1966), Kansakunnan kaapin päällä (“On the Top of Nation’s Mantelpiece”, 1969) and Silmätikut (“The Eyesores”, 1971) had an ambivalent reception as it was debated whether the pieces should be read as essays or as mere gossip. In the article the portraits are read as essays since Kurjensaari constantly blurs the separation between the objects of the portraits and the writing subject, that is, himself. Consequently the portraits by Kurjensaari display a typical essayistic characteristic by being an intimately personal form of writing. Kurjensaari himself perceived his portraits as essays on the grounds that they are always concerned with a larger scope than that of individual persons. As essays, notes Kurjensaari, the portraits depict individuals precisely as actors in the larger drama of history. As essays the portraits had a function as a genre to negotiate with what it meant to be Finnish and show how the history of the nation had always a place in the individual lives.

A sister and brother, now aged 7 and 9 years, presented with developmental arrest, gait disturbance, dementia, and a progressive myoclonic epilepsy syndrome with hyperacusis in the second year of life. Then, spastic quadriparesis led to a decerebrate state. In the absence of macular or retinal degeneration, organomegaly, and somatic-facial features suggesting mucopolysaccharidosis, the presence of hyperacusis together with sea-blue histiocytes in bone marrow biopsies and deficient β-galactosidase activity but normal glucosidase, hexosaminidase, and neuraminidase activity on lysosomal enzyme assays constitutes the clinical-pathologic-biochemical profile of GM1 gangliosidosis type 2. This is a rare, late infantile onset, progressive gray-matter disease in which β-galactosidase deficiency is largely localized to the brain, though it can be demonstrated in leukocytes and cultured skin fibroblasts. It must be distinguished from the Jansky-Bielschowsky presentation of neuronal ceroid lipofuscinosis, mitochondrial encephalopathy, lactic acidosis, strokelike episodes (MELAS) and myoclonic epilepsy with ragged-red fibers (MERRF) syndromes, atypical presentations of GM2 gangliosidoses (Tay-Sachs and Sandhoff's diseases), primary sialidosis (neuraminidase deficiency), galactosialidosis, and Alpers' disease. (J Child Neurol 1992;7(Suppl):S41-S50.)

Ninety-five bacterial isolates were recovered from 38 of 77 apples that had been stored at 1 °C for 6–7 months. The highest number of bacteria were recovered in nutrient, dextrose, and V8 juice broths, respectively. The bacteria were screened as biocontrol agents on cultivar Red Delicious apples primarily for control of blue mold caused by Penicillium expansum. Three bacteria effective against P. expansum were also tested against Botrytis cinerea for control of gray mold. Ten, four, and five isolates significantly reduced blue mold decay when apples were stored at 5, 10, and 20 °C. Two isolates tested against gray mold decay significantly reduced decay at 5 and 10 °C and one isolate was effective at 20 °C. Thirty-six isolates that had been selected for identification by the Biolog Microstation™ System were Gram positive and contained endospores, and 30 of these were positively identified as Bacillus spp. Further testing of 15 isolates that were effective biocontrol agents identified 7 as Bacillus subtilis on the basis of 15 microbiological tests used for determining species within the genus Bacillus.Key words: endophytic, bacteria, biocontrol, postharvest.

Abstract Shigella species were recovered from foods by the procedure described in the Bacteriological Analytical Manual, 5th Ed. The method is effective if Shigella species are present at about 106 cells/g. A 25 g food portion was incubated in Gram-negative (GN) and selenite cystine broths for 16 h at 35°C and streaked onto MacConkey, Levine's eosin methylene blue, desoxycholate citrate, and xylose lysine desoxycholate agars. 5. sonnei cells were recovered quantitatively at 44.5°C, and along with other Shigella species, were grown with Escherichia coli in a tryptone broth under anaerobic conditions. Shigella species were also grown in a mixed microflora from foods. 5. sonnei cells were inoculated into an enrichment broth containing 20 g tryptone, 2 g K2HPO4, 2 g KH2PO4, 1 g glucose, 5 g NaCl, 1.5 mL Tween 80, and 0.5 mg novobiocin/L (pH 7.0) and incubated for 20 h at 44°C. Enrichments were streaked onto MacConkey agar and the plates were incubated 20 h at 35°C. Suspect Shigella colonies were screened in glucose, tryptone, and lysine broths and in triple sugar iron and motility agars. The sensitivity varied from 0.3 to 1000 bacteria/g. The method has been examined with artificially inoculated lettuce, celery, brussels sprouts, mushrooms, and hamburger. It is also applicable to S. flexneri if incubation is conducted at 42°C.

A rapid and accurate assay for monitoring ethanol production is required to control the progress of fermentation in various industrial-related research and processes. In this study, a spectrophotometric assay to measure ethanol concentration in fermentative sample was developed. Ethanol in unknown aqueous solution was extracted using tri-n-butyl phosphate (TBP) and subsequently oxidized by dichromate reagent. Oxidation product of ethanol with dichromate reagent could be visualized as blue green-color. The A595 value detected by spectrophotometer and ethanol concentration between 0.7%-8.0% was plotted in linear regression with high correlation coefficiency (R2). In addition, concentration of methanol, propanol and butanol were determined as did in ethanol suggesting the broad application of this assay. Our established method was applied to commercial wine and fermentative products from yeast culture broths and the results were compared with Gas Chromatography Mass Spectrophotometry (GCMS) method. In this study, this assay was demonstrated as a cheap, rapid, and high accuracy method for determination of ethanol concentration in unknown solutions.

Abstract This paper explores Victorian culture’s persistent associations between epilepsy and bodily expenditure to locate the place of the epileptic body within the Victorian ‘libidinal economy’. It centres on a reading of Wilkie Collins’s Poor Miss Finch (1872) as a highly original meditation on the implications of disability and visibility. In this novel, a reclusive silversmith named Oscar Dubourg curbs his post-traumatic seizures with silver nitrate, a remedy that causes a dark-blue discoloration of the skin. Behind the narrative necessity of this device, I locate an epistemological desire to render the condition of epilepsy visibly evident by saturating (and implicitly racializing) Oscar so that the inside shows through. The sporadic visibility of epilepsy confers a radically unstable identity upon its sufferer, one represented by the fluidity and anonymity of the unshaped silver and gold plates that Oscar moulds in his workshop. These plates inspire rumours throughout the community that Oscar is a counterfeiter. Oscar’s valuable metals, along with his health, are stolen in one fell swoop; the thieves brutally attack him, precipitating his traumatic epilepsy. The silver does not disappear, then, but is transmuted into Oscar’s affliction; these shifting metaphorical values of silver can be productively read in light of Victorian discourses of pathology, not least the widespread concern about malingerers ‘counterfeiting’ epilepsy. Can an afflicted body ‘pass’ as healthy? Can healthy bodies perform affliction? These are questions that Oscar’s story raises, with the help of a twin brother who exchanges identities with him in order to retain his fiancée’s affections. Collins’s sensational marriage plot, peopled with a cast of ‘problem bodies’, pulls the novel into critical conversation with a nexus of nineteenth-century medical and eugenic discourses dedicated to the surveilling of physical difference and the ‘policing’ of legitimate and illegitimate disabilities.

<em>This article aims to read visual signs and verbal signs by utilizing the children's drawings during the pre-schematic stage. The reading of the signs will be used to describe the elements of fine arts in the children's drawing. Four works of kindergarten children were chosen and observed. The four works are entitled "Mother", "Brother", "Zoo" and "Tree". These have been selected as the subjects of the study. These four works were chosen because these works were created by using different media, such as pencil on paper, watercolors on paper, and digital media. The object of this study is focused on visual analysis of the children's drawings on the elements of art, such as points, lines, shape, spaces, and colors. The pre-schematic stage is characterized by the appearance of circular images with lines that seem to indicate human or animal figures. During this stage, the scheme (the visual idea) is developed. The drawing shows what the child considers most important about the subject. There is a little understanding of space - objects are placed randomly throughout the image. The use of color is more emotional than logical. The elements of fine art are shown in the drawings can be described as the result of the observation 1) The lines have been controlled so has formed the image. 2) The shape of the object described has been identified as representing the object that the child wants to describe. 3) The colors used to fill the shapes are based on the child's imagination and desires except the color used to fill the shape of the tree. The colors of nature are the same as in real life, such as green leaves, blue sky, and green grass. In general, the image or drawing presented by the child is an illustration</em>

Saint Canute the King’s Eagle Cloth in Odense CathedralA new interpretation The eagle silk cloth in Odense Cathedral (Fig. 1) is believed to have been part of the contents of the shrine of Saint Canute (King Canute the Holy); it was perhaps a cape used as a shroud. Today it measures 110 by 133 cm, but originally it was larger, at least 130 by 195 cm. The purple fabric with its blue-black eagle pattern and decoration is generally regarded as a “pannus imperialis ad aquilas magnas” – a term known from medieval texts. The style of its decorative motifs dates it to the 11th or 12th century. Otto von Falke regarded the Odense cloth and related fabrics as the products of the Byzantine state workshop. Agnes Geijer, on the other hand, assumed that the Odense specimen was made by Islamic weavers in Southern Italy or Sicily and that it had formed part of the gifts which Canute’s widow, who had later married Duke Roger of Apulia, sent to the saint’s shrine.Underneath the eagle pattern on the cloth there seems to be an inscription (Fig. 2). Although only a few of the letters are legible the classical philologist Carsten Høeg considered them to be based on Greek letter-forms. It is in fact possible to distinguish at least five, and in addition, there are some possible ligatures of two or three letters (Fig. 3). A comparison between these vestiges and well-known By­zantine textile inscriptions leads to the impression that the last word could have been DESPOTOU, and that several of the preceding signs may be part of the word PHILOCHRISTOU. If so, we have an official dating, and even the name of the emperor in question. Among the rulers in the 11th and the 12th centuries, only five had a name short enough to fit into this context, and if we are right in distinguishing an alpha or a lambda in the beginning, this would exclude all but Alexios. Consequently, we will venture to make a hypothetic reconstruction with this name based on the existing remains (Fig. 4).The style of the fabric makes it most unlikely that anyone else but Alexios I (1081-1118) could come into question. It was he, who – probably in 1103 – received Saint Canute’s brother, King Eric the Good (Erik Ejegod), who died that very same year in Cyprus on his way to the Holy Land. In Eiriksdrapa, the memorial poem written in honour of this king by the contemporary Icelandic bard, Markus Skeggjason, it is explicitly stated that among other rich gifts, Eric was presented with an imperial garment: “allvalds skruði”, i.e. “the emperor’s shroud”.One of the present authors has drawn attention to the possibility that the bluish dark colour of the eagles indicates that the fabric was intended for a “sebastokrator,” a brother or son of the emperor or someone else very close to him. The colours, the ­eagles, and the size of the cloth would actually be appropriate for the type of garment called a “paludamentum”, a purple officer’s cloak worn by the emperor and other highly prominent persons (Figs. 5-6). Some of the leaders of the First Crusade were honoured by being elevated to the status of adopted sons of the emperor, and Krijnie Ciggaar has wondered whether the same could have happened to Eric. If this was the case, then it seems that it was Eric’s imperial silk cloth that was transferred to Odense as a tribute to his more distinguished brother, the martyr saint.Recently, it has been stated that the red colour of the Odense cloth is not genuine purple. However, the loss of most of Anatolia and Lebanon made it difficult for Byzantine workers to obtain the right colour components. Genuine murex-purple was in fact used in Constantinople until the thirteenth century, but this top-quality purple was reserved for the emperor alone. This explains why an inferior dye quality was used for the Odense cloth, which was made for a person with the rank of a seba­stokrator.P.J. RiisKøbenhavnThomas RiisChristian-Albrechts-Universität zu Kiel

Abstract A series of linear low-density polyethylene (LLDPE) polymer nanocomposites with g-C3N4-ZnO/TiO2 ternary photocatalyst (TP) at 1 wt%, 5 wt%,7 wt%, and 10 wt% was synthesised by melt blending method. The structural properties, chemical properties, photocatalytic and antibacterial activities were evaluated in this study. The addition of TP reduces the degree of crystallisation of the LLDPE nanocomposite. The OH functional group on TP increases the polarity, thus improving the LB broth’s wettability for bacterial adhesion, which enhances the inactivation effect. A minimum of 0.3 mg l−1 of Zn2+ together with ·OH and · O 2 − are required to inactivate the MDR pathogens. More than 99% inactivation in 6 h can be achieved against MDR pathogens for 5 wt% TP loading while 12 h for 1 wt% TP loading in LLDPE nanocomposites. The photocatalytic performance of the zinc oxide and titanium oxide for the degradation of methylene blue has exhibited good photocatalytic properties. The obtained results have confirmed the photocatalytic activity for the bactericidal effect of TP/LLDPE composites was dominant by ·OH and · O 2 − while slightly by holes. The purpose of this work is to obtain the optimum amount of ternary photocatalyst incorporated with LLDPE and incubation time required to kill a broad spectrum of multidrug-resistant (MDR) pathogens like E. coli, S. aureus, B. subtilis, S. flexneri, B. cereus, and K. pneumoniae. The LLDPE nanocomposite with 1 wt% showed >99% inactivation against the MDR pathogens within 12 h while with 5 wt%, it takes 6 h. The synergic action of structural properties such as crystallinity, wettability, chemical structure on the reactive oxygen species (ROS), and Zn ion release for inactivation against the MDR pathogens is deliberated.

Background. George Gershwin is often considered as a composer who wrote mainly songs and musicals, but this is a misconception: beside the pieces of so-called “light” genres, among the composer’ works – two operas, as well as a number of outstanding instrumental compositions (“Cuban Overture” for a symphony orchestra, two Rhapsodies, Variations for piano and orchestra and Piano Concerto etc.). Gershwin had a natural pianistic talent, and there was almost not a single piece of his own that he did not perform on the piano, and most of them were born in improvisation (Ewen, 1989). The basis for the creation of this study was the desire to increase interest in the work of Gershwin as a “serious” composer and to draw the attention of domestic academic pianists to the value of his piano works, presented not only the “Rhapsody in Blue”, which has been mostly played lately. The purpose of our research is to prove the relevance of the performance of Gershwin’s instrumental works in the academic concert environment as the music of the classical tradition, tracing the formation of specific features of the composer’s instrumental creativity and their reflection in the cycle of “Three Preludes for Piano” in 1926. Studies of the life and work of G. Gershwin, illuminating a special path in music and the unusual genius of an outstanding musician, were created mainly in the 50–70s of the XX century. D. Ewen – the author of the most detailed biography of the composer (first published in 1956, the Russian translation – in 1989) – was personally acquainted with the great musician and his family, took numerous interviews from the composer’s relatives, friends and teachers, had access to his archives (Ewen, 1989: 3–4). The author of the book enters into the details of the life and creative work of the genius and creates a portrait of the composer as a person “in relationships” – as a son, brother, friend. A separate chapter devoted to the music of Gershwin is in the fundamental work of V. Konen (1965) “The Ways of American Music”, an extremely useful study of the folklore origins and musical foundations of jazz. Cognitive is the “popular monograph” by V. Volynskiy (1988) about Gershwin, carefully structured chronologically and thematically. The Internet-pages of A. Tikhomirov (2006–2020) on the resource “Classic Music News.ru” are also very valuable, in particular, thanks to retrospective photographs and audio recordings posted there. From the point of view we have chosen, the piano Preludes by G. Gershwin have not yet been considered by domestic researchers. Research methodology is based on comparative analysis and then synthesizing, generalization and abstraction when using data from biographical literature, and tested musicological approaches when considering musical samples and audio recordings of various versions of the Preludes (including the author’s playing). The results of reseaching. G. Gershwin, despite his Jewish-Slavic family roots (his parents emigrated to America from the Russian Empire at the end of the 19th century), is undoubtedly a representative of American culture. Outstanding artists have almost always turned to the folklore of their country. In Gershwin, this trait manifested itself in a special way, since American folklore, due to historical and political circumstances, is a very motley phenomenon. Indian, English, German, French, Jewish, African, Latin American melodies surrounded Gershwin everywhere. Their rhythms and intonations, compositional schemes were melted, transformed in professional music (Konen, 1965: 231–246). The first musical teacher of Gershwin was the sound atmosphere of New York streets. This is the main reason that the style of his musical works is inextricably linked with jazz: Gershwin did not encounter this purely American phenomenon, he grew up in it. Among the numerous other teachers of Gershwin who significantly influenced on the formation of his music style, one should definitely name the pianist and composer Charles Hambitzer, who introduced his student to the music of Bach, Beethoven, Chopin, Liszt, Debussy, Ravel (Ewen, 1989: 30–32). The most part of Gershwin’s creativity consisted of working on musicals, a typically American genre. The work with the musicals gave the composer the basis for writing his first jazz opera “Blue Monday“, 1922 (other name – “135th Street”), which became the predecessor of the famous pearl of the new genre, “Porgy and Bess” (1935). Following the production of “Blue Monday”, Gershwin began collaborating with the Paul Whiteman Orchestra, who was impressed by the piece. On the initiative of the latter, Gershwin created his masterpiece, “Rhapsody in Blue” (1924), which still remains a unique musical phenomenon, since the composer brought jazz to the big stage, giving it the status of professional music (Ewen, 1989: 79–85; Volynskiy, 1988: part 4). V. Konen (1965: 264–265) believes that Gershwin is a representative of symphonic Europeanized jazz, since he uses it in musical forms and genres of the European tradition. However, we cannot agree that Gershwin “used” jazz. For him, jazz was organic, inseparable from the author’s style, and this is what makes his music so attractive to representatives of both classical and pop traditions. For Gershwin, due to life circumstances, turning to jazz is not an attempt at stylization, but a natural way of expression. “Three Preludes for Piano” are significant in the composer’s work, because it is the only known concertо work for solo piano published during his lifetime. At first, Gershwin planned to create a cycle of 24 Preludes, but only seven were created in the manuscript, then the author reduced the number of works to five. A year after the creation of the Piano Concerto, in 1926, Gershwin presented this new opus. The pieces performed by the author himself sound impeccably technically and even austerely-strictly (audio recording has been preserved, see ‘Gershvin plays Gershvin 3 Preludes’, video on You Tube, published on 2 Aug. 2011). It can be noted that Gershwin is close to the European pianistic style with its attention to the accuracy of each note. The cycle is built on the principle of contrasting comparison: the first and third Preludes are performed at a fast pace, the second – at a slow pace (blues-like). The analysis of the cycle, carried out by the author of the article, proves that “Three Preludes” for piano reflect the main features of Gershwin’s creative manner: capriciousness of syncopated rhythms, subtle modulation play, improvisational development. Breathing breadth, volumetric texture, effective highlighting of climaxes bring the cycle closer to the composer’s symphonic works. Jazz themes are laid out at a high professional level, using traditional European notation and terminology. Thus, although Gershwin was a brilliant improviser, he made it possible for both jazz pianists and academic performers to master his works. Conclusions. The peculiarities of Gershwin’s development as an artist determined the combination of the jazz basis of his works with the compositional technique of European academic music. The versatility and musical appeal of the Preludes are the key to their long stage life. Plays are well received both in cycles and singly. Their perception is also improved by the fact that the original musical speech is combined in them with the established forms of academic music. The mastery of the Preludes by pianists stimulates the development of technical skill, acquaints with jazz style, sets interesting rhythmic problems. The pieces are bright and winning for concert performance. Thus, the presence of the composer’s piano pieces and other his instrumental works in the programs of classical concerts seems appropriate, useful and desirable.

AbstractA lost painting by Jan van Scorel (1495-1562), Hercules besieged by the Pygmies, is reconstructed with the aid of epigrams by the brothers Nicolaus Grudius Nicolai ( 1504-70) and Hadrianus Marius Nicolai (1509-68) (see Note 1 and Appendix B) . The epigrams themselves are based on an Icon by the 2nd-century Greek writer Philostratus (see Appendix A). Van Scorel's painting gives a full representation of Philostratus' Icon, as does a painting by Frans Floris (1519/2O-70), now known from an engraving in reverse of 1563 by Cornelis Cort (Note 2). The famous member of the Nicolai family is a third brother, the Latin poet Janus Secundus (1511-36), but Grudius and Marius were good poets too. Van Scorel will have painted the Hercules picture for the collection of Grudius himself, who was a man of wealth and standing until 1554. After that he became involved in the financial scandal attendant on the reclamation of De Zijpe near Schoorl initiated by his friend, and was forced to flee in 1561, dying in penury in Venice in 1570 (Note 3). Van Scorel also painted two portraits of Secundus (Note 4), while Marius wrote epigrams on two pictures by Van Scorel. All these paintings are now lost (Note 5). Philostratus' descriptions convey much more than can ever been seen in a picture. Such descriptions were common in Antiquity (Note 7). In Grudius' epigram the actual description starts half way through the poem: Hercules was shown asleep on a green sward, while the dead Antaeus lay on yellow sand. Sleep is fanning the hero with his dark blue wings, his nebulous body veiled by a black robe. The Pygmies, of youthful appearance and in countless numbers, took advantage of Hercules' sleep to overcome him. Some tried to roll away his club, a scene shown in the foreground. Since Hercules will have had his club in his right hand, he must have lain with his head to the left and Antaeus with his to the right, i.e. the picture will have had the same composition as that by Floris (Fig. 5). It seems, then, that Grudius provided the scholarly initiative behind Van Scorel's painting, while Floris drew his inspiration either from the epigram or from the picture. Grudius knew Floris and wrote an epigram on a painting by him too (Note 8). Philostratus describes the Pygmies' attack as a well organized siege, but Van Scorel's painting showed, according to Grudius and Marius, an attack by unthinking, cowardly youth with no king to lead them; the Pygmies are as nervous as when the cranes, the 'birds of Palamedes', attack their country and destroy their harvest. The moral turns on Hercules' situation and is a warning never to rest on one's laurels. The combination of illustration with moralistic epigram derives from the emblem Hercules besieged by Pygmies by Alciati. His moral is directed to the Pygmies, 'who venture on something beyond their powers'. It could be more specifically related to the poor who rise against the powerful, or to fools who try to defame the reputation of the learned (Note 11). In the 1534 woodcut (Fig. 1), in which Hercules figures twice, he appears to let the Pygmies have their way. This momentarily good-natured aspect was imitated by Dosso and Battista Dossi in a painting made in about 1540 during the reign of Ercole 11 of Ferrara (Fig. 2, Note 12). Hercules exhibits the features of Ercole as the clement ruler, while the Pygmies, in contemporary costume, behave like harmless fools. Alciati taught in Ferrara from 1542 to 1546 and it will have been these Pygmies that inspired him to have depicted them as lansquenets in the new edition of his Emblemata published in Lyon in 1548 (Fig. 3, Note 13). In 1552 Lucas Cranach the Younger made two paintings on the subject on the basis of this woodcut (Note 14). Floris and Van Scorel were the only artists to follow Philostratus fully by including Antaeus and Sleep. Like Floris, Van Scorel will presumably have shown the Pygmies as small naked men rather than as misshapen dwarves. Some influence from Alciati's emblems can be detected: both painters show the rolling away of the club, an incident which can be detected in the 1534 woodcut, while Floris' painting has the tree in common with that of 1548. Grudius' poem shows the Pygmies in the usual unfavourable light, but his Hercules too falls prey to a moment of weakness. Grudius compares Hercules in this respect with Polyphemus. Such a comparison is also drawn in the emblem on Polyphemus in Sambucus' Emblemata, published in Antwerp in 1564 (Fig. 4, Note 15), where the text reveals that Hercules and Polyphemus stand for the good and the bad ruler. Grudius' comparison makes it clear how seriously Hercules' lapse must be taken. In Van Scorels case we have the meaning, but not the picture, in that of Floris, we know the painting, but not yet the detailed meaning. The engraving (Fig. 5) shows the beginning and end of the story as well as the main episode. Sleep here reveals himself by his bat wings and the strange snake growing out of one of them, cf. Floris' Battle against the Rebel Angels for a similar motif (Note 16). He is the Devil in disguise. Hercules lies in the seductive pose of Ariadne, or rather of Endymion visited by Sleep, as seen on a Roman sarcophagus (Fig. 6), which Floris could have studied while in Rome (Note 17). The tree under which Hercules lies has bare branches, while the part above his head looks like the head of an adder, symbols of his sinister situation. Antaeus lies with his arm on a root near a hollow tree from which a new shoot is sprouting, for Hercules has not conquered e v ilf or ever. Floris' Pygmies are naked, but they are not all youthful, like Van Scorel's. Nor are they all rash and unthinking. Admittedly one group swarming out of caves at bottom right and centre are foolishly trying to roll away the club with their bare hands and one is about to throw a stone, but the king leading out his orderly army appears to come from a well-run country, while gesticulating Pygmy philosophers have wisely decided that it is better not to fight the hero at all.

Abstract Hematopoietic stem cell transplant (HSCT) from an HLA identical sibling is a well-established curative therapy for sickle cell disease (SCD). HSCT from an unrelated donor is a treatment option, but the likelihood of finding a donor varies according to ethnicity and results are still limited. HLA haploidentical relatives can be alternatively used but, to date, only small series of patients have been described. We report outcomes of patients (pts) transplanted with related haploidentical (Haplo) or unrelated (UD) donors grafts and reported to EBMT/EUROCORD databases. Sixty four pts transplanted in 22 EBMT centers between 1991 and 2017 were retrospectively analyzed. Pts were described according to the donor type: haploidentical (n=40) and unrelated (n=24) [adult UD n=19; cord blood (CB) n=5]. The objective of the study was to describe alternative donor transplants for SCD in Europe without performing comparison analyses due to the size and heterogeneity of the groups. Primary endpoint was 3-year overall survival (OS). Median follow-up (FU) was 28 months (range: 1.6-156) [29.5 months (range: 2.1 - 133.5) for Haplo and 24.6 (range: 1.6 - 156) for UD]. Median age at HSCT was 14.2 years (range: 3-31.7) in Haplo and 11.8 (range: 2.1-42.8) in UD, with a predominance of children (<16 years) in both groups (23/40 and 19/24, respectively). Before HSCT, 68% of overall pts were treated with hydroxyurea and 62% received more than 20 red blood cell (RBC) units. RBC alloimmunization occurred in 14% of transfused pts. In both groups, vaso-occlusive crisis and cerebral vasculopathy were the most frequent SCD complications and the main indications for HSCT. Other complications were acute chest syndrome (44%), liver disease (31%) and infection (23%). In Haplo, median year of transplant was 2014 (range: 1991-2017) and in UD 2011 (range: 2004-2015). In Haplo, two major protocols were used: (1) post -transplant cyclophosphamide (PTCY) with G-CSF primed bone marrow (BM) and a fludarabine+ cyclophosphamide+thiotepa+2Gy TBI conditioning regimen [16 pts and 2 centers performing most (n=13) of the transplants]; (2) a protocol (performed in 2 centers) consisting in the use of G-CSF mobilized peripheral blood stem cells (PBSC) with ex-vivo B and T cell depletion (BT depleted) (15 pts) and a fludarabine+thiotepa+ treosulfan conditioning regimen (14/15 pts). Haplo donors were most frequently the parents [mother (50%), father (29%), brother (14%) and cousin (7%)]. ATG was used in 95% of transplants and the most frequent combination for graft versus host disease (GvHD) prophylaxis was mycophenolate mofetil (MMF)+sirolimus in PTCY and MMF+ cyclosporine A (CSA) in BT depleted. In UD, graft source distribution was 14 BM, 5 PBSC and 5 CB. Conditioning regimens were mainly myeloablative (83%) with fludarabine+thiotepa+ treosulfan in 54% of HSCT. ATG was used in 87% and campath in 9% of transplants; GvHD prophylaxis was CSA and methotrexate in 50%. Neutrophil engraftment at 60 days was 95±4% in Haplo and 84±8% in adult UD, after a median engraftment time of 18 and 22 days, respectively. In Haplo, 7 pts experienced graft failure (3 primary and 4 late), of those 3 had a second allogeneic transplant and were alive at last FU, at 16, 16 and 63 months respectively; 1 patient died after rescue with autologous transplant and 3 were alive after autologous reconstitution. In adult UD, 3 pts had a primary and 1 a late graft failure, none of them had a second transplant and were all alive at last FU, at 2, 13, 28, 118 months respectively. Grade II-IV acute GvHD at 100 days was 25±7% in Haplo and 21±9% in adult UD; acute GvHD grade III-IV was observed in 3 pts in Haplo (none in BT depleted) and 2 pts in adult UD. Chronic GvHD was observed in 10 pts in Haplo (5 extensive, 3 of these in PTCY) and 3 pts in adult UD (2 extensive). OS at 3 years was 88±4%; being 89±5% in Haplo (88±8% for PTCY, 92±8% for BT depleted) and 94±5% in adult UD. 3-year event free survival was 58±7%; in detail, 60±9% in Haplo (56±12% for PTCY, 68±13% for BT depleted) and 60±12% in adult UD. Overall, 8 pts died (5 Haplo and 3 UD) due to infections or GVHD. Among the 5 pts receiving CB transplant 3 are alive (1 of which after graft failure and a second allogeneic transplant). Conclusion: This preliminary analysis shows that, despite an acceptable OS, rejection and chronic GvHD are still of concern; therefore alternative donor transplants for SCD should be performed in experienced centers with prospective clinical trials. Disclosures Pondarré: Blue Bird Bio: Honoraria; Novartis: Honoraria; Addmedica: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees. Zecca:Chimerix: Honoraria. Locatelli:Amgen: Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Novartis: Consultancy, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Miltenyi: Honoraria; Bellicum: Consultancy, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; bluebird bio: Consultancy. Bader:Medac: Patents & Royalties, Research Funding; Riemser: Research Funding; Neovii: Research Funding; Cellgene: Consultancy; Novartis: Consultancy, Speakers Bureau. Bernaudin:AddMedica: Honoraria; Pierre fabre: Research Funding; BlueBirdBio: Consultancy; Cordons de Vie: Research Funding.

Mr Slop FRCS was handling his new iPhone 5c® while drinking a glass of green tea in Costa Coffee® when the machine starting bleating out a tune from The Blues Brothers. Slop almost dropped it as he struggled to find the right button with which to answer the call.

Eaton, Maxwell, III. The Flying Beaver Brothers and the Evil Penguin Plan. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2012. Print.The Flying Beaver Brothers and the Evil Penguin Plan is a new contribution to the tremendously popular genre of comics for developing readers (Captain Underpants, Wimpy Kid and their ilk).Eaton's artwork is very clean with little line variation, giving the pages a very open and spacious quality, which enables visual navigation. The simple colour scheme - clear, bright blues and gray tones - is a welcome variation on the standard black and white comic and this restrained palette supports the clean, cartoon-y style, further facilitating ease of reading by avoiding complexity and over-design.The Beaver Brothers' training for a beaver community surfing competition is interrupted when they stumble upon a secretive penguin community. The penguins have hatched a scheme to alter the natural wilderness the beavers call home to their own penguin specifications. The bumbling and mildly dysfunctional beavers must thwart their plan before it is too late.The narrative in The Flying Beaver Brothers is almost completely conveyed through imagery and dialogue – no lengthy, wordy asides impede the plot - and this gives the story a rewardingly quick pace and congenial accessibility. The beaver brothers are likeable doofuses and the penguins, though diabolical, are very cute (as penguins can be expected to be).Compared to other early reader comics, The Flying Beaver Brothers lacks the slightly outré humour and scatological content that seems intrinsic to this genre's appeal. It’s nice to think that readers would appreciate an occasional break from the diaper and underpants jokes and narratives that hinge on public humiliation to enjoy this easy going and earnestly environmentally conscious beaver brother’s adventure.Recommended: 3 out of 4 stars Reviewer: Matilda RocheMatilda spends her days lavishing attention on the University of Alberta’s metadata but children’s illustrated books, literature for young adults and graphic novels also make her heart sing. Her reviews benefit from the critical influence of a four year old daughter and a one year old son – both geniuses. Matilda’s super power is the ability to read comic books aloud.

James Baldwin’s short story, “Sonny’s Blues,” portrays a jazz artist’s transformation of an historic and ongoing aspect of America’s cultural shadow, treating black people cruelly as if they were not real. He is enabled to bring about this transformation through his becoming conscious of and owning his personal shadow, treating people regardless of race cruelly as if they were not real. His self-knowledge indicates an equality in the human potential of behaving oppressively and thus frees him from the self-pity and helpless rage of victimization possible to those having suffered the injustice of racism. It thus frees him to create music free of lament, music which in turn frees his brother, who has responded to American racism with repression of his emotions, to feel his grief. Baldwin’s story implies that art, such as the story “Sonny’s Blues,” can express a society’s unjustly caused suffering without lament if the artist has taken responsibility for having him or herself unjustly caused suffering. This art is portrayed as freeing its audience through new consciousness and feeling to develop a new relationship with cultural shadow, one suggesting a beginning of its integration.

The searching after meaning arises from a deep desire of mankind. The question “What is desire?” is answered by various artists and thinkers who significantly shaped and developed intellectual history. Desire has been considered and defined differently during the various ages, whether as an attempt to compensate for a personal deficit or as a feeling of being drawn towards the opposite gender. This article also looks at the eras of Enlightenment and Romanticism, covering not only the understanding of desire, but also the different forms of expression used to treat the question of desire: for Example in the painting entitled “Wanderer above the Sea of Fog” (translated into English) by Caspar David Friedrich and the symbol of “The Blue Flower” in the painting of Phillip Otto Runge, but also the fairy tales of the Brothers Grimm, we can see that the feeling of desire has continuously evolved. It arises from the soul of a primal desire which is the engine of all the creative activities.

Blue light (400–500 nm) alleviates overexposure risks associated to UV light and has therefore gained increased interest in multiple applications. This meta-analysis deals with decontamination of E. coli through the use of blue light based from nine recent publications identified via a systematic literature search. In these studies, various pathogenic and non-pathogenic E. coli strains grown in nutritional broths were exposed to wavelengths ranging from 395 to 460 nm. Five meta-analyses were performed using Cochrane’s software for meta-analyses (Review Manager): one including all studies to estimate the effect of E. coli reduction and four subgroup-analyses considering reported intensities, wavelengths, exposure dose as well as serovars/pathovars. Random effects models were used. All included studies used colony-forming units to estimate the impact of E. coli reduction. None of the included studies involved an organic matrix (e.g., skin, food related surface). Exposure to blue light had a significant and large reducing effect on viable counts of E. coli. However, substantial heterogeneity across studies was observed. Among subgroups, reported intensity and wavelength showed the clearest impact on E. coli reduction. With respect to the reported exposure dose, the picture across the spectrum was scattered, but effect sizes tend to increase with increasing exposure dose. Substantial heterogeneity was also present with respect to all serovar/pathovar subgroups among the included studies. The present body of reports does not display a strong basis for recommendation of relevant intensities, wavelengths and exposure doses for superficial blue light decontamination in medical or food safety contexts. A serious shortcoming in most studies is the absence of a clear documentation of inoculum preparation and of study parameters. We suggest improvement for study protocols for future investigations.

Fan, Terry. Ocean Meets Sky. Illustrated by Eric & Terry Fan, Simon and Schuster Books for Young Readers, 2018. In this poetic and beautifully illustrated book by the Fan Brothers, readers are invited into a young child’s world of imagination. Finn lives by the ocean and on the morning of what would have been his Grandfather’s 90th birthday, he gazes out to the sea and remembers the words of his Grandfather, “It’s a good day for sailing.” As six year olds are apt to do, he begins to build a boat. Finn’s boat is “hard work,” but takes him on a magical and mystical journey. Finn’s world becomes more fantastical and the illustrations more surreal with each turning page. When he “finally reaches the place of his grandfather’s stories,” there are no longer any words. Instead one enters into a silence and stillness found not only in the depths of the ocean but in space above. The authors reinforce this silence by imposing pictures of noiseless conveyances, such as hot air balloons, zeppelins and ancient ships over the picture of a great blue whale. This wordless portion of the book not only allows the reader to bring their own stories to the pictures, but celebrates the orality of the Grandfather’s stories by not limiting them to a predetermined text. What Ocean Meets Sky so poignantly depicts is the sadness and loneliness Finn feels at missing his Grandfather. When he states, “I didn’t think the open sea would be so lonely,” one cannot help but be reminded of Max’s similar look of despondency in Where the Wild Things Are, when he sends the wild things to bed, “without any supper.” And like Max, once Finn resolves his inner turmoil, he is able to return home to “a voice calling to him from far away.” He says goodbye to his Grandfather, whose face is superimposed onto the moon. It is a bittersweet illustration, showing Finn’s love in the smallest gesture of a waving hand. The book is suitable for readers between four and eight years of age. However the story and illustrations have such depth that I would not hesitate to read it with older children or encourage them to explore it on their own. The Fan Brothers are both alumni of the Ontario college of Art and Design and their detailed and enchanting illustrations make the book worthwhile for readers of all ages. Highly recommended: 4 out of 4 starsReviewer: Melinda Cooke Melinda Cooke has been an elementary school teacher for many years. She loves sharing books with her students and delights in the stories as much as her students.

augmentvb [ɔːgˈmɛnt]1. to make or become greater in number, amount, strength, etc.; increase2. Music: to increase (a major or perfect interval) by a semitone (Collins English Dictionary 107) Almost everything associated with Robert Johnson has been subject to some form of augmentation. His talent as a musician and songwriter has been embroidered by myth-making. Johnson’s few remaining artefacts—his photographic images, his grave site, other physical records of his existence—have attained the status of reliquary. Even the integrity of his forty-two surviving recordings is now challenged by audiophiles who posit they were musically and sonically augmented by speeding up—increasing the tempo and pitch. This article documents the promulgation of myth in the life and music of Robert Johnson. His disputed photographic images are cited as archetypal contested artefacts, augmented both by false claims and genuine new discoveries—some of which suggest Johnson’s cultural magnetism is so compelling that even items only tenuously connected to his work draw significant attention. Current challenges to the musical integrity of Johnson’s original recordings, that they were “augmented” in order to raise the tempo, are presented as exemplars of our on-going fascination with his life and work. Part literature review, part investigative history, it uses the phenomenon of augmentation as a prism to shed new light on this enigmatic figure. Johnson’s obscurity during his lifetime, and for twenty-three years after his demise in 1938, offered little indication of his future status as a musical legend: “As far as the evolution of black music goes, Robert Johnson was an extremely minor figure, and very little that happened in the decades following his death would have been affected if he had never played a note” (Wald, Escaping xv). Such anonymity allowed those who first wrote about his music to embrace and propagate the myths that grew around this troubled character and his apparently “supernatural” genius. Johnson’s first press notice, from a pseudonymous John Hammond writing in The New Masses in 1937, spoke of a mysterious character from “deepest Mississippi” who “makes Leadbelly sound like an accomplished poseur” (Prial 111). The following year Hammond eulogised the singer in profoundly romantic terms: “It still knocks me over when I think of how lucky it is that a talent like his ever found its way to phonograph records […] Johnson died last week at precisely the moment when Vocalion scouts finally reached him and told him that he was booked to appear at Carnegie Hall” (19). The visceral awe experienced by subsequent generations of Johnson aficionados seems inspired by the remarkable capacity of his recordings to transcend space and time, reaching far beyond their immediate intended audience. “Johnson’s music changed the way the world looked to me,” wrote Greil Marcus, “I could listen to nothing else for months.” The music’s impact originates, at least in part, from the ambiguity of its origins: “I have the feeling, at times, that the reason Johnson has remained so elusive is that no one has been willing to take him at his word” (27-8). Three decades later Bob Dylan expressed similar sentiments over seven detailed pages of Chronicles: From the first note the vibrations from the loudspeaker made my hair stand up … it felt like a ghost had come into the room, a fearsome apparition …When he sings about icicles hanging on a tree it gives me the chills, or about milk turning blue … it made me nauseous and I wondered how he did that … It’s hard to imagine sharecroppers or plantation field hands at hop joints, relating to songs like these. You have to wonder if Johnson was playing for an audience that only he could see, one off in the future. (282-4) Such ready invocation of the supernatural bears witness to the profundity and resilience of the “lost bluesman” as a romantic trope. Barry Lee Pearson and Bill McCulloch have produced a painstaking genealogy of such a-historical misrepresentation. Early contributors include Rudi Blesch, Samuel B Charters, Frank Driggs’ liner notes for Johnson’s King of the Delta Blues Singers collection, and critic Pete Welding’s prolific 1960s output. Even comparatively recent researchers who ostensibly sought to demystify the legend couldn’t help but embellish the narrative. “It is undeniable that Johnson was fascinated with and probably obsessed by supernatural imagery,” asserted Robert Palmer (127). For Peter Guralnick his best songs articulate “the debt that must be paid for art and the Faustian bargain that Johnson sees at its core” (43). Contemporary scholarship from Pearson and McCulloch, James Banninghof, Charles Ford, and Elijah Wald has scrutinised Johnson’s life and work on a more evidential basis. This process has been likened to assembling a complicated jigsaw where half the pieces are missing: The Mississippi Delta has been practically turned upside down in the search for records of Robert Johnson. So far only marriage application signatures, two photos, a death certificate, a disputed death note, a few scattered school documents and conflicting oral histories of the man exist. Nothing more. (Graves 47) Such material is scrappy and unreliable. Johnson’s marriage licenses and his school records suggest contradictory dates of birth (Freeland 49). His death certificate mistakes his age—we now know that Johnson inadvertently founded another rock myth, the “27 Club” which includes fellow guitarists Brian Jones, Jimi Hendrix and Kurt Cobain (Wolkewitz et al., Segalstad and Hunter)—and incorrectly states he was single when he was twice widowed. A second contemporary research strand focuses on the mythmaking process itself. For Eric Rothenbuhler the appeal of Johnson’s recordings lies in his unique “for-the-record” aesthetic, that foreshadowed playing and song writing standards not widely realised until the 1960s. For Patricia Schroeder Johnson’s legend reveals far more about the story-tellers than it does the source—which over time has become “an empty center around which multiple interpretations, assorted viewpoints, and a variety of discourses swirl” (3). Some accounts of Johnson’s life seem entirely coloured by their authors’ cultural preconceptions. The most enduring myth, Johnson’s “crossroads” encounter with the Devil, is commonly redrawn according to the predilections of those telling the tale. That this story really belongs to bluesman Tommy Johnson has been known for over four decades (Evans 22), yet it was mistakenly attributed to Robert as recently as 1999 in French blues magazine Soul Bag (Pearson and McCulloch 92-3). Such errors are, thankfully, becoming less common. While the movie Crossroads (1986) brazenly appropriated Tommy’s story, the young walking bluesman in Oh, Brother, Where Art Thou? (2000) faithfully proclaims his authentic identity: “Thanks for the lift, sir. My name's Tommy. Tommy Johnson […] I had to be at that crossroads last midnight. Sell my soul to the devil.” Nevertheless the “supernatural” constituent of Johnson’s legend remains an irresistible framing device. It inspired evocative footage in Peter Meyer’s Can’t You Hear the Wind Howl? The Life and Music of Robert Johnson (1998). Even the liner notes to the definitive Sony Music Robert Johnson: The Centennial Edition celebrate and reclaim his myth: nothing about this musician is more famous than the word-of-mouth accounts of him selling his soul to the devil at a midnight crossroads in exchange for his singular mastery of blues guitar. It has become fashionable to downplay or dismiss this account nowadays, but the most likely source of the tale is Johnson himself, and the best efforts of scholars to present this artist in ordinary, human terms have done little to cut through the mystique and mystery that surround him. Repackaged versions of Johnson’s recordings became available via Amazon.co.uk and Spotify when they fell out of copyright in the United Kingdom. Predictable titles such as Contracted to the Devil, Hellbound, Me and the Devil Blues, and Up Jumped the Devil along with their distinctive “crossroads” artwork continue to demonstrate the durability of this myth [1]. Ironically, Johnson’s recordings were made during an era when one-off exhibited artworks (such as his individual performances of music) first became reproducible products. Walter Benjamin famously described the impact of this development: that which withers in the age of mechanical reproduction is the aura of the work of art […] the technique of reproduction detaches the reproduced object from the domain of tradition. By making many reproductions it substitutes a plurality of copies for a unique existence. (7) Marybeth Hamilton drew on Benjamin in her exploration of white folklorists’ efforts to document authentic pre-modern blues culture. Such individuals sought to preserve the intensity of the uncorrupted and untutored black voice before its authenticity and uniqueness could be tarnished by widespread mechanical reproduction. Two artefacts central to Johnson’s myth, his photographs and his recorded output, will now be considered in that context. In 1973 researcher Stephen LaVere located two pictures in the possession of his half–sister Carrie Thompson. The first, a cheap “dime store” self portrait taken in the equivalent of a modern photo booth, shows Johnson around a year into his life as a walking bluesman. The second, taken in the Hooks Bros. studio in Beale Street, Memphis, portrays a dapper and smiling musician on the eve of his short career as a Vocalion recording artist [2]. Neither was published for over a decade after their “discovery” due to fears of litigation from a competing researcher. A third photograph remains unpublished, still owned by Johnson’s family: The man has short nappy hair; he is slight, one foot is raised, and he is up on his toes as though stretching for height. There is a sharp crease in his pants, and a handkerchief protrudes from his breast pocket […] His eyes are deep-set, reserved, and his expression forms a half-smile, there seems to be a gentleness about him, his fingers are extraordinarily long and delicate, his head is tilted to one side. (Guralnick 67) Recently a fourth portrait appeared, seemingly out of nowhere, in Vanity Fair. Vintage guitar seller Steven Schein discovered a sepia photograph labelled “Old Snapshot Blues Guitar B. B. King???” [sic] while browsing Ebay and purchased it for $2,200. Johnson’s son positively identified the image, and a Houston Police Department forensic artist employed face recognition technology to confirm that “all the features are consistent if not identical” (DiGiacomo 2008). The provenance of this photograph remains disputed, however. Johnson’s guitar appears overly distressed for what would at the time be a new model, while his clothes reflect an inappropriate style for the period (Graves). Another contested “Johnson” image found on four seconds of silent film showed a walking bluesman playing outside a small town cinema in Ruleville, Mississippi. It inspired Bob Dylan to wax lyrical in Chronicles: “You can see that really is Robert Johnson, has to be – couldn’t be anyone else. He’s playing with huge, spiderlike hands and they magically move over the strings of his guitar” (287). However it had already been proved that this figure couldn’t be Johnson, because the background movie poster shows a film released three years after the musician’s death. The temptation to wish such items genuine is clearly a difficult one to overcome: “even things that might have been Robert Johnson now leave an afterglow” (Schroeder 154, my italics). Johnson’s recordings, so carefully preserved by Hammond and other researchers, might offer tangible and inviolate primary source material. Yet these also now face a serious challenge: they run too rapidly by a factor of up to 15 per cent (Gibbens; Wilde). Speeding up music allowed early producers to increase a song’s vibrancy and fit longer takes on to their restricted media. By slowing the recording tempo, master discs provided a “mother” print that would cause all subsequent pressings to play unnaturally quickly when reproduced. Robert Johnson worked for half a decade as a walking blues musician without restrictions on the length of his songs before recording with producer Don Law and engineer Vincent Liebler in San Antonio (1936) and Dallas (1937). Longer compositions were reworked for these sessions, re-arranging and edited out verses (Wald, Escaping). It is also conceivable that they were purposefully, or even accidentally, sped up. (The tempo consistency of machines used in early field recordings across the South has often been questioned, as many played too fast or slow (Morris).) Slowed-down versions of Johnson’s songs from contributors such as Angus Blackthorne and Ron Talley now proliferate on YouTube. The debate has fuelled detailed discussion in online blogs, where some contributors to specialist audio technology forums have attempted to decode a faintly detectable background hum using spectrum analysers. If the frequency of the alternating current that powered Law and Liebler’s machine could be established at 50 or 60 Hz it might provide evidence of possible tempo variation. A peak at 51.4 Hz, one contributor argues, suggests “the recordings are 2.8 per cent fast, about half a semitone” (Blischke). Such “augmentation” has yet to be fully explored in academic literature. Graves describes the discussion as “compelling and intriguing” in his endnotes, concluding “there are many pros and cons to the argument and, indeed, many recordings over the years have been speeded up to make them seem livelier” (124). Wald ("Robert Johnson") provides a compelling and detailed counter-thesis on his website, although he does acknowledge inconsistencies in pitch among alternate master takes of some recordings. No-one who actually saw Robert Johnson perform ever called attention to potential discrepancies between the pitch of his natural and recorded voice. David “Honeyboy” Edwards, Robert Lockwood Jr. and Johnny Shines were all interviewed repeatedly by documentarians and researchers, but none ever raised the issue. Conversely Johnson’s former girlfriend Willie Mae Powell was visibly affected by the familiarity in his voice on hearing his recording of the tune Johnson wrote for her, “Love in Vain”, in Chris Hunt’s The Search for Robert Johnson (1991). Clues might also lie in the natural tonality of Johnson’s instrument. Delta bluesmen who shared Johnson’s repertoire and played slide guitar in his style commonly used a tuning of open G (D-G-D-G-B-G). Colloquially known as “Spanish” (Gordon 2002, 38-42) it offers a natural home key of G major for slide guitar. We might therefore expect Johnson’s recordings to revolve around the tonic (G) or its dominant (D) -however almost all of his songs are a full tone higher, in the key of A or its dominant E. (The only exceptions are “They’re Red Hot” and “From Four Till Late” in C, and “Love in Vain” in G.) A pitch increase such as this might be consistent with an increase in the speed of these recordings. Although an alternative explanation might be that Johnson tuned his strings particularly tightly, which would benefit his slide playing but also make fingering notes and chords less comfortable. Yet another is that he used a capo to raise the key of his instrument and was capable of performing difficult lead parts in relatively high fret positions on the neck of an acoustic guitar. This is accepted by Scott Ainslie and Dave Whitehill in their authoritative volume of transcriptions At the Crossroads (11). The photo booth self portrait of Johnson also clearly shows a capo at the second fret—which would indeed raise open G to open A (in concert pitch). The most persuasive reasoning against speed tampering runs parallel to the argument laid out earlier in this piece, previous iterations of the Johnson myth have superimposed their own circumstances and ignored the context and reality of the protagonist’s lived experience. As Wald argues, our assumptions of what we think Johnson ought to sound like have little bearing on what he actually sounded like. It is a compelling point. When Son House, Skip James, Bukka White, and other surviving bluesmen were “rediscovered” during the 1960s urban folk revival of North America and Europe they were old men with deep and resonant voices. Johnson’s falsetto vocalisations do not, therefore, accord with the commonly accepted sound of an authentic blues artist. Yet Johnson was in his mid-twenties in 1936 and 1937; a young man heavily influenced by the success of other high pitched male blues singers of his era. people argue that what is better about the sound is that the slower, lower Johnson sounds more like Son House. Now, House was a major influence on Johnson, but by the time Johnson recorded he was not trying to sound like House—an older player who had been unsuccessful on records—but rather like Leroy Carr, Casey Bill Weldon, Kokomo Arnold, Lonnie Johnson, and Peetie Wheatstraw, who were the big blues recording stars in the mid–1930s, and whose vocal styles he imitated on most of his records. (For example, the ooh-well-well falsetto yodel he often used was imitated from Wheatstraw and Weldon.) These singers tended to have higher, smoother voices than House—exactly the sound that Johnson seems to have been going for, and that the House fans dislike. So their whole argument is based on the fact that they prefer the older Delta sound to the mainstream popular blues sound of the 1930s—or, to put it differently, that their tastes are different from Johnson’s own tastes at the moment he was recording. (Wald, "Robert Johnson") Few media can capture an audible moment entirely accurately, and the idea of engineering a faithful reproduction of an original performance is also only one element of the rationale for any recording. Commercial engineers often aim to represent the emotion of a musical moment, rather than its totality. John and Alan Lomax may have worked as documentarians, preserving sound as faithfully as possible for the benefit of future generations on behalf of the Library of Congress. Law and Liebler, however, were producing exciting and profitable commercial products for a financial gain. Paradoxically, then, whatever the “real” Robert Johnson sounded like (deeper voice, no mesmeric falsetto, not such an extraordinarily adept guitar player, never met the Devil … and so on) the mythical figure who “sold his soul at the crossroads” and shipped millions of albums after his death may, on that basis, be equally as authentic as the original. Schroeder draws on Mikhail Bakhtin to comment on such vacant yet hotly contested spaces around the Johnson myth. For Bakhtin, literary texts are ascribed new meanings by consecutive generations as they absorb and respond to them. Every age re–accentuates in its own way the works of its most immediate past. The historical life of classic works is in fact the uninterrupted process of their social and ideological re–accentuation [of] ever newer aspects of meaning; their semantic content literally continues to grow, to further create out of itself. (421) In this respect Johnson’s legend is a “classic work”, entirely removed from its historical life, a free floating form re-contextualised and reinterpreted by successive generations in order to make sense of their own cultural predilections (Schroeder 57). As Graves observes, “since Robert Johnson’s death there has seemed to be a mathematical equation of sorts at play: the less truth we have, the more myth we get” (113). The threads connecting his real and mythical identity seem so comprehensively intertwined that only the most assiduous scholars are capable of disentanglement. Johnson’s life and work seem destined to remain augmented and contested for as long as people want to play guitar, and others want to listen to them. Notes[1] Actually the dominant theme of Johnson’s songs is not “the supernatural” it is his inveterate womanising. Almost all Johnson’s lyrics employ creative metaphors to depict troubled relationships. Some even include vivid images of domestic abuse. In “Stop Breakin’ Down Blues” a woman threatens him with a gun. In “32–20 Blues” he discusses the most effective calibre of weapon to shoot his partner and “cut her half in two.” In “Me and the Devil Blues” Johnson promises “to beat my woman until I get satisfied”. However in The Lady and Mrs Johnson five-time W. C. Handy award winner Rory Block re-wrote these words to befit her own cultural agenda, inverting the original sentiment as: “I got to love my baby ‘til I get satisfied”.[2] The Gibson L-1 guitar featured in Johnson’s Hooks Bros. portrait briefly became another contested artefact when it appeared in the catalogue of a New York State memorabilia dealership in 2006 with an asking price of $6,000,000. The Australian owner had apparently purchased the instrument forty years earlier under the impression it was bona fide, although photographic comparison technology showed that it couldn’t be genuine and the item was withdrawn. “Had it been real, I would have been able to sell it several times over,” Gary Zimet from MIT Memorabilia told me in an interview for Guitarist Magazine at the time, “a unique item like that will only ever increase in value” (Stewart 2010). References Ainslie, Scott, and Dave Whitehall. Robert Johnson: At the Crossroads – The Authoritative Guitar Transcriptions. Milwaukee: Hal Leonard Publishing, 1992. Bakhtin, Mikhail M. The Dialogic Imagination. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1982. Banks, Russell. “The Devil and Robert Johnson – Robert Johnson: The Complete Recordings.” The New Republic 204.17 (1991): 27-30. Banninghof, James. “Some Ramblings on Robert Johnson’s Mind: Critical Analysis and Aesthetic in Delta Blues.” American Music 15/2 (1997): 137-158. Benjamin, Walter. The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction. London: Penguin, 2008. Blackthorne, Angus. “Robert Johnson Slowed Down.” YouTube.com 2011. 1 Aug. 2013 ‹http://www.youtube.com/user/ANGUSBLACKTHORN?feature=watch›. Blesh, Rudi. Shining Trumpets: A History of Jazz. New York: Knopf, 1946. Blischke, Michael. “Slowing Down Robert Johnson.” The Straight Dope 2008. 1 Aug. 2013 ‹http://boards.straightdope.com/sdmb/showthread.php?t=461601›. Block, Rory. The Lady and Mrs Johnson. Rykodisc 10872, 2006. Charters, Samuel. The Country Blues. New York: De Capo Press, 1959. Collins UK. Collins English Dictionary. Glasgow: Harper Collins Publishers, 2010. DiGiacomo, Frank. “A Disputed Robert Johnson Photo Gets the C.S.I. Treatment.” Vanity Fair 2008. 1 Aug. 2013 ‹http://www.vanityfair.com/online/daily/2008/10/a-disputed-robert-johnson-photo-gets-the-csi-treatment›. DiGiacomo, Frank. “Portrait of a Phantom: Searching for Robert Johnson.” Vanity Fair 2008. 1 Aug. 2013 ‹http://www.vanityfair.com/culture/features/2008/11/johnson200811›. Dylan, Bob. Chronicles Vol 1. London: Simon & Schuster, 2005. Evans, David. Tommy Johnson. London: November Books, 1971. Ford, Charles. “Robert Johnson’s Rhythms.” Popular Music 17.1 (1998): 71-93. Freeland, Tom. “Robert Johnson: Some Witnesses to a Short Life.” Living Blues 150 (2000): 43-49. Gibbens, John. “Steady Rollin’ Man: A Revolutionary Critique of Robert Johnson.” Touched 2004. 1 Aug. 2013 ‹http://www.touched.co.uk/press/rjnote.html›. Gioia, Ted. Delta Blues: The Life and Times of the Mississippi Masters Who Revolutionised American Music. London: W. W. Norton & Co, 2008. Gioia, Ted. "Robert Johnson: A Century, and Beyond." Robert Johnson: The Centennial Collection. Sony Music 88697859072, 2011. Gordon, Robert. Can’t Be Satisfied: The Life and Times of Muddy Waters. London: Pimlico Books, 2002. Graves, Tom. Crossroads: The Life and Afterlife of Blues Legend Robert Johnson. Spokane: Demers Books, 2008. Guralnick, Peter. Searching for Robert Johnson: The Life and Legend of the "King of the Delta Blues Singers". London: Plume, 1998. Hamilton, Marybeth. In Search of the Blues: Black Voices, White Visions. London: Jonathan Cape, 2007. Hammond, John. From Spirituals to Swing (Dedicated to Bessie Smith). New York: The New Masses, 1938. Johnson, Robert. “Hellbound.” Amazon.co.uk 2011. 1 Aug. 2013 ‹http://www.amazon.co.uk/Hellbound/dp/B0063S8Y4C/ref=sr_1_cc_2?s=aps&ie=UTF8&qid=1376605065&sr=1-2-catcorr&keywords=robert+johnson+hellbound›. ———. “Contracted to the Devil.” Amazon.co.uk 2002. 1 Aug. 2013. ‹http://www.amazon.co.uk/Contracted-The-Devil-Robert-Johnson/dp/B00006F1L4/ref=sr_1_cc_1?s=aps&ie=UTF8&qid=1376830351&sr=1-1-catcorr&keywords=Contracted+to+The+Devil›. ———. King of the Delta Blues Singers. Columbia Records CL1654, 1961. ———. “Me and the Devil Blues.” Amazon.co.uk 2003. 1 Aug. 2013 ‹http://www.amazon.co.uk/Me-Devil-Blues-Robert-Johnson/dp/B00008SH7O/ref=sr_1_16?s=music&ie=UTF8&qid=1376604807&sr=1-16&keywords=robert+johnson›. ———. “The High Price of Soul.” Amazon.co.uk 2007. 1 Aug. 2013 ‹http://www.amazon.co.uk/High-Price-Soul-Robert-Johnson/dp/B000LC582C/ref=sr_1_39?s=music&ie=UTF8&qid=1376604863&sr=1-39&keywords=robert+johnson›. ———. “Up Jumped the Devil.” Amazon.co.uk 2005. 1 Aug. 2013 ‹http://www.amazon.co.uk/Up-Jumped-Devil-Robert-Johnson/dp/B000B57SL8/ref=sr_1_2?s=music&ie=UTF8&qid=1376829917&sr=1-2&keywords=Up+Jumped+The+Devil›. Marcus, Greil. Mystery Train: Images of America in Rock ‘n’ Roll Music. London: Plume, 1997. Morris, Christopher. “Phonograph Blues: Robert Johnson Mastered at Wrong Speed?” Variety 2010. 1 Aug. 2013 ‹http://www.varietysoundcheck.com/2010/05/phonograph-blues-robert-johnson-mastered-at-wrong-speed.html›. Oh, Brother, Where Art Thou? DVD. Universal Pictures, 2000. Palmer, Robert. Deep Blues: A Musical and Cultural History from the Mississippi Delta to Chicago’s South Side to the World. London: Penguin Books, 1981. Pearson, Barry Lee, and Bill McCulloch. Robert Johnson: Lost and Found. Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2003. Prial, Dunstan. The Producer: John Hammond and the Soul of American Music. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2006. Rothenbuhler, Eric W. “For–the–Record Aesthetics and Robert Johnson’s Blues Style as a Product of Recorded Culture.” Popular Music 26.1 (2007): 65-81. Rothenbuhler, Eric W. “Myth and Collective Memory in the Case of Robert Johnson.” Critical Studies in Media Communication 24.3 (2007): 189-205. Schroeder, Patricia. Robert Johnson, Mythmaking and Contemporary American Culture (Music in American Life). Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2004. Segalstad, Eric, and Josh Hunter. The 27s: The Greatest Myth of Rock and Roll. Berkeley: North Atlantic Books, 2009. Stewart, Jon. “Rock Climbing: Jon Stewart Concludes His Investigation of the Myths behind Robert Johnson.” Guitarist Magazine 327 (2010): 34. The Search for Robert Johnson. DVD. Sony Pictures, 1991. Talley, Ron. “Robert Johnson, 'Sweet Home Chicago', as It REALLY Sounded...” YouTube.com 2012. 1 Aug. 2013. ‹http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LCHod3_yEWQ›. Wald, Elijah. Escaping the Delta: Robert Johnson and the Invention of the Blues. London: HarperCollins, 2005. ———. The Robert Johnson Speed Recording Controversy. Elijah Wald — Writer, Musician 2012. 1 Aug. 2013. ‹http://www.elijahwald.com/johnsonspeed.html›. Wilde, John . “Robert Johnson Revelation Tells Us to Put the Brakes on the Blues: We've Been Listening to the Immortal 'King of the Delta Blues' at the Wrong Speed, But Now We Can Hear Him as He Intended.” The Guardian 2010. 1 Aug. 2013 ‹http://www.theguardian.com/music/musicblog/2010/may/27/robert-johnson-blues›. Wolkewitz, M., A. Allignol, N. Graves, and A.G. Barnett. “Is 27 Really a Dangerous Age for Famous Musicians? Retrospective Cohort Study.” British Medical Journal 343 (2011): d7799. 1 Aug. 2013 ‹http://www.bmj.com/content/343/bmj.d7799›.

Larson, Hope. A Wrinkle in Time: The Graphic Novel. New York: Margaret Ferguson Books, 2012. Print. This adaptation of the science fiction classic stays true to Madeline L’Engles’ original novel, first published in 1962 and still timeless 50 years later. Hope Larson (Eisner award-winning artist for Mercury, 2010) tackles both the written adaptation of the text and the illustrations, providing readers with much to explore. This graphic novel is a hefty addition to your collection, clocking in at 392 pages. The story begins with Meg Murry, her brother Charles Wallace, and their friend Calvin meeting three unusual ladies - Mrs. Whatsit, Mrs. Which and Mrs. Who. They travel together on a magical journey via a tesseract (a wrinkle in space and time) to find their father, Mr. Murry, who has gone missing while working on a top secret government project. When they arrive on the planet Camazotz where Mr. Murry is being held captive, they discover that something dark and sinister is controlling life on the planet. The children must summon all their strength and courage to resist this dark force and find their father. Larson’s strength is her ability to remain faithful to the original text while adding depth with her detailed illustrations. Readers of the original text will recognize key quotes and phrases, from the opening line “It was a dark and stormy night”, and will find much to love in Larson’s detailed illustrations. Meg’s storyline in particular was enhanced by Larson’s visual style, and I could see the messy complex emotions that Meg experienced throughout the story. Her illustrations also help to make clear some of the complex scientific ideas of the story, such as the nature of the fourth dimension and the tesseract – ideas I could not make sense of when I first read the book as a child. A disappointment with Larson’s adaptation was the selection of a single colour palette for the entire book. The choice of black, white and blue lent itself well to establishing the sense of despair that Meg and Charles Wallace felt about finding their missing father. It also made sense in a story where characters travel through space and time. However, I felt that new readers would miss out on details such as the menace of the man with the red eyes, and furthermore, the sense of hope and victory at the end of the story felt deadened. ​ In the end, this graphic novel adaptation is beautifully done and will not only introduce a new generation of readers to this classic tale, but also satisfy purists and fans of the original. Recommended: 3 out of 4 stars Reviewer: Shelly Jobagy Shelly Jobagy is a teacher-librarian and administrator at a K-9 school in Edmonton, Alberta.

Battles are defined as military encounters involving formations sufficient to act under their individual banners. These can be armies of individual dukes or counties or lands. The minimal threshold for a military encounter to be defined as a battle is that it should involve not fewer than 300 combatants on each side. Smaller encounters are defined as skirmishes. Historical significance of a battle should be assessed taking into account its impact on further military and political developments. Any battle having a significant impact on the context of the nearest decade should be viewed as decisive. In the history of Lithuania, the period of 1203–1435 was a time of great medieval battles. Their abundance was determined by two warfare fronts, namely, the Lithuanian war against the Teutonic Order and the expansion to the Ruthenian lands. Out of 45 battles of the above-mentioned period reviewed in this paper, 27 were fought against the Teutonic Knights and the Livonian Brothers of the Sword (four against the latter), fourteen in the Ruthenian lands and for the Ruthenian lands (against the Ruthenians and the Tatars), two against the Poles, and two were battles of domestic feuds. Incidentally, although the statistics of the Ruthenian front looks rather modest, the warfare was hardly less intense than the one with the Teutonic Knights, as the available source material on these fights is much more fragmentary. The paper outlines ten battles which can be identified as decisive. These are the battles of Saulė (1236), Durbe (1260), Aizkraukle or Ascheraden (1279), Garuoza (1287), Medininkai (1320), Strėva (1348), Blue Waters (1362), Vorskla (1399), Tannenberg (1410), and Pabaiskas (1435). Many of them have received a lot of attention in the historiography; however, the battles of Garuoza, Medininkai and, partly, even Aizkraukle are still neglected. Besides that, it should be admitted that the impact of certain battles is hard to evaluate due to the shortage of data . These are the battles of Ropaži (1205), Usvyaty (1226), Toropec-Usvyaty (1245), Protva-Zubtsov (1249 m.), and Irpen (1323 m.); they carry attributes of decisive battles, too. Although historiography tends to concentrate on victories, almost half of the reviewed battles (namely, twenty) were lost by the Lithuanians, including two decisive battles of Strėva and Vorskla. These two incurred a major damage to the situation of the Lithuanian state. Hence, although the Lithuanian state managed to maintain the upper hand in the fights of the thirteenth to the fifteenth centuries, it was far from easy, and painful defeats were part of the deal (see Table 5). Eleven of the reviewed battles took place within the territory of modern Lithuania and may be subject to archaeological research. However, the precise location can be identified only in two cases (Pabaiskas in 1435 and Palanga in 1372) and, in two other cases (Strėva in 1348 and Rudamina in 1394), the locations can be established within a certain range of certainty. Regarding the locations of other battles, which so far have been identified only approximately and often inaccurately, hypotheses can be raised and proved or rejected using methods of archaeological research. As for the battles that took place outside Lithuania, archaeological research should probably concentrate on the ones that happened near or on the ice of well-identified lakes (Usvyaty in 1226 and 1245, Zhizhitsa in 1245, and Kotelno in 1426 in Russia, and Nebеl in 1262 in Ukraine), as such sites may preserve some sunk medieval munitions.

Hundreds of thousands of Australian children were born in the shadow of the Great War, fathered by men who had enlisted between 1914 and 1918. Their lives could be and often were hard and unhappy, as Anzac historian Alistair Thomson observed of his father’s childhood in the 1920s and 1930s. David Thomson was son of a returned serviceman Hector Thomson who spent much of his adult life in and out of repatriation hospitals (257-259) and whose memory was subsequently expunged from Thomson family stories (299-267). These children of trauma fit within a pattern suggested by Marianne Hirsch in her influential essay “The Generation of Postmemory”. According to Hirsch, “postmemory describes the relationship of the second generation to powerful, often traumatic, experiences that preceded their births but that were nevertheless transmitted to them so deeply as to seem to constitute memories in their own right” (n.p.). This article attempts to situate George Johnston’s novel My Brother Jack (1964) within the context of postmemory narratives of violence that were complicated in Australia by the Anzac legend which occluded any too open discussion about the extent of war trauma present within community, including the children of war.“God knows what damage” the war “did to me psychologically” (48), ponders Johnston’s protagonist and alter-ego David Meredith in My Brother Jack. Published to acclaim fifty years after the outbreak of the First World War, My Brother Jack became a widely read text that seemingly spoke to the shared cultural memories of a generation which did not know battlefield violence directly but experienced its effects pervasively and vicariously in the aftermath through family life, storytelling, and the memorabilia of war. For these readers, the novel represented more than a work of fiction; it was a touchstone to and indicative of their own negotiations though often unspoken post-war trauma.Meredith, like his creator, is born in 1912. Strictly speaking, therefore, both are not part of the post-war generation. However, they are representative and therefore indicative of the post-war “hinge generation” which was expected to assume “guardianship” of the Anzac Legend, though often found the narrative logic challenging. They had been “too young for the war to have any direct effect”, and yet “every corner” of their family’s small suburban homes appear to be “impregnated with some gigantic and sombre experience that had taken place thousands of miles away” (17).According to Johnston’s biographer, Garry Kinnane, the “most teasing puzzle” of George Johnston’s “fictional version of his childhood in My Brother Jack is the monstrous impression he creates of his returned serviceman father, John George Johnston, known to everyone as ‘Pop.’ The first sixty pages are dominated by the tyrannical figure of Jack Meredith senior” (1).A large man purported to be six foot three inches (1.9 metres) in height and weighing fifteen stone (95 kilograms), the real-life Pop Johnston reputedly stood head and shoulders above the minimum requirement of five foot and six inches (1.68 metres) at the time of his enlistment for war in 1914 (Kinnane 4). In his fortieth year, Jack Johnston senior was also around twice the age of the average Australian soldier and among one in five who were married.According to Kinnane, Pop Johnston had “survived the ordeal of Gallipoli” in 1915 only to “endure three years of trench warfare in the Somme region”. While the biographer and the Johnston family may well have held this to be true, the claim is a distortion. There are a few intimations throughout My Brother Jack and its sequel Clean Straw for Nothing (1969) to suggest that George Johnston may have suspected that his father’s wartime service stories had been embellished, though the depicted wartime service of Pop Meredith remains firmly within the narrative arc of the Anzac legend. This has the effect of layering the postmemory violence experienced by David Meredith and, by implication, his creator, George Johnston. Both are expected to be keepers of a lie masquerading as inviolable truth which further brutalises them.John George (Pop) Johnston’s First World War military record reveals a different story to the accepted historical account and his fictionalisation in My Brother Jack. He enlisted two and a half months after the landing at Gallipoli on 12 July 1915 and left for overseas service on 23 November. Not quite the imposing six foot three figure of Kinnane’s biography, he was fractionally under five foot eleven (1.8 metres) and weighed thirteen stone (82.5 kilograms). Assigned to the Fifth Field Engineers on account of his experience as an electric tram fitter, he did not see frontline service at Gallipoli (NAA).Rather, according to the Company’s history, the Fifth Engineers were involved in a range of infrastructure and support work on the Western Front, including the digging and maintenance of trenches, laying duckboard, pontoons and tramlines, removing landmines, building huts, showers and latrines, repairing roads, laying drains; they built a cinema at Beaulencourt Piers for “Brigade Swimming Carnival” and baths at Malhove consisting of a large “galvanised iron building” with a “concrete floor” and “setting tanks capable of bathing 2,000 men per day” (AWM). It is likely that members of the company were also involved in burial details.Sapper Johnston was hospitalised twice during his service with influenza and saw out most of his war from October 1917 attached to the Army Cookery School (NAA). He returned to Australia on board the HMAT Kildonian Castle in May 1919 which, according to the Sydney Morning Herald, also carried the official war correspondent and creator of the Anzac legend C.E.W. Bean, national poet Banjo Paterson and “Warrant Officer C G Macartney, the famous Australian cricketer”. The Herald also listed the names of “Returned Officers” and “Decorated Men”, but not Pop Johnston who had occupied the lower decks with other returning men (“Soldiers Return”).Like many of the more than 270,000 returned soldiers, Pop Johnston apparently exhibited observable changes upon his repatriation to Australia: “he was partially deaf” which was attributed to the “constant barrage of explosions”, while “gas” was suspected to have “left him with a legacy of lung disorders”. Yet, if “anyone offered commiserations” on account of this war legacy, he was quick to “dismiss the subject with the comment that ‘there were plenty worse off’” (Kinnane 6). The assumption is that Pop’s silence is stoic; the product of unspeakable horror and perhaps a symptom of survivor guilt.An alternative interpretation, suggested by Alistair Thomson in Anzac Memories, is that the experiences of the vast majority of returned soldiers were expected to fit within the master narrative of the Anzac legend in order to be accepted and believed, and that there was no space available to speak truthfully about alternative war service. Under pressure of Anzac expectations a great many composed stories or remained selectively silent (14).Data gleaned from the official medical history suggest that as many as four out of every five returned servicemen experienced emotional or psychological disturbance related to their war service. However, the two branches of medicine represented by surgeons and physicians in the Repatriation Department—charged with attending to the welfare of returned servicemen—focused on the body rather than the mind and the emotions (Murphy and Nile).The repatriation records of returned Australian soldiers reveal that there were, indeed, plenty physically worse off than Pop Johnston on account of bodily disfigurement or because they had been somatically compromised. An estimated 30,000 returned servicemen died in the decade after the cessation of hostilities to 1928, bringing the actual number of war dead to around 100,000, while a 1927 official report tabled the medical conditions of a further 72,388 veterans: 28,305 were debilitated by gun and shrapnel wounds; 22,261 were rheumatic or had respiratory diseases; 4534 were afflicted with eye, ear, nose, or throat complaints; 9,186 had tuberculosis or heart disease; 3,204 were amputees while only; 2,970 were listed as suffering “war neurosis” (“Enlistment”).Long after the guns had fallen silent and the wounded survivors returned home, the physical effects of war continued to be apparent in homes and hospital wards around the country, while psychological and emotional trauma remained largely undiagnosed and consequently untreated. David Meredith’s attitude towards his able-bodied father is frequently dismissive and openly scathing: “dad, who had been gassed, but not seriously, near Vimy Ridge, went back to his old job at the tramway depot” (9). The narrator-son later considers:what I realise now, although I never did at the time, is that my father, too, was oppressed by intimidating factors of fear and change. By disillusion and ill-health too. As is so often the case with big, strong, athletic men, he was an extreme hypochondriac, and he had convinced himself that the severe bronchitis which plagued him could only be attributed to German gas he had swallowed at Vimy Ridge. He was too afraid to go to a doctor about it, so he lived with a constant fear that his lungs were decaying, and that he might die at any time, without warning. (42-3)During the writing of My Brother Jack, the author-son was in chronically poor health and had been recently diagnosed with the romantic malady and poet’s disease of tuberculosis (Lawler) which plagued him throughout his work on the novel. George Johnston believed (correctly as it turned out) that he was dying on account of the disease, though, he was also an alcoholic and smoker, and had been reluctant to consult a doctor. It is possible and indeed likely that he resentfully viewed his condition as being an extension of his father—vicariously expressed through the depiction of Pop Meredith who exhibits hysterical symptoms which his son finds insufferable. David Meredith remains embittered and unforgiving to the very end. Pop Meredith “lived to seventy-three having died, not of German gas, but of a heart attack” (46).Pop Meredith’s return from the war in 1919 terrifies his seven-year-old son “Davy”, who accompanies the family to the wharf to welcome home a hero. The young boy is unable to recall anything about the father he is about to meet ostensibly for the first time. Davy becomes overwhelmed by the crowds and frightened by the “interminable blaring of horns” of the troopships and the “ceaseless roar of shouting”. Dwarfed by the bodies of much larger men he becomestoo frightened to look up at the hours-long progression of dark, hard faces under wide, turned-up hats seen against bayonets and barrels that are more blue than black ... the really strong image that is preserved now is of the stiff fold and buckle of coarse khaki trousers moving to the rhythm of knees and thighs and the tight spiral curves of puttees and the thick boots hammering, hollowly off the pier planking and thunderous on the asphalt roadway.Depicted as being small for his age, Davy is overwrought “with a huge and numbing terror” (10).In the years that follow, the younger Meredith desires emotional stability but remains denied because of the war’s legacy which manifests in the form of a violent patriarch who is convinced that his son has been rendered effeminate on account of the manly absence during vital stages of development. With the return of the father to the household, Davy grows to fear and ultimately despise a man who remains as alien to him as the formerly absent soldier had been during the war:exactly when, or why, Dad introduced his system of monthly punishments I no longer remember. We always had summary punishment, of course, for offences immediately detected—a cuffing around the ears or a sash with a stick of a strap—but Dad’s new system was to punish for the offences which had escaped his attention. So on the last day of every month Jack and I would be summoned in turn to the bathroom and the door would be locked and each of us would be questioned about the sins which we had committed and which he had not found out about. This interrogation was the merest formality; whether we admitted to crimes or desperately swore our innocence it was just the same; we were punished for the offences which, he said, he knew we must have committed and had to lie about. We then had to take our shirts and singlets off and bend over the enamelled bath-tub while he thrashed us with the razor-strop. In the blind rages of these days he seemed not to care about the strength he possessed nor the injuries he inflicted; more often than not it was the metal end of the strop that was used against our backs. (48)Ironically, the ritualised brutality appears to be a desperate effort by the old man to compensate for his own emasculation in war and unresolved trauma now that the war is ended. This plays out in complicated fashion in the development of David Meredith in Clean Straw for Nothing, Johnston’s sequel to My Brother Jack.The imputation is that Pop Meredith practices violence in an attempt to reassert his failed masculinity and reinstate his status as the head of the household. Older son Jack’s beatings cease when, as a more physically able young man, he is able to threaten the aggressor with violent retaliation. This action does not spare the younger weaker Davy who remains dominated. “My beating continued, more ferociously than ever, … . They ceased only because one day my father went too far; he lambasted me so savagely that I fell unconscious into the bath-tub, and the welts across my back made by the steel end of the razor-strop had to be treated by a doctor” (53).Pop Meredith is persistently reminded that he has no corporeal signifiers of war trauma (only a cough); he is surrounded by physically disabled former soldiers who are presumed to be worse off than he on account of somatic wounding. He becomes “morose, intolerant, bitter and violently bad-tempered”, expressing particular “displeasure and resentment” toward his wife, a trained nurse, who has assumed carer responsibilities for homing the injured men: “he had altogether lost patience with her role of Florence Nightingale to the halt and the lame” (40). Their marriage is loveless: “one can only suppose that he must have been darkly and profoundly disturbed by the years-long procession through our house of Mother’s ‘waifs and strays’—those shattered former comrades-in-arms who would have been a constant and sinister reminder of the price of glory” (43); a price he had failed to adequately pay with his uncompromised body intact.Looking back, a more mature David Meredith attempts to establish order, perspective and understanding to the “mess of memory and impressions” of his war-affected childhood in an effort to wrest control back over his postmemory violation: “Jack and I must have spent a good part of our boyhood in the fixed belief that grown-up men who were complete were pretty rare beings—complete, that is, in that they had their sight or hearing or all of their limbs” (8). While the father is physically complete, his brooding presence sets the tone for the oppressively “dark experience” within the family home where all rooms are “inhabited by the jetsam that the Somme and the Marne and the salient at Ypres and the Gallipoli beaches had thrown up” (18). It is not until Davy explores the contents of the “big deep drawer at the bottom of the cedar wardrobe” in his parents’ bedroom that he begins to “sense a form in the shadow” of the “faraway experience” that had been the war. The drawer contains his father’s service revolver and ammunition, battlefield souvenirs and French postcards but, “most important of all, the full set of the Illustrated War News” (19), with photographs of battlefield carnage. These are the equivalent of Hirsch’s photographs of the Holocaust that establish in Meredith an ontology that links him more realistically to the brutalising past and source of his ongoing traumatistion (Hirsch). From these, Davy begins to discern something of his father’s torment but also good fortune at having survived, and he makes curatorial interventions not by becoming a custodian of abjection like second generation Holocaust survivors but by disposing of the printed material, leaving behind artefacts of heroism: gun, the bullets, the medals and ribbons. The implication is that he has now become complicit in the very narrative that had oppressed him since his father’s return from war.No one apparently notices or at least comments on the removal of the journals, the images of which become linked in the young boys mind to an incident outside a “dilapidated narrow-fronted photographer’s studio which had been deserted and padlocked for as long as I could remember”. A number of sun-damaged photographs are still displayed in the window. Faded to a “ghostly, deathly pallor”, and speckled with fly droppings, years earlier, they had captured young men in uniforms before embarkation for the war. An “agate-eyed” boy from Davy’s school joins in the gazing, saying nothing for a long time until the silence is broken: “all them blokes there is dead, you know” (20).After the unnamed boy departs with a nonchalant “hoo-roo”, young Davy runs “all the way home, trying not to cry”. He cannot adequately explain the reason for his sudden reaction: “I never after that looked in the window of the photographer’s studio or the second hand shop”. From that day on Davy makes a “long detour” to ensure he never passes the shops again (20-1). Having witnessed images of pre-war undamaged young men in the prime of their youth, he has come face-to-face with the consequences of war which he is unable to reconcile in terms of the survival and return of his much older father.The photographs of the young men establishes a causal connection to the physically wrecked remnants that have shaped Davy’s childhood. These are the living remains that might otherwise have been the “corpses sprawled in mud or drowned in flooded shell craters” depicted in the Illustrated News. The photograph of the young men establishes Davy’s connection to the things “propped up our hallway”, of “Bert ‘sobbing’ in the backyard and Gabby Dixon’s face at the dark end of the room”, and only reluctantly the “bronchial cough of my father going off in the dawn light to the tramways depot” (18).That is to say, Davy has begun to piece together sense from senselessness, his father’s complicity and survival—and, by association, his own implicated life and psychological wounding. He has approached the source of his father’s abjection and also his own though he continues to be unable to accept and forgive. Like his father—though at the remove—he has been damaged by the legacies of the war and is also its victim.Ravaged by tuberculosis and alcoholism, George Johnston died in 1970. According to the artist Sidney Nolan he had for years resembled the ghastly photographs of survivors of the Holocaust (Marr 278). George’s forty five year old alcoholic wife Charmian Clift predeceased him by twelve months, having committed suicide in 1969. Four years later, in 1973, George and Charmian’s twenty four year old daughter Shane also took her own life. Their son Martin drank himself to death and died of organ failure at the age of forty three in 1990. They are all “dead, you know”.ReferencesAWM. Fifth Field Company, Australian Engineers. Diaries, AWM4 Sub-class 14/24.“Enlistment Report”. Reveille, 29 Sep. 1928.Hirsch, Marianne. “The Generation of Postmemory.” Poetics Today 29.1 (Spring 2008): 103-128. <https://read.dukeupress.edu/poetics-today/article/29/1/103/20954/The-Generation-of-Postmemory>.Johnston, George. Clean Straw for Nothing. London: Collins, 1969.———. My Brother Jack. London: Collins, 1964.Kinnane, Garry. George Johnston: A Biography. Melbourne: Nelson, 1986.Lawler, Clark. Consumption and Literature: the Making of the Romantic Disease. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006.Marr, David, ed. Patrick White Letters. Sydney: Random House, 1994.Murphy, Ffion, and Richard Nile. “Gallipoli’s Troubled Hearts: Fear, Nerves and Repatriation.” Studies in Western Australian History 32 (2018): 25-38.NAA. John George Johnston War Service Records. <https://recordsearch.naa.gov.au/SearchNRetrieve/Interface/ViewImage.aspx?B=1830166>.“Soldiers Return by the Kildonan Castle.” Sydney Morning Herald, 10 May 1919: 18.Thomson, Alistair. Anzac Memories: Living with the Legend. Clayton: Monash UP, 2013.