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1

Wicher, Andrzej. "Some Boethian Themes in J.R.R. Tolkien’s Lord of the Rings." Romanica Silesiana 20, no. 2 (December 20, 2021): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/rs.2021.20.03.

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There appear to be quite a few parallels between Tolkien’s The Lord of the Rings and Boethius’s The Consolation of Philosophy (Consolatio Philosophiae), and they seem to concern particularly, though not only, the character drawing in Tolkien’s book. Those parallels are preeminently connected with the fact that both Boethius and Tolkien like to think of the most extreme situations that can befall a human. And both are attached to the idea of not giving in to despair, and of finding a source of hope in seemingly desperate straits. The idea that there is some link between Boethius and Tolkien is naturally not new. T.A. Shippey talks about it in his The Road to Middle Earth, but he concentrates on the Boethian conception of good and evil, which is also of course an important matter, but surely not the only one that links Tolkien and Boethius. On the other hand, it is not my intention to claim that there is something in Tolkien’s book of which it can be said that it would have been absolutely impossible without Boethius. Still, I think it may be supposed that just like Boethian motifs are natural in the medieval literature of the West, so they can be thought of as natural in the work of such dedicated a medievalist as J.R.R. Tolkien.
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2

Classen, Albrecht. "Boethius and No End in Sight." Daphnis 46, no. 3 (May 18, 2018): 448–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18796583-04601010.

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Previous scholarship has not considered the continued interest in the philosophical teachings by Boethius (d. 525) by early modern thinkers and poets. This article traces the continued flood of translations and editions of Boethius’s De consolatione philosophiae in Germany far into the seventeenth century and then unearths links between his philosophy and the sonnets by Andreas Gryphius and the epigrams by Johann Scheffler (Angelus Silesius). At first sight, we might not even recognize Boethian ideas in their poems, but the close analysis of images and concepts formulated in these German Baroque texts demonstrate strong similarities. Considering that Boethius was one of the important school authors even in the seventeenth century, it does not surprise us to discover direct echoes of his ideas in these literary reflections.
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3

Lorden, Jennifer A. "Tale and Parable: Theorizing Fictions in the Old English Boethius." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 136, no. 3 (May 2021): 340–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/s0030812921000249.

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AbstractScholarship has often considered the concept of fiction a modern phenomenon. But the Old English Boethius teaches us that medieval people could certainly tell that a fictional story was a lie, although it was hard for them to explain why it was all right that it was a lie—this is the problem the Old English Boethius addresses for the first time in the history of the English language. In translating Boethius's sixth-century Consolation of Philosophy, the ninth-century Old English Boethius offers explanatory comments on its source's narrative exempla drawn from classical myth. While some of these comments explain stories unfamiliar to early medieval English audiences, others consider how such “false stories” may be read and experienced by those properly prepared to encounter them. In so doing, the Old English Boethius must adopt and adapt a terminology for fiction that is unique in the extant corpus of Old English writing.
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4

Javier Huamán, Ricardo. "Francisco de Castilla, Boethius and the Search for True Happiness." Calíope 23, no. 1 (April 1, 2018): 35–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/caliope.23.1.035.

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Abstract Francisco de Castilla published his treatise on the virtues, Teórica de virtudes, in 1518. The influence of Boethius' most famous work, De consolatione philosophiae, on medieval literature and imagery is well known. The connection of the four poems in Teórica to Boethius has not been studied. This lack of attention may be due solely to an ignorance of Castilla's poetic output. Castilla's case is noteworthy because he mentions Boethius by name several times, recreates De consolatione philosophiae in “Diálogo entre la Miseria humana y el Consuelo” and includes Lady Philosophy as a character in “Inquisición de la felicidad.” This work investigates the relationship between De consolatione and Teórica and how Castilla learns to express the finding of true happiness in Boethian terms.
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5

Murton, Megan. "Chaucer’s Fortune: A Necessary Invention." Chaucer Review 59, no. 2 (April 2024): 207–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/chaucerrev.59.2.0207.

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ABSTRACT Chaucer’s Boethian lyrics repay a critical approach that views them not only as court poetry but also as sophisticated responses to their source, The Consolation of Philosophy. This article demonstrates how the lyric Fortune engages ambitiously with Boethius’s central arguments about randomness, providence, and human moral action. Spoken by two voices, the poem dramatizes a conflict not between its speakers, but between rational knowledge and emotional experience, building to a climax in which Fortune declares herself nonexistent. This paradoxical moment captures the Boethian insight that although Fortune is not real, it is necessary for humans to invent her. Chaucer’s approach in this poem is to heighten the subtle tensions he found in the Consolation between the rational apprehension of higher truth and the emotional experience of life in a contingent world. Fortune thus illustrates Chaucer’s approach to Boethius as a source not of otherworldly consolation but of this-worldly wisdom.
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6

PAVALUCA, VASILICA MUGUREL. "HAPPINESS ACCORDING TO BOETHIUS’ CONSOLATIO PHILOSOPHIAE." Annals of the University of Bucharest, Philosophy Series 71, no. 2/2022 (January 10, 2023): 19–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.62229/aubpslxxi/2_22/2.

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As a philosopher or a lover of philosophy, one wonders whether this area can also be useful in everyday life; whether philosophy also has a reason that leads to happiness. Boethius tried to find the answer to this question in the 6th century through his writing Consolatio Philosophiae. The Lady Philosophy helps the prisoner Boethius see true goodness and choose authentic happiness. In this essay we try to analyze the text of the Consolatio Philosophiae and show how a happy life is possible through philosophy. We go through all the books and analyze the key passages of the Consolatio. At the same time, we follow the state of mind of Boethius and see how far he understands the prospect of happiness. From diagnosing Boethius (as established by Lady Philosophy) as banished in his existence, through understanding Fortuna as an ever-changing goddess, to true happiness, we accompany Boethius in his sorrows and doubts. The last questions of books four and five, the questions of the theodicy, refer to the justification of the philosopher to believe in a God who allows evil in the world and who supposedly does not predestine creation in his foreknowledge. The conclusions are partially redundant. It is up to the individual to decide whether philosophy can be a good companion on the way to eternal happiness. Some prerequisites of Boethian philosophy and theology could be established here.
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7

McCutcheon, Elizabeth. "Wings and Crosses: Boethius’s De Consolatione Philosophiae and More’s Dialogue of Comfort against Tribulation and Other Writings." Moreana 50 (Number 193-, no. 3-4 (December 2013): 150–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2013.50.3-4.10.

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Thomas More was deeply affected by Boethius’s Consolation of Philosophy and made the work part of his innermost being. His use of specific topics and topoi – in particular, the idea of Fortune and arguments against it – has long been recognized. But his responses to the Consolation of Philosophy were often more holistic and experiential, as he responded to the deeper, metaphysical, and transcendent movement of the work. More, like Boethius, understood that the entire world is a prison, and hungered for his true home, which is above. He paraphrased Boethius’s Consolation in his early English poems, while citations became overt in later writings. When More later found himself, like Boethius, a prisoner of conscience, he too wrote a dialogue that grew out of the reality of his imprisonment and testified to the values and beliefs he embraced. Boethius’s dialogue has a cosmic and vertical orientation: Philosophy is a supra-mundane figure (and a personification allegory) representing the mind within, while More’s Dialogue of Comfort against Tribulation combines the transcendent with a vision of Christ crucified. And More’s interlocutors are more grounded in time and space; besides the cognitive therapy that Philosophy administers to the prisoner in Boethius’s dialogue, the two very human figures in More’s Dialogue of Comfort struggle with their temptations and fears. But both works depend upon grasping the difference between matters temporal and the illusory or deceptive goods of this world (fortune, wealth, fame, etc.) and the true good, which is eternal. And both Boethius and More witness the reality of human finitude and the mysteries of a divine purpose that orders the universe and shapes our ends.
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8

Bächli, Andreas. "Bemerkungen zu Substanz und Wissen Gottes in Boethius’ Philosophiae consolatio." Bochumer Philosophisches Jahrbuch für Antike und Mittelalter 6 (December 31, 2001): 21–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/bpjam.6.03bac.

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Boethius’ attempt to clarify the notion of divine providence in the Philosophiae consolatiois based on the conception of divine substance as ›eternity‹. Concerning his distinction between ›providence‹ and ›fate‹, this essay reconsiders and modi;es the view of some modern readers, according to which Boethius’s account entirely depends on Proclus. The fact that Boethius associates the notion of the One or the supreme Good with the notion of eternity suggests a rather free use of Proclus’s ideas. Although the solution of the problem of the ›necessity‹ of future contingent events he proposes is not new, what he has to say on divine ›comprehension‹ does not seem to consist merely in a presentation of views of his Neopla­tonic predecessors.
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9

Matosović Pongrac, Martina. "Research on Boethius’s Views on the Nature of Good and Evil." Disputatio philosophica 25, no. 1 (February 7, 2024): 65–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.32701/dp.25.1.5.

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This inquiry delves into the nuanced perspectives of Boethius on the existence of evil, placing a particular emphasis on its ontological dimensions within the overarching framework of absolute good. The primary focus of this analysis centers around Boethius’s seminal works, The Consolation of Philosophy and Hebdomads which serve as the key repositories of his philosophical reflections. In the former, Boethius conducts a profound exploration of the problem of evil and good, with a specific focus on the ontological realm. The latter work, Hebdomads contributes a metaphysical foundation for a more profound comprehension of these philosophical concepts. This study bifurcates the thematic exploration into two core aspects: the ontological–metaphysical dimension, scrutinizing the concepts of good and bad beyond the realm of human action, and the ethical– moral dimension, acknowledging its importance for a comprehensive understanding of the metaphysical. This dualistic approach enriches the hermeneutic perspective, facilitating a more holistic understanding of Boethius’s intricate thoughts on the nature of good and evil. The synthesis of these levels not only illuminates Boethius’s intellectual journey but also contributes to the broader discourse on the philosophical exploration of ontological dimensions within the context of absolute good.
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10

Smith, Warren S. "Boethius." Ancient Philosophy 21, no. 2 (2001): 534–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil200121237.

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11

Marshall, Siobhan F. "Boethius." American Catholic Philosophical Quarterly 80, no. 1 (2006): 134–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/acpq200680136.

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12

Stewart, Stephen P. "Boethius." Philosophers' Magazine, no. 7 (1999): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/tpm1999752.

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13

Crossley, John N., Constant J. Mews, and Carol J. Williams. "JEAN DES MURS AND THE RETURN TO BOETHIUS ON MUSIC." Early Music History 40 (October 2021): 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261127921000012.

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The Musica speculativa of Jean des Murs played a key role in renewing interest in the teaching of Boethius in the fourteenth century. We argue that this treatise is much more than a summary of the Boethian De institutione musica in presenting its core teachings as fully consistent within an Aristotelian theory of knowledge. Two versions of its prologue (1323 and 1325 respectively) are examined together with their relationship to Jean’s Notitia artis musicae (1321) and the innovative significance of its mathematical-style presentation of the teaching of Boethius about proportions with its appeal to clear diagrams. We aim to guide the modern reader through the thought patterns and diagrams of Jean des Murs, demonstrating why the Musica speculativa was so widely studied in the later Middle Ages. The two different prologues are presented in English translation for the first time.
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14

Savynska, Inna. "IN SEARCH OF LITERARY SOURCES OF DIALOGUE «DE CONSOLATIONE PHILOSOPHIAE» BY SEVERIN BOETHIUS." Doxa, no. 1(35) (December 22, 2021): 152–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2410-2601.2021.1(35).246736.

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The paper examines the literature basic of Severin Boethius work «The Consolation of Philosophy». The author starts with the historical context of the appearance of the text and then goes to consider its variety of literary genres and forms. Main of them are satura Menippea, consolation, protreptic, soliloquy and dialogue. Textual and conceptual analyses have relieved the connection between Boethius’s «The Consolation» and the works of other famous authors of Antiquity among them there are Plato, Aristotle, Seneca, Cicero, and St. Augustine. As a connoisseur of Antiquity, Boethius uses literature to explain his philosophical ideas. In addition, the author of the article suggests an analytical review of the image of the Lade Philosophy in «Consolation». The genealogy of this literary character refers to the Greek mythology, Plato’s «Symposium» and «Crito» dialogues, Martianus Capella’s work «On the Marriage of Philology and Mercury» and Augustine’s the literary image of St. Monika. The article reconstructs an epistemological methodology of Boethius’s Neoplatonic dialogue that consists of five stages and describes a therapeutic role of philosophy in the traditions of Plato and Stoics. The essence of this role is a mind therapy. Philosophy teaches us to see the world as a whole, to describe it in clear notions and judgments. According to the text of «Consolation», Boethius takes us to make an intellectual Neoplatonic climbing from practical (ethic) to theoretical (metaphysic) philosophy – from vita activa to vita speculativa. The main aim or the top of this Neoplatonic meditation is a contemplative life or reminding own Ego. The great ideas of this work have the significant influence on Medieval and Renaissance philosophy and literature.
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15

Classen, Albrecht. "Johann Scheffler (Angelus Silesius): The Silesian Mystic as a Boethian Thinker. Universal Insights, Ancient Wisdom, and Baroque Perspectives." Humanities 7, no. 4 (December 4, 2018): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h7040127.

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This paper offers an analysis of a number of the fascinating, thought-provoking, and yet often deeply puzzling epigrams by the German Baroque poet Johann Scheffler (Angelus Silesius), and illustrates how his enigmatic mystical concepts were influenced, to some extent, by the philosophical thoughts offered by the late antique statesman and thinker Boethius (d. 525). While recent research has already reached new insights into the long-term reception history of Boethius’s De consolatione philosophiae well into the modern age, including by Scheffler, we still face the critical desideratum to determine the meaning of Scheffler’s spiritual insights in direct correlation with Boethius’s fundamental teachings, and hence, to answer the intriguing and challenging question of why Scheffler, along with Boethius, continues to speak to us today, and this perhaps more than ever before. Even though Scheffler pursued deeply religious questions typical of his time, he obviously greatly profited from Boethius’s musings about the meaning of the absolute Goodness, the vagaries of fortune, and the instability of all material existence in the quest for happiness. Many times we observe that Scheffler offers paradoxical and also apophatic statements, but those make surprisingly astounding sense if we read them, especially in light of Boethius’s teachings, as perceived in the seventeenth century. The epigrams thus prove to be the prolific outcome of universal cross-fertilizations and demonstrate the continued impact of antiquity on the modern world and the growing need today to accept the notion of “world literature” not only in a contemporary, transcultural perspectives, but also in terms of universal interactions throughout time.
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16

Magee, John. "On the Composition and Sources of Boethius’ Second Peri Hermeneias Commentary." Vivarium 48, no. 1-2 (2010): 7–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853410x489709.

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AbstractThe paper is in three parts, prefaced by general remarks concerning Boethius’ logical translations and commentaries: the text of the Peri Hermeneias as known to and commented on by Boethius (and Ammonius); the organizational principles behind Boethius’ second commentary on the Peri Hermeneias; its source(s). One of the main purposes of the last section is to demonstrate that the Peri Hermeneias commentaries of Boethius and Ammonius are, although part of a common tradition, quite independent of one another, and special consideration is given to the question of how Boethius interpreted and shaped the doxographical material concerning Aspasius, Herminus, and Alexander that had been handed down to him by Porphyry.
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Ugwuanyi, Faustinus. "Aquinas’ Commentaries on Boethius’ Treatises: a Modification or Interpretation?" Roczniki Kulturoznawcze 10, no. 1 (September 30, 2019): 33–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/rkult.2019.10.1-2.

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Nearly seven hundred years after the death of Boethius, Saint Thomas Aquinas appears to comment on the two works of Boethius: De Trinitate and De Hebdomadibus. In the last years of the 20th century, Aquinas’ comments aroused many discussions and questions among scholars. The question was asked why Aquinas was commenting on the texts of Boethius. Some scholars, such as Marian Kurdziałek, a Polish philosopher, argued that Aquinas intended to get rid of the old method of argumentation that dominated both philosophy and theology. Other scholars, such as Etienne Gilson, Pierre Duhem and Cornelio Fabro, criticized Aquinas, arguing that he used the texts of Boethius as a platform to create a metaphysics that was completely different. The last group of scholars, such as Ralph McInerny, rejects these allegations and claims. The article author joins the ongoing debate, arguing that Aquinas’s comments to Boethius aimed to develop further arguments against the heretics who lived in his time upon the authority of Boethius, who according to Timothy Noone represented the characteristic style of the scholars from the twelfth to the seventeenth century. The other part of the article discusses the question of whether Aquinas’ comments were correct interpretations of Boethius’ texts. In his opinion, the author of the article claims that the interpretations of the texts of Boethius made by Saint Thomas Aquinas is credible and may be the best commentary on Boethius. But, it is necessary to keep in mind the modifications resulting from various scientific cultures that prevailed in the time of the two great scholars.
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18

Walden, Daniel K. S. "CHARTING BOETHIUS: MUSIC AND THE DIAGRAMMATIC TREE IN THE CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY’S DE INSTITUTIONE ARITHMETICA, MS II.3.12." Early Music History 34 (September 23, 2015): 207–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261127915000017.

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AbstractThis article discusses a full-page schematic diagram contained in a twelfth-century manuscript of Boethius’ De institutione arithmetica and De institutione musica from Christ Church Cathedral, Canterbury (Cambridge University Library MS Ii.3.12), which has not yet been the subject of any significant musicological study despite its remarkable scope and comprehensiveness. This diagrammatic tree, or arbor, maps the precepts of the first book of De institutione arithmetica into a unified whole, depicting the ways music and arithmetic are interrelated as sub-branches of the quadrivium. I suggest that this schematic diagram served not only as a conceptual and interpretative device for the scribe working through Boethius’ complex theoretical material, but also as a mnemonic guide to assist the medieval pedagogue wishing to instruct students in the mathematics of musica speculativa. The diagram constitutes a fully developed theoretical exercise in its own right, while also demonstrating the roles Boethian philosophy and mathematics played in twelfth-century musical scholarship.
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19

Tkachenko, Rostislav. "Boethius and (Post-)Traumatic Historical Theology: The Processing of Trauma and Theologizing in The Consolation of Philosophy." Theological Reflections: Eastern European Journal of Theology 21, no. 2 (December 22, 2023): 125–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.29357/2789-1577.2023.21.2.8.

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Contemporary discussions about the theology of trauma include a very limited array of texts from the history of Christian theology. In order to broaden and deepen the scope of theological reflections on the traumatic experience, the article proposes to analyze Boethius’ Consolation of Philosophy (с. 475–c. 526) from the perspective of (post)traumatic theology and to consider the work through the prism of the key question: how and about what does Boethius theologize in the context of his traumatic experience, which was the prerequisite and motivation for his writing this treatise? Boethius’s thoughts are considered as a step-by-step processing of the traumatic experience (verbalization, rationalization, and theologization), which is carried out through different genres he employs (poetry, narrative, and philosophical prose). In this way, he integrates a number of philosophical and theological ideas in his reflection on trauma and considers the process of rethinking his experience in intellectual, emotional, spiritual, and practical dimensions.
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20

Rogers, Katherin. "Defending Boethius." International Philosophical Quarterly 51, no. 2 (2011): 241–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ipq201151225.

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21

Eigen, Jacob. "Boethius' Body." Yale Review 108, no. 3 (2020): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tyr.2020.0015.

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Eigen, Jacob. "Boethius' Body." Yale Review 108, no. 3 (September 24, 2020): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/yrev.13659.

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Skovron, Alex. "Boethius Smiles." Spiritus: A Journal of Christian Spirituality 24, no. 1 (March 2024): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/scs.2024.a924582.

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24

Brumberg-Chaumont, Julie. "Boethii Daci Aliorumque Sophismata by Boethius of Dacia (review)." Journal of the History of Philosophy 61, no. 4 (October 2023): 705–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hph.2023.a909131.

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Martin, Christopher. "Denying Conditionals: Abaelard and the Failure of Boethius' Account of the Hypothetical Syllogism." Vivarium 45, no. 2 (2007): 153–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853407x217696.

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AbstractBoethius' treatise De Hypotheticis Syllogismis provided twelfth-century philosophers with an introduction to the logic of conditional and disjunctive sentences but this work is the only part of the logica vetus which is no longer studied in the twelfth century. In this paper I investigate why interest in Boethius acount of hypothetical syllogisms fell off so quickly. I argue that Boethius' account of compound sentences is not an account of propositions and once a proper notion of propositionality is available the argument forms accepted by Boethius are seen to be incoherent. It was Peter Abaelard who first understood the nature of propositionality and propositional connectives and used this to criticise Boethius' claims in De Hypothetics Syllogismis. In place Boethius' confusion Abaelard offered a simple and correct account of the hypothetical syllogism.
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Morozova, A. "ANATOMY OF EMOTIONS AND FEELINGS IN THE BOETHIUS’ "DE CONSOLATIONE PHILOSOPHIAE"." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 147 (2020): 39–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2020.147.8.

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The article analyses a number of the locations of emotions and related to them emotional words and feelings using the philosophical text of Boethius, a prominent philosopher and translator of Late Antiquity, "De consolatione philosophiae". The declared work has a significant informative potential in relation to the emotional sphere, due to the circumstances of its creation, accompanied by a significant number of emotional reflections made by Boethius, and the chosen genre (the combination of consolatio and protreptics). The ancient emotional tradition left its mark on the Boethius' perception of emotional locations, directing it to the non-monocentric localisation of feelings in different parts of the human physical, spiritual and mental system. The main seats of the emotions are: mind (mens), animus, soul (anima), heart (cor), body (corpus). Among the above-mentioned emotional localisations, the dominant role is played by the mind (mens) both in quantitative (10) and semantic indicators. In the Boethius's worldview, the mind is associated, firstly, with the philosopher's mental health, his ability to maintain calm behaviour in the face of life's disasters, and, secondly, with the concept of the similarity of the human beings to God by their minds. There are both negative (passionate desire, hope, joy, anger, etc.) and positive (joy of heaven, desire for good) feelings in the mind. The second most important emotional location is animus (7), in which the central positive feelings (love and positive hope) are inspired, meeting only in pair with animus. We hypothesise that the latter is perceived by Boethius as an analogue of the Platonic and Christian "soul", the leading centre of spiritual human potentials. Similarly, positive and negative (anger, sorrow, passions, etc.) emotions arise and influence it. The last two locations indicate the physical nature of human – body and heart – and concentrate only on negative emotions – pleasure and passionate desire. Conclusions are made that most emotions have the external nature in relation to men, which correlates to the Stoic emotional tradition.
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Fàbrega i Escatllar, Valentí. "La <i>Consolació de la Filosofia</i> en la versió catalana de Pere Saplana i Antoni Genebreda (1358/1362)." Zeitschrift für Katalanistik 3 (July 1, 1990): 33–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/zfk.1990.33-49.

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The Consolatio Philosophae of the Roman scholar Boethius (around 480-524 AD) is, as the numerous manuscripts, translations, and commentaries show, undoubtedly the most influential work of late antiquity for the medieval West. Between 1358 and 1362, two Catalan Dominicans, Pere Saplana and Antoni Genebreda, created and published a Catalan version of the Latin book for the first time. It consists of a very free adaptation and a lengthy commentary that is occasionally inserted. The thesis advocated by Jordi Rubió i Balaguer that this Catalan version of Boethius is dependent on the Consolatio commentary by Thomas Anglicus can be refuted by a closer comparison of the two works. The Catalan Boethius is a clear testimony to a medieval interpretatio christiana of the Roman Neoplatonist, which on the one hand is deeply influenced by the spiritual current of the contemptus mundi and on the other hand testifies to the humanistic interest of the Catalan intellectuality of the 14th century. As a linguistic creation, the work is of great importance. It makes the struggle of a young language visible when dealing with its “mother tongue”, Latin. In conveying such an inaccessible area as ancient Neo-Platonism, the authors had to create new ways of expressing themselves. Freely developed anecdotes to illustrate the transmitted content, as well as the retelling of the Orpheus myth based on the Boethic version, undoubtedly deserve our attention as significant examples of medieval narrative prose. A close relationship with the language of Bernat Metge, especially in his first work Llibre de Fortuna e Prudència, an imitation of the Consolatio of Boethius, can be identified. A literary dependency of this book on the Dominican version, which was written some twenty years earlier, would even be possible. The Catalan version has been translated into Castilian and edited four times. A direct translation of the Consolatio into Castilian was only published in 1516 by Alberto de Aguayo.
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Harding, Brian. "Metaphysical Speculation and its Applicability to a Mode of Living." Bochumer Philosophisches Jahrbuch für Antike und Mittelalter 9 (December 31, 2004): 81–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/bpjam.9.04har.

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This paper argues that Boethius’ De Consolatione Philosophiae presents theoretical metaphysical speculation as having a direct bearing on the life of the metaphysician. Boethius accomplishes this through his depiction of Lady Philosophy’s ‘therapy’ wherein complex metaphysical arguments are utilized to pull Boethius out of his depression, returning him to what she calls his true self. I begin the paper by contextualizing this discussion in terms of the debate as to whether or not the ‘philosophic life’ of pagan antiquity is present in medieval thought. I then turn to a discussion of the therapeutic metaphysical arguments of Lady Philosophy and their effects on Boethius’ mental and emotional state. I conclude the essay by listing some questions raised and directions for further study.
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Weaver, Erica. "Hybrid forms: translating Boethius in Anglo-Saxon England." Anglo-Saxon England 45 (December 2016): 213–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100080273.

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AbstractCritics have long wondered about the setting and intent of the Old English translation of Boethius's De consolatione philosophiae, first into prose and then into prosimetrum. This article situates the dual translation within the broader context of ninth- and tenth-century literary culture, challenging the received view of the two versions as separate projects and arguing instead that the Old English Boethius was conceived and received as a vernacular opus geminatum, or ‘twinned work’. While the opus geminatum and the prosimetrum are generally thought to maintain distinct generic identities, this case study allows for a more capacious understanding of both modes, which I demonstrate were inescapably linked in Anglo-Saxon circles – and which were shaped by a broader aesthetic of prose-verse mixture.
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30

Davis, Scott. "Boethius and Dialogue." Ancient Philosophy 9, no. 1 (1989): 133–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil19899135.

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31

Epp, Verena. "Machiavelli und Boethius." Saeculum 44, no. 2-4 (December 1993): 206–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.7788/saeculum.1993.44.24.206.

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32

DiLorenzo, R. D. "Boethius and Aquinas." American Catholic Philosophical Quarterly 67, no. 2 (1993): 258–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/acpq199367229.

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33

Fournier, Michael. "Boethius and Homer." Downside Review 128, no. 452 (July 2010): 183–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001258061012845202.

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34

Colish, Marcia L. "Boethius. John Marenbon." Speculum 80, no. 1 (January 2005): 272–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0038713400007247.

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35

Grady, Frank. "Chaucer’s Langland’s Boethius." Yearbook of Langland Studies 32 (January 2018): 271–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.yls.5.116154.

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36

DIEKEMPER, JOSEPH. "Eternity, knowledge, and freedom." Religious Studies 49, no. 1 (May 15, 2012): 45–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034412512000170.

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AbstractThis article addresses the problem of divine foreknowledge and human freedom by developing a modified version of Boethius' solution to the problem – one that is meant to cohere with a dynamic theory of time and a conception of God as temporal. I begin the article by discussing the traditional Boethian solution, and a defence of it due to Kretzmann and Stump. After canvassing a few of the objections to this view, I then go on to offer my own modified Boethian solution, according to which temporal reality is fundamentally dynamic, but truth is not. My claim is that there are eternally existing, tenseless propositions, with determinate truth values, but that these are made true by events that come into existence, and are not themselves eternal.
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37

Celano, Anthony J. "Boethius of Dacia: ‘On the Highest Good’." Traditio 43 (1987): 199–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900012538.

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The name Boethius of Dacia evokes today an image of a radical thinker, who championed the cause of philosophical freedom, even at the expense of his religious beliefs. His writings have earned him, together with his contemporary, Siger of Brabant, the title of leader of the ‘Latin Averroists’ or ‘Heterodox Aristotelians.’ Boethius’ treatise on the highest good has contributed greatly to the modern opinion of Boethius as a radical thinker. M. Grabmann, who rediscovered the De summo bono, considered the work to be a clear expression of the anti-Christian tendencies inherent in ‘Latin Averroism’; and P. Mandonnet saw the short treatise to be the most radical expression of a program of the natural life, the purest rationalism, and a total denial of the Christian order. More recently, this view has been modified by F. Van Steenberghen and his students, who argue that Boethius of Dacia is indeed a Christian thinker, and in no way excludes ‘supernatural beatitude’ from his notion of the highest good. They point out that, as a teacher of Aristotelian philosophy, Boethius’ main concern is the summum bonum which can be attained on earth. As a result, the De summo bono is a characteristic product of the Arts Faculty at Paris.
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Kahalo, Alina. "THE IMPLICIT CONCEPTION OF MUSIC IN BOETHIUS' "DE CONSOLATIONE PHILOSOPHIAE"." UKRAINIAN CULTURAL STUDIES, no. 1(12) (2023): 79–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/ucs.2023.1(12).17.

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The paper is an attempt to demonstrate the possibility and necessity of an implicit conception of music in Boethius. An explicit conception is something that is obviously present in a text. That is what is usually studied within the 'history of ideas'. Contrary to this, an implicit conception is an unconscious picture of the author's world, in which the basic concepts of explicit conception are grounded. Therefore, the implicit conception is a condition for the possibility of any explicit text. So, the well-known text of Boethius' "De institutione musica", which but replicates mostly Pythagorean views of music, is an explicit conception. We chose "De consolatione philosophiae" as the most representative and semantically loaded text by Boethius to look for his implicit conception of music. It is based on different but unconscious grounds. We read this text to look for unconscious semantics associated with the concept. Thus, the unconscious semantics of music should be studied using the psychoanalytic approach in its broadest sense. The approach asks for the cues of connotations of the terms used by Boethius. The history of reception of the text, including different translations, can show the way. We should bear in mind, too, that the text we read is the record of an internal dialogue, which brings forth a different ontological horizon. Besides, we should see the text as a texture of signs and symptoms, pointing to unconscious notions Boethius had developed. The necessity of such an approach and the relevance of the results obtained within it are discussed in the article. The guidelines for the reconstruction of the implicit conception of music in Boethius are outlined and the elements of this conception are proposed. By further development of the method demonstrated and applied in this paper we shall be able not only to understand Boethius better, but we can reveal the intrinsic contents of the basic concepts describing the realities culture scholars are working with.
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Restani, Donatella. "Embryology as a Paradigm for Boethius’ musica humana." Greek and Roman Musical Studies 4, no. 2 (September 1, 2016): 161–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22129758-12341274.

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At the beginning of Boethius’ De institutione musica, musica humana is defined as a coaptatio, a well ordered relationship between body and soul and between the parts of the body and the parts of the soul. Boethius promised to expand the topic later, but he never returned to it. As a consequence Medieval and Renaissance music theorists gave it different interpretations. This paper is part of a wider project which aims at recovering the historical meaning of musica humana and its natural implications for human life, by identifying Boethius’ sources on the relationship between music and the human body. Analyzing some of the Pythagorean, Hippocratic and Neoplatonic treatises on embryology, numerology and music as well as their reception in the Latin culture, this paper will explore the definition of musica humana as a style of thought which connected music and science using the same interpretative models, metaphors and images, well-known at Boethius’ time.
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Classen, Albrecht. "Happiness Pre-Modern Answers for Questions Today from Boethius to Fortunatus." Current Research Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 4, no. 1 (June 25, 2021): 01–06. http://dx.doi.org/10.12944/crjssh.4.1.01.

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Human existence is really dependent on the quest for happiness. Most people rely on contingent aspects of happiness, whereas all philosophers and poets have already taught us that true happiness rests somewhere else. This paper examines recent approaches to this idea of happiness, both in philosophy and in sociology, and related fields, and then turns to the teachings by the late antique philosopher Boethius (in Latin). From there, the article turns to the anonymous German novel Fortunatus (printed in 1509) where some of Boethius’s teachings find direct applications, defining happiness with a reference to wisdom. Past notions of happiness promise to illuminate us today in our search for true happiness beyond contingency.
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KIJEWSKA, Agnieszka. "Divine Logos in the Heart of Boethius’s Path Toward Summum Bonum." Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval 21 (October 1, 2014): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/refime.v21i.5904.

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This paper presents an outline of the way Boethius conceived the human path to the Supreme Good (Summum bonum). In order to achieve this goal one has first to specify the way he construed this Supreme Good, and this discussion is naturally related to the much-discussed problem concerning the Christian identity of Boethius: was he indeed a Christian? does his Consolation, from which any overt allusions to Christian faith are absent, provide us with any clue as to whether the Supreme Good of Boethius can be identified with the God of the Gospel? In the course of the analysis we propound a hypothesis that the message that Boethius puts forward through the means of his Consolation and the utterances he puts in the mouth of his dame Philosophy are not far removed from the advice offered by Fulgentius to Proba. She, too, was encouraged to acknowledge her own weakness and lack of sufficiency, to be contrite, and to have humble trust in wisdom and guidance of God, who is the best of all doctors. Is dame Philosophy’s message not very similar? did not Alcuin, who regarded himself as a faithful «disciple» of Boethius, share a conception of philosophy as being the «teacher of virtues» and wisdom, as the one who leads man along the path of wisdom towards the divine light?
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De Oliveira, Carlos Eduardo. "Recapitulando uma disputa medieval: Boécio comentador de Porfírio e a Querela dos Universais." Analytica - Revista de Filosofia 21, no. 2 (January 6, 2019): 9–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.35920/arf.v21i2.22463.

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Segundo alguns intérpretes, Porfírio, no início de sua Isagoge, formula um problema que, “graças à Boécio, se tornará o principal problema lógico e metafísico da Idade Média ocidental”: a querela dos universais. Aqui pretendemos mostrar o quanto essas narrativas podem se afastar da compreensão que o próprio Boécio teve dos problemas propostos por Porfírio. Abstract:According to some interpreters, Porphyry introduces a dispute at the beginning of his Isagoge that, “thanks to Boethius, will become the main logical and metaphysical problem of Western Middle Ages”: The Problem of Universals. This article aims to show what could be the distance from their views and Boethius’s own perspective on Porphyry’s arguments.
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43

Magee, John, and Joel C. Relihan. "Boethius: Consolation of Philosophy." Phoenix 57, no. 3/4 (2003): 362. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3648537.

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den Boeft, J., Boethius, and G. O'Daly. "The Poetry of Boethius." Vigiliae Christianae 47, no. 2 (June 1993): 206. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1584181.

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45

Bourke, Vernon J. "Boethius and Aquinas.Ralph McInerny." Speculum 67, no. 2 (April 1992): 452–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2864427.

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46

Relihan, Joel C., and Gerard O'Daly. "The Poetry of Boethius." Classical World 86, no. 2 (1992): 172. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351300.

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47

CRAIG, W. L. "Boethius on Theological Fatalism." Ephemerides Theologicae Lovanienses 64, no. 4 (December 1, 1988): 324–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/etl.64.4.556406.

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48

Synan, Edward A. "Boethius, Valla, and Gibbon." Modern Schoolman 69, no. 3 (1992): 475–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/schoolman1992693/437.

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49

LaChance, Paul J. "Boethius on Human Freedom." American Catholic Philosophical Quarterly 78, no. 2 (2004): 309–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/acpq200478218.

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50

Malcolm, John. "Some Consolation for Boethius." New Scholasticism 60, no. 1 (1986): 35–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/newscholas198660130.

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