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1
Grunberg, Angela. "The Chayanta rebellion of 1927, Potosi, Bolivia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.339296.
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Mendieta, Parada María del Pilar. "De la alianza a la confrontación : Pablo Zárate Willka y la rebelión indígena de 1899 en Bolivia." Doctoral thesis, Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 2007. https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12672/282.
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La investigación se propone analizar un hecho histórico concreto: la rebelión indígena de Pablo Zárate, más conocido como el Willka que fue, sin lugar a dudas, una de las más importante rebeliones de la historia de la República de Bolivia. Esta rebelión se produjo dentro del contexto más amplio de la guerra civil que sacudió a Bolivia en 1899 y que se conoce como la Guerra o Revolución Federal. Se trata de un momento histórico de mucha importancia ya que el país entró en una profunda crisis política que desembocó en un conflicto armado de grandes proporciones siendo la primera guerra civil por la que atravesó Bolivia desde su fundación.
La guerra civil fue el resultado de una acumulación histórica de contradicciones políticas, regionales, económicas y étnicas en un país que todavía mantenía características coloniales no resueltas. Confluyeron en este contexto dos conflictos que se dieron de forma simultánea y entrelazada. De manera resumida, la llamada Guerra Federal tiene que ver con el estallido violento de las fricciones entre dos élites en pugna por el poder y con conflictos relacionados con las comunidades indígenas en la lucha por la recuperación de sus tierras usurpadas por causa de las políticas estatales que pretendían su desaparición.Tesis
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Mendieta, Parada María del Pilar, and Parada María del Pilar Mendieta. "De la alianza a la confrontación : Pablo Zárate Willka y la rebelión indígena de 1899 en Bolivia." Doctoral thesis, Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 2007. http://cybertesis.unmsm.edu.pe/handle/cybertesis/282.
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La investigación se propone analizar un hecho histórico concreto: la rebelión indígena de Pablo Zárate, más conocido como el Willka que fue, sin lugar a dudas, una de las más importante rebeliones de la historia de la República de Bolivia. Esta rebelión se produjo dentro del contexto más amplio de la guerra civil que sacudió a Bolivia en 1899 y que se conoce como la Guerra o Revolución Federal. Se trata de un momento histórico de mucha importancia ya que el país entró en una profunda crisis política que desembocó en un conflicto armado de grandes proporciones siendo la primera guerra civil por la que atravesó Bolivia desde su fundación.
La guerra civil fue el resultado de una acumulación histórica de contradicciones políticas, regionales, económicas y étnicas en un país que todavía mantenía características coloniales no resueltas. Confluyeron en este contexto dos conflictos que se dieron de forma simultánea y entrelazada. De manera resumida, la llamada Guerra Federal tiene que ver con el estallido violento de las fricciones entre dos élites en pugna por el poder y con conflictos relacionados con las comunidades indígenas en la lucha por la recuperación de sus tierras usurpadas por causa de las políticas estatales que pretendían su desaparición.Tesis
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Mattos, Vazualdo Diego M. "Hacia una nación urgente: descolonización en Bolivia en la era neoliberal." The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1253499432.
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Paz, Rivera Clea Lucrecia. "Forest-use history and the soils and vegetation of a lowland forest in Bolivia." [Gainesville, Fla.] : University of Florida, 2003. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/UFE0001426.
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Armstrong, Gweneth. "Symbolic arrangement and communication in the despacho." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1993.
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The thesis investigates the content and composition of the despacho, the ritual offering used to propitiate principal earth deities in the Bolivian mining town of Oruro (Department of Oruro). The despacho is also designed to increase suerte which is viewed not only in terms of material fortune, but also personal well-being and harmony with the cosmos. The concepts and terminology of the despacho are discussed, as well as the different types of despacho used, and particular features of their content, composition and presentation. The first part of the thesis shows how the content and arrangement of the despacho constitute a symbolic language, communicating what is important about suerte, and creating a miniature picture of life on earth in all its abundance. The despacho’s symbolic language is particularly meaningful in terms of suerte and the Quechua and Aymara peoples’ worldview. The second part of the thesis investigates the use of six different curing mesas used in a ritual ceremony to restore suerte following a coca divination ceremony. Both ceremonies were performed by an Aymara ritual specialist from a village south of Oruro. The content and function of each mesa is discussed, and I show how the six mesas were used in a sequence to describe a transition from mala suerte to suerte, and as part of a broader sequence of ritual events. In this part of the thesis I demonstrate how symbolic language is also used in healing mesas to describe and bring about changes between different states, and to create access to suerte in ritual.
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Presta, Ana María. "Encomienda, family, and business in Colonial Charcas (modern Bolivia) : the Encomenderos of La Plata, 1550-1600 /." The Ohio State University, 1997. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487946776024292.
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Valencia, Amaya Mauricio Giovanni. "Trade Liberalization and Food Security : The Case of Bolivia after the Structural Reforms of 1985." Thesis, Stockholm University, Department of Economic History, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-36892.
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This research shows the relationship between trade liberalization and food security for the Bolivian case. As a result of the severe economic crisis of the early-1980s, Bolivia adopted a series of market-oriented reforms in 1985. The reforms included the liberalization of the trade regime and the promotion of non-traditional exports. The trade liberalization had an important effect on the performance of cash crops, especially in the development of the soybeans industry. However, foodcrops did not have such a great dynamics. Vegetables and starchy roots declined in per capita terms and the increase in imports were not enough to compensate the decline. Trade reforms mostly favor a small group of large-scale farmers in the lowlands, who had historically been granted land in the region. In this sense, Bolivia’s involvement in a trade liberalization process was not reflected in an overall improvement of the country’s food security.
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Irurozqui, Marta. "La alquimia democrática. Ciudadanos y procedimientos representativos en Bolivia (1825-1879)." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2012. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/121844.
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This article studies the expressions and the institutionalization of popular sovereignty in post-independent Bolivia (1825-1879) by analyzing two components of the democratic system: the subjects involved and the procedures for representation. As far as the former, the article underlines the fact that being a citizen was not limited to voting, but was also exercised by other activities connnected with work, taxation, public petitions and the use of arms. On the other hand, the study of the procedures for organizing and the carrying out of elections highlights two additional realities: first, voting had a regulatory function intended to level off competition and avoid conflicts, and secondly, the reduced number of the electoral body did not inhibit the development of political competition because political participation went beyond elections to include the use of violence and other illegal activitiesLos procesos de expresión y de institucionalización de la soberanía popular en la Bolivia postindependiente (1825-1879) son estudiados en este artículo a partir del análisis de dos de los componentes del sistema democrático: los sujetos y los procedimientos representativos. Con respecto al primer punto, se subraya que ser ciudadano no se reducía a votar y que podía ejercerse tal estatus mediante otro tipo de acciones, vinculadas al trabajo, la contribución, las peticiones pú-blicas o las actividades armadas. De otro lado, el estudio de los procedimientos relativos a la implantación y el desarrollo de las elecciones remarca dos valores de los mismos: primero, el voto tuvo una función reguladora encaminada a dirimir competencias y evitar conflictos, y segundo, el tamaño reducido del cuerpo electoral no impidió el desarrollo de la competencia partidaria, ya que la participación política ligada a las elecciones tuvo otras posibilidades de acción relacionadas con la violencia y la ilegalidad
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Burbridge, Rachel. "The Late Quaternary vegetation and climate history of the southern Amazonian rainforest-savanna boundary, eastern Bolivia." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/30397.
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Pollen and charcoal analyses have been undertaken on a 43 000 year old sediment core from Laguna Chaplin, in Noel Kempff Mercado National Park, at the southern Amazon margin. The aims of this research were to 1. determine when the present day rainforest communities became established in the park, 2. determine the composition of these former savannas and/or forests, 3. determine the broad-scale significance of rainforest dynamics in NKMNP in the context of previously published palaeoclimatic studies in other parts of Amazonia and the Bolivian Andes and 4. reconstruct the late Quaternary movements of the ITCZ. Vegetation reconstructions have revealed that savanna and dry forest communities surrounded the lake from ca.43 000 yr BP until ca.2000 yr BP. A high abundance of charcoal particles throughout this time period supports the pollen interpretation. Although grasses (Ppaceae) dominate the pollen assemblages throughout this time period, the contribution of other pollen types is variable. Pleistocene communities are dominated by the presence of Machaerium/Byrsonima, Paullinia/Roupala and Erythroxylum whereas during the Holocene Curatella americana, Acacia and members of the Anacardiaceae family are important. From ca.2000 yr BP tropical rainforest communities (dominated by Moraceae pollen) expanded in the vicinity of the lake at the expense of the savannas and dry forests. This rainforest expansion coincides with decreasing charcoal abundance, as one would expect in localities of moist forest vegetation. Comparison of this pollen sequence to that compiled from another lake in the park has established that the vegetation signal from Laguna Chaplin is indeed a regional vegetation signal. The expansion of rainforest communities into the park after ca.3000 yr BP has been correlated to evidence for expanding rainforest and/or increasing lake levels from other parts of southern Amazonia and the Bolivian Altiplano. This apparent increase in regional moisture availability has been attributed to enhanced southerly migration of the ITCZ.
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Del, Águila Alicia. "Constitutions, citizenship and indigenous people in the Andes during the XIX century: the cases of Bolivia, Ecuador and Peru." Politai, 2014. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/92428.
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This article presents a comparative analysis of the development of the citizenship and theright to vote concepts during the XIX century, in Andean countries’ constitutions, specifically in Bolivia, Ecuador and Peru. In a particular way, the question about the inclusion of the indigenous people in Peru and Bolivia was medullary in the constituent discussions, and was resolved in many ways in both countries: in Bolivia, the debate fluctuated around many solutions until the imposition of the decree for the restriction of the right to vote just for literate people on the decade of 1840 (excluding the big indigenous majority), while in Peru, that restriction would not have been implemented until 1896.Debate processes and redefinitions have not existes in Ecuador: since the first constitution, it was established the requirement of knowing read and write to exercise citizenship. The differences between Ecuador and the other two cases is related with socioeconomic and political processes, specifically the regional conflicts that difficult the consolidation of a national unity, and the relation between indigenous and plantations since the beginning of the XIX century in Ecuador. More precisely, this article tries to situate the constitutional and legislative solutions in more wide political debates, as well as the social and economic changes that they have been generating.Este artículo presenta un análisis comparado del desarrollo del concepto de ciudadanía y derecho al sufragio durante el siglo XIX, en las constituciones de los países de la región andina, concretamente, en Bolivia, Ecuador y Perú. De modo particular en Bolivia y Perú, la pregunta sobre la inclusión de los indígenas fue medular en los debates constituyentes, resolviéndose de diversa manera en ambos países: en Bolivia fluctuó en diversas soluciones, hasta decretarse la re- stricción del sufragio a los letrados en la década de 1840 (por tanto, a la gran mayoría indígena), mientras que en Perú ello no se daría sino hasta 1896.En Ecuador, no hubo un proceso de debates y redefiniciones: desde la primera Constitución se estableció el requisito de saber leer y escribir para ejercer la ciudadanía. Las diferencias con los otros dos casos tienen que ver con procesos de carácter socioeconómico y político, específicamente, los conflictos regionales que dificultaron la consolidación de la propia unidad nacional, y la relación entre indígenas y hacienda desde los inicios del siglo XIX en Ecuador. Precisamente, en este trabajo, buscamos situar las soluciones constitucionales y legislativas en los debates políticos más amplios, así como con los cambios sociales y económicos que se iban generando.
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Durand-Ochoa, Ursula. "Coca, contention and identity : the political empowerment of the Cocaleros of Bolivia and Peru." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/560/.
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In April 2003, Peru’s cocaleros broke into the national spotlight by mobilising a six thousandstrong March of Sacrifice from their coca-producing valleys to the capital city of Lima. In 2006, cocalero leaders ascended to several political positions at the municipal and national level. However, their political impact has been limited and divisions amongst coca-producing valleys have prevented cocaleros from articulating a unified agenda on the coca issue itself, let alone on wider issues. The experience of Bolivia’s cocaleros presents a very different picture. In 2005, cocalero leader Evo Morales was elected president with the highest margin of victory in the country’s electoral history. He was re-elected in 2009 by a greater margin. Morales and his political party mobilised a broad coalition as they developed an identity of ‘excluded’ that challenged Bolivia’s unrepresentative democracy, neoliberal economic model and relationship with the United States. How do we explain the political ascent of these unprecedented actors that stand on the border of illegality? Why has the empowerment and impact of these actors on their national political landscapes varied so significantly? This work aims to explain the different experiences of the Bolivian and Peruvian cocaleros in gaining political empowerment through contentious action that originated in defence of coca—an issue that is both de-legitimising and divisive. This work presents the political ascent of these actors as cases of identity-formation. It argues that their ability to construct identities that deterred disunity, legitimised their struggle and broadened their appeal determined their degree of political empowerment. Furthermore, it reveals how contentious interactions—bound by the context in which they unfolded—distinctly shaped each case’s identity-formation processes. In Peru, the imposed identity of ‘illegitimate’ weakened the identity of ‘cocalero’ and generated disunity, isolation and a limited political impact. In Bolivia, the identities of ‘syndicalist’ and ‘excluded’ strengthened the identity of ‘cocalero’ and engendered unity, alliance formation and a significant political impact.
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Jones, Eric. "In-between Music: The Musical Creation of Cholo Identity in Cochabamba, Bolivia." Thesis, connect to online resource, 2007. http://digital.library.unt.edu/permalink/meta-dc-3957.
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Sanchez, Julio Cesar. "Citizen participation and public recreation planning : case study and definition of criteria for citizen participation, Santa Cruz, Bolivia." Virtual Press, 1995. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/935909.
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The city of Santa Cruz, Bolivia, has grown the last 40 years according to an urban plan. However, this urban planning process does not permit the citizen participation in public recreation planning.The Popular Participation Law approved in April, 1994, open new possibilities for citizen participation in public recreation planning in Santa Cruz. However, there are limitation in the implementation of the law.In order to correct those limitation the present study proposes basic criteria for popular participation in management of public recreational facilities. These criteria refer to delimitation of the neighborhoods in the city, the democratization of the Juntas Vecinales, and the definition of the organic structure of the Juntas Vecinales in a way that can permit popular participation.Department of Urban Planning
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Gallien, Kathryn N. "Delivering the Nation, Raising the State: Gender, Childbirth and the "Indian Problem" in Bolivia's Obstetric Movement, 1900-1982." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/560827.
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In Bolivia, indigenous women's desires to give birth in an atmosphere of respect and cultural autonomy, as well as physicians' and politicians' attempts to mold the nation along racial lines, shaped the development of obstetric medicine. Based on oral histories of midwives, nurses and obstetricians, this study uses midwifery as a lens to examine the connections between nation-state formation and the development of obstetric medicine in Bolivia between 1900 and 1982. Putting midwives at the center of a study about nation-state formation reveals complexities that many male-centered studies miss: indigenous, mixed-race, and white Bolivian women played central roles in state projects and, through their embodiment of different forms of womanhood, influenced debates about Bolivian national identity. This study also engages groundbreaking feminist studies of the 1970s and '80s which showed that U.S. and European male physicians created obstetric medicine by pushing female midwives out of the practice. These physicians typically accused midwives of ineptitude and defined childbirth assistance as a scientific medical procedure that should not be practiced by women. While that pattern holds true in Bolivia to some extent, it does not explain the power dynamics that shaped childbirth assistance in Bolivia. Over the course of the twentieth century, Bolivian physician's desires to modernize childbirth assistance and childrearing practices intertwined with the efforts of Bolivia's elite to overcome what they considered the country's "Indian Problem."
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Tarazona, Machicao Mateo. "Demanding Change : The Collective Challenges of the Juntas Vecinales of El Alto." Thesis, Uppsala University, Department of Economic History, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-130870.
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The Juntas Vecinales of El Alto portray a telling picture of the current process of societal change inBolivia. Formed to attend the collective needs of indigenous migrants striving to settle down on theoutskirts of the capital, the Juntas Vecinales have grown as an intrinsic part of El Alto becomingsignificant socio-political actors and part of the indigenous social movements propelling the processof change in Bolivia. Their traditional function of supervising public policy by pressuring serviceproviders to attend their demands is commonly known as the practice of social control. A functionthat was institutionalized in the nineties with neoliberal inspired citizenship reforms ofdecentralization. The dynamic relation between the informal and formal branches of social controlis particularly evident in El Alto as the Federation of Juntas Vecinales and the legal supervisinginstitution called the Vigilance Committee hold each branch. This paper presents a case study on theformal and informal actions and activities that define the current role of the Juntas Vecinales inrelevance to their history and to the political and social context of Bolivia today. My main findingpresents an unanimous rejection of the formal branch of social control and the predominance oftraditional methods of pressure actions as the only means of attending grassroots demands.
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Sebben, Fernando Dall´Onder. "Bolívia : logística nacional e construção do estado." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/25487.
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Este trabalho discute a História da Bolívia à luz da logística nacional. Procura demonstrar que o maior ou menor êxito da construção do Estado esteve relacionado inicialmente às vias de transporte (internas e com o exterior) e, posteriormente, à energia (combustíveis) e à capacidade produtiva. Busca evidenciar que o desenvolvimento econômico (pólos dinâmicos da economia) e a própria construção de um centro de decisão econômica (soberania) são em grande medida tributários dos limites impostos pela logística nacional. O trabalho procura investigar o quanto a logística nacional influenciou a formação social, a competição inter-estatal e a própria revolução nacional na Bolívia. Assim, examina-se, sucessivamente, a formação da sociedade boliviana, o papel da Guerra do Chaco, a Revolução Nacional (1952), o separatismo e a integração regional tendo como pano de fundo esse denominador comum – a logística nacional. Por fim, entende que as promessas não cumpridas de cidadania e soberania da revolução nacional boliviana, inconclusa, têm sua redenção no processo de integração regional – realizado a partir do paradigma do Estado logístico.This work discusses the history of Bolivia in light of the national logistics. Seeks to demonstrate that the greater or lesser success of state building was related initially to inland transport and communication (internal and external), and then to energy (fuel) and production capacity. Seeks to show that economic development (dynamic poles of the economy) and the actual construction of a center of economic decision (sovereignty) are largely tributary by the limits imposed by national logistics. The work aims to investigate how national logistics influenced the national social formation, the inter-state competition and the national revolution in Bolivia. Thus, it examines, successively, the formation of Bolivian society, the role of the Chaco War, the National Revolution (1952), and separatism and regional integration with the background of this common denominator – the national logistics. Finally, it considers that the broken promises of citizenship and sovereignty of the Bolivian national revolution, unfinished, have their redemption in the process of regional integration – made from the paradigm of the Logistic State.
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Sáenz, Virginia. "Symbolic and Material Boundaries : An archaeological genealogy of the Urus of Lake Poopó, Bolivia." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala University, African and Comparative Archaeology, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-7196.
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The thesis focuses on Bolivian Indians who are assimilated into ethnic groups as one of many consequences of the colonial past. An understanding of the complexity of this construction draws from disciplines such as Anthropology, Archaeology, History, Sociology, in an effort to expose the power relations behind the construction. Departing from written sources and the general belief that the area would lodge the most ancient of such Indians, the Uru from Lake Poopó, a specific location has been selected in the Oruro province of the mid Bolivian highlands. The province is named after this people. The identity of the Uru people has been established by reference to other Indians in the Bolivian Andes known as the Aymara or the Quechua. Colonial accounts written by the Spanish conquerors, including priests, soldiers and commoners, as well as modern sources are discussed and analysed. The fieldwork combines archaeological and anthropological methods. Finally, the importance of multidisciplinary approaches is discussed in an effort to contribute to an understanding of multi-cause phenomena in this case the constructed ethnic identity of the Uru people.
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Álvarez, Giménez María Elvira. "Les femmes dans la sphère publique en Bolivie de la fin de la guerre du Chaco à la Révolution Nationale (1935-1952)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA01H032.
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L'époque qui va de la fin de la guerre menée contre le Paraguay, appelée Guerre du Chaco, en 1935, à la Révolution Nationale conduite par Je MNR (Mouvement Nationaliste Révolutionnaire) en 1952 est une période de bouleversements majeurs pour la Bolivie au niveau politique, économique, social et culturel. Ce conflit qui aboutit à une défaite catastrophique pour le pays marqua le point de départ de l'écroulement du système de gouvernement oligarchique qui avait été en place dans le pays depuis la fin du XIXe siècle et qui explosa finalement avec la Révolution de 1952. Dans l'historiographie sur cette période ne sont mentionnées les femmes ni le rôle qu'elles peuvent avoir joué dans les sphères politique et publique à ce moment d'effervescence politique où des secteurs de la population qui avaient été invisibles auparavant, acquirent une visibilité et un poids politiques. C'est précisément le cas des femmes qui émergèrent après la guerre en tant qu'actrices politiques d'importance que ce soit à travers le féminisme, le syndicalisme, ou encore les mobilisations de femmes catholiques. Ce travail rend compte du rôle que les femmes jouèrent dans les sphères publique et politique pendant cette période cruciale de l'histoire de la BolivieThe period from the end of the war against Paraguay, called the Chaco War, in 1935, to the National Revolution led by the MNR (Revolutionary Nationalist Movement) in 1952 is a period of major upheavals for Bolivia. This was true at the political, economic, social and cultural level. The conflict, which Jed to a catastrophic defeat for the country, was the starting point for the collapse of the oligarchy system of government. This system had been in place in the country since the end of the nineteenth century and finally collapsed with the 1952 Revolution. The historiography of this period scarcely mentions women, and the role they played in the political and public spheres during this time of political turmoil. Sectors of the population that had been previously invisible, including women, gained visibility and a political weight during this time of turmoil. Women emerged after the war as important political actors, whether through feminism, trade unionism or the mobilization of Catholic women. This study reflects the role that women played in the public and political spheres during this crucial period of Bolivian history
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Castillo, Camacho Sarah. "La tripolarisation territoriale en Bolivie : genèse et actualité." Phd thesis, Université de Bourgogne, 2012. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00877869.
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Trois agglomérations majeures caractérisent le système territorial bolivien en concentrant près de la moitié de la population et des emplois nationaux. Ce constat amène à s'interroger sur le rôle économique de cette tripolarisation territoriale face au succès économique de Potosi et Tarija, territoires riches en ressources naturelles. Dans ce travail, nous examinons l'actuelle tripolarisation par l'étude de l'histoire économique de l'émergence de ces trois pôles, puis en examinant les données économiques les plus récentes, de manière à expliquer les forces et les faiblesses de ce tripôle. Chacun des pôles se localise dans un contexte géographique original. La Paz où siège le gouvernement se situe dans la région montagneuse des hauts plateaux à l'Ouest. Santa Cruz, à environ 900 km de La Paz, se localise à l'Est, au centre des plaines amazoniennes. Cochabamba se situe entre les deux, dans les vallées intermédiaires du centre. Cette tripolarisation est relativement récente : la hiérarchie urbaine, longtemps dominée par une ville primatiale n'a donné une configuration tripolaire qu'au cours du dernier demi-siècle. La situation actuelle résulte en partie du cadre particulier de l'émergence du tripôle, liée aux territoires disposant des ressources naturelles ; l'analyse est conduite à partir d'indicateurs d'activité économique et du rôle international de ces territoires. L'approche économique, combinée avec des éléments géographiques, démographiques, historiques, politiques et de développement humain, permet de mettre à jour deux logiques distinctes, mais qui se complètent d'une manière originale : une forme de domination territoriale du tripôle La Paz - Cochabamba - Santa Cruz, à la fois permise et fragilisée par le rôle clé de l'exploitation des richesses naturelles de Potosi et Tarija
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Groke, Veronika. "'Es una comunidad libre' : contesting the potential of indigenous communities in southeastern Bolivia." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2549.
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The thesis is a study of a Guaraní community (comunidad) situated in the Department of Santa Cruz in the southeastern lowlands of Bolivia. The thesis uses the concept of ‘comunidad’ as a focus of investigation. While this concept is one that is familiar and firmly embedded in contemporary discourses throughout Bolivia, the meanings which different people and interest groups attach to it and the purposes which they ascribe to it are far from unanimous. Apart from the physical and legal entity, comprising a group of people, the land on which they live, and the legal title for its ownership, a comunidad is a multifaceted and multilayered complex of diverging and sometimes competing ideas, desires and agendas. Questioning the concept of ‘comunidad’ in this way opens up new perspectives on what people are doing and why that could easily be overlooked in continuing to assume that we know what we are talking about when talking about a ‘comunidad indígena’ in Bolivia today. The thesis explores the case of Cañón de Segura by eliciting and bringing together the various claims and perspectives that impact on the lives of its inhabitants (comunarios). Starting with a historical overview to situate the comunidad within Bolivian and Guaraní history, the thesis moves into an ethnographic discussion of the comunarios’ own perceptions and meanings of ‘comunidad’, followed by an exploration of various outsiders’ perspectives on the same topic that impact on the comunarios’ lives in different ways. The aim of the thesis is to illustrate the overlap and entanglements between these different positions in order to show how the different perspectives on the meaning and purpose of a Guaraní ‘comunidad’ all contribute to shape the actual realities of people’s lives ‘on the ground’.
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Elger, Kirsten [Verfasser]. "Analysis of deformation and tectonic history of the Southern Altiplano Plateau (Bolivia) and their importance for plateau formation / Geoforschungszentrum Potsdam. Kirsten Elger." Potsdam : Geoforschungszentrum, 2004. http://d-nb.info/971235333/34.
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Peres, Cajías José Alejandro. "Bolivia Public Finances, 1882-2007. Challenges and restricitons of State intervention in a small, multiethnic and revolutíonary economy." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/126118.
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My dissertation aims at analyzing the impact of State intervention in Bolivia by looking at the long term evolution of Bolivian Public Finances, 1882-2007. My dissertation is compound by four different chapters. In the following lines, you may find a small abstract of each chapter.
According to Acemoglu, Johnson and Robinson (2002), Bolivia is a perfect example of the reversal of fortune (RF) hypothesis. This hypothesis, however, has been criticised for oversimplifying causal relationships by “compressing” history (Austin, 2008). In the case of Bolivia, a full contrast of the RF hypothesis would require a global approach to the entire postcolonial period, which has been prevented so far by the lack of quantitative information for the period before 1950. Chapter 1 aims at filling that gap by providing new income per capita estimates for Bolivia in 1890-1950 and a point guesstimate for the mid-nineteenth century. The new estimates indicate that post-colonial divergence has not been a persistent feature of Bolivian economic history. Instead, it was concentrated in the second half of the 19th century and the second half of the 20th century.
Chapter 2 aims at offering a long-term and comparative study of Bolivian public finances using a new detailed database. The new quantitative evidence allows bringing new insights on the achievements and restrictions of State intervention in the country. First of all, it shows that whereas the importance of social expenditure has constantly grown within total public spending since the late 1930s, Bolivian public revenues have always had an unbalanced structure: from the 1880s to the 1980s the State was highly dependent on trade taxes; later on, on indirect internal taxes, and taxes and non-tax revenues derived from oil and gas exploitation. Secondly, it shows that Bolivian government revenues and expenditures were relatively small and volatile until the 1980s. Finally, it confirms that Central Government fiscal deficits have been constant, reaching in some periods, such as the early 1980s, a level that was especially damaging for the overall economy. Thus, beyond the existence or not of an explicit commitment by the political leadership towards certain types of public expenditures, the effectiveness of Bolivian public finances was often hindered by the difficulty to ensure a sustained flow of revenues.
Chapter 3 aims at revisiting the debate on the evolution of Bolivian tariffs from the 1850s to the mid 1930s by presenting and discussing new quantitative evidence. Contrary to an old claim by Bolivian historiography, the chapter suggests that Bolivian tariff policy was not as passive as previously assumed and that, broadly speaking, Bolivian tariffs remained high during most of the period. Nevertheless, the chapter also suggests that tariff policy did not necessarily allow protecting those products which represented the main economic activity of the different Bolivian regions during this period of time. Two reasons would explain this result: a) the prevalence until the mid 1900s of disadvantageous trade agreements with neighboring countries as a consequence of both the initial fragility of the Bolivian State-building process and the lost of the Pacific War (1879); b) the impact that both geographical fragmentation and the regional unbalanced expansion of railways had on domestic transport costs.
A widespread view suggests that, given an initial high level of inequality, Latin American States have been controlled by small elites that did not have any interest in tax collection (Sokoloff and Zolt, 2006) –since this would imply taxing themselves- or education spending (Engerman, Mariscal and Sokoloff, 2009) –which would involve a redistribution of resources. Chpater 4 aims at analyzing if educational spending in Bolivia, either fits well into this regional description up to present times or, by contrast, changed radically and took distance from the regional pattern after the 1952 Revolution. Taking advantage of new quantitative evidence, the paper stresses that the Revolution did not imply a substantial modification of the quality and redistributive character of the Bolivian education system. Three main findings support this claim: public spending in education was hardly sustainable over time; the inexistence of a substantial support to primary education may have reduce the redistributive impact of education spending; and education outputs, either in quantity or quality terms, were often among the worse in the regionEl objetivo central de mi tesis doctoral consistió en analizar el impacto de la intervención estatal en Bolivia mediante el análisis de la hacienda pública a través de un enfoque de largo plazo (1882-2007) y en perspectiva comparada con el resto de América Latina. El Capítulo 1 presenta las fuentes y la metodología utilizadas para estimar por primera vez las series del PIB de Bolivia desde 1846 hasta 1950; esta información es luego conectada con las series oficiales que empiezan precisamente ese último año. El Capítulo 2 presenta las fuentes y la metodología utilizadas para estimar por primera vez las series de ingresos y gastos públicos del Estado Central de Bolivia en forma desagregada desde 1882 hasta la actualidad. Los siguientes capítulos utilizan la anterior evidencia cuantitativa para ofrecer una nueva perspectiva sobre dos temáticas ampliamente debatidas por la literatura nacional e internacional. El Capítulo 3 brinda una nueva perspectiva sobre los niveles de protección arancelaria nominal y su capacidad de protección sobre las industrias locales desde 1880 hasta la década de 1930. El Capítulo 4 identifica la evolución de la prioridad fiscal del gasto público social, en general, y del gasto educativo, en particular, y los efectos que éste pudo tener sobre el resto de la economía desde principios del siglo XX hasta la actualidad.
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Raney, Catherine A. "From Housewife to Household Weapon: Women from the Bolivian Mines Organize Against Economic Exploitation and Political Oppression." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/591.
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Drawing from oral histories which I gathered while living in Bolivia, this thesis tracks the start, growth, and development of the political movement led by women from the Bolivian mines from 1961 to 1987. This movement helped create a new political culture that recognized the importance of women’s participation in politics and human rights. Today, this culture lives on. Bolivia has not experienced a coup since 1980, and the nation’s human rights record has improved dramatically since the 1980s as well.
Prior to the mid-1980s, Bolivia was often under the control of oppressive military regimes that resorted to many different types of coercion in attempts to silence resistance in the mining centers, the national government’s main source of conflict. This uneven power struggle between working class activists and the national government motivated many women to challenge gender roles and involve themselves in politics. After establishing their political organization called the Housewives’ Committee, women activists organized and acted collectively to challenge political oppression and mitigate the effects of extreme poverty. They frequently employed compelling tactics, most commonly hunger strikes, to win attention for their issues. They also involved themselves in many other diverse projects and demonstrations depending on their communities’ need. Women’s political development resulted in a number of personal transformations among those who participated: it awakened a political consciousness and also enabled women to recognize the importance of their paid and unpaid work in the mining economy. These changes eventually altered women’s understanding of how women’s oppression fit into the broader struggle of working class activism by convincing them of the deep connection between women’s liberation and the liberation of their community. These transformations led to the acceptance of women as political activists and leaders, which continues in the present.
This work also tracks the United States’ impact on the relationship between the mining centers and the state. This analysis serves to remind us that as United States citizens we must be very critical of our nation’s impact; because of our ability to enormously affect small land-locked countries like Bolivia, we must also hold ourselves accountable to understanding our historical impact so that we can make informed decisions in the present.
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Schooler, Edward Webb. "The War on Drugs in Latin America: How Misinterpretation Led to Failed Policy." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/403.
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The War on Drugs in Latin America: How Misinterpretation Led to Failed Policy investigates how and why United States counternarcotics policy failed abroad, specifically in the northern Andean region. This work examines the entire history of the US waged War on Drugs abroad beginning with President Richard M. Nixon and concluding with current President Barack Obama. After this thorough examination alternative counternarcotics policies are examined.
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Testa, Ferreira Héctor. "El proceso constituyente boliviano y la Constitución del Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia." Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2017. http://repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/143915.
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Memoria (licenciado en ciencias jurídicas y sociales)El objetivo del presente trabajo es exponer el caso del proceso constituyente boliviano reciente, mediante una comprensión amplia que abarca tanto la historia previa que determina sus contenidos y características, las fuerzas políticas y sociales y las demandas y propuestas programáticas que en él se desplegaron, y una reseña de los principales rasgos de su producto final, la Constitución del Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia, promulgada en el 2009, y el escenario posterior a su entrada en vigencia. Se pretende con esto desarrollar de manera completa los distintos elementos que permiten comprender y analizar esta experiencia de cambio constitucional que ha suscitado un significativo interés fuera de sus fronteras, tanto por su trayectoria, el carácter refundacional que lo impulsó, y las innovaciones constitucionales a que dio lugar. Con este objetivo, se hará una reseña de la historia política y constitucional de Bolivia, en particular de aquéllos elementos que permiten una comprensión más acabada sobre la historia reciente y el presente de este país, con especial énfasis en las cuestiones y tendencias que motivan de manera más influyente al proceso constituyente aquí abordado. A continuación, se expondrá de manera detallada la trayectoria con la que se abrió paso el proceso de cambio constitucional por la vía de la convocatoria de una Asamblea Constituyente, y los rasgos del escenario social y político que dio lugar a este proceso, las complejidades, dificultades, y disputas que se desarrollaron en él. Posteriormente, se presenta una reseña de los contenidos constitucionales que se impulsaron, debatieron, y finalmente acordaron en el nuevo texto fundamental, para finalmente abordar las características del cuadro político e institucional posterior a la entrada en vigencia de la nueva Constitución.
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Struve, Timothy James. "Readdressing the Quechua-Aru Contact Proposal: Historical and Lexical Perspectives." The Ohio State University, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1399026678.
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Villagra, Carron Rodrigo Juan. "The two shamans and the owner of the cattle : alterity, storytelling and shamanism amongst the Angaité of the Paraguayan Chaco." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/965.
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My thesis examines from an ethnographic account how history has been made, told and interpreted by the Angaité people of the Chaco since the Paraguayan nation-state effectively carried out the colonization of this territory in the 19th century until the present day. The key elements of this account are the Angaité’s notions and practices on alterity, storytelling and shamanism and how they interplay with one another. I explore the notions of alterity and its counterpart similarity in the context of multiple material transactions in which the Angaité engage both among themselves and with outsiders. I also examine the inseparable socio-moral evaluations attached to such transactions. I show how certain transactions such as exchange or commoditisation do not necessarily conflict with good social relations. Nevertheless, the closest relationships – preferably evoked in kinship terms - are constantly constructed by the combination of several practices including sharing, pooling, cohabitation and companionship and the relational morality that underpins them. This relational morality, I argue, is both inscribed and enacted through the telling of Nanek Any’a narratives –“Old news/events”. I analyze some of these narratives in order to show how the Angaité people interpret the consequences of the colonization of the Chaco. For this I provide an intelligible context for the Nanek Any’a that may otherwise appear contradictory or incomprehensible to a non-Angaité listener. The Angaité’s versions of history compared to the official accounts challenge the simplistic of the Angaité as “acculturated” and a homogenous indigenous people and situate them as main actors of their own lives. Rather than the Angaité being the victims of history the Nanek Any’a emphasize that it was the mistakes and failing of their ancestors in their original encounter with the Paraguayans that resulted in an unbalanced relationship with the latter in socio-economic terms. In addition to this, I describe in the light of the historical processes undergone in the lives of the Angaité, how the shamanic discourses and capacities and Angaité cosmology have changed. I explore how they have constantly incorporated external elements, and thus such shamanic elements pervades contemporary areas of life and interactions that include not only the paradigmatic indigenous shaman, but unusual figures such as pastors, powerful outsiders and leaders.
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Camacho, Garland Gabriela. "Bolivia: crónica de una historia anunciada." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2006. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/47264.
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Letelier, Cosmelli Javiera. "La construcción de la sociedad local en el Puerto de Cobija, 1825 a 1847." Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2014. http://www.repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/117147.
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En la costa de Atacama, a unos pocos kilómetros al sur de Tocopilla, aún se divisan los
cimientos derruidos y ruinosos de las casas, la iglesia y las calles de Cobija, ahora una
ciudad fantasma. Los restos de Cobija evocan el esfuerzo de hombres y mujeres que
durante el siglo XIX convirtieron la costa desértica en un lugar lleno de vida. En la
actualidad, una jauría de perros habita la zona alta de la ciudad y en el área próxima a la
costa aún se reconoce los vestigios de un fuerte en cuyos restos rompen las olas. En los
esbozos de las antiguas casas emergen habitaciones de material liviano, changuerías de
pescadores, que aprovechan parte de los muros de adobe que aún resisten los insultos de un
maremoto, el tiempo y el abandono.
El puerto de Lamar en Cobija, se constituyó como un proyecto político de la reciente
Bolivia cuyo objetivo radicó en ser una puerta de entrada al mundo moderno capitalista
luego de la pérdida de Arica. En dicho contexto este enclave fue un centro de despliegue
del sistema protocapitalista en la zona durante el periodo republicano −aunque siempre con
un sustrato colonial fundante−, asociado principalmente a la explotación de materias primas
como el cobre, el guano y el salitre.
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Terrazas, Orellana Carlos. "Histoire et nationalisme bolivien." Paris 7, 1991. http://www.theses.fr/1991PA070113.
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La problematique et les objectifs de la these : l'etude des principales composantes du nationalisme bolivien, comme, le colonialisme, le "criollismo", l'indigenisme le populisme, le patriotisme, ou encore le machisme. . . Representent une grande partie de la panoplie servant a constituer l'imaginaire du nationalisme bolivien. L'analyse a ete faite d'une maniere chronologique surtout lors de l'approche historique de la bolivie des origines a nos jours. L'analyse des concep ts d'independance et de liberte ainsi qu'une analyse de texte clefs de l'histoire de l'independance a nous donne la reponse sur l'origine bolivien est ses implications sur la republique bolivienne. . . Chronologique surtout lors de l'approche historique de la bolivie des origines a nos jours. L'analyse des concepts d'independance et de liberte ainsi qu'une analyse de texte clefs de l'histoire de l'independance a nous donne la reponse sur l'origine bolivien est ses implications sur la republique bolivienne. .The study of the main elements of the bolivian nationalism such as colonialism, "criollism", indigenism, populism, patri otism or even "machism". . . Represents an important part of the bases that feeds the fancy of the bolivian nationalism. The analisis was done in a chronological way acccording to an historical approch of bolivia from its origins up to now, the analisis of such concepts as independance and freedom and the main texts of the history of the independance explain the origin of the state nation and of the bolivian nationalism and its implications on the bolivian republic. Historical approch of bolivia from its origins up to now. The analisis of such concepts as independance and freedom and the main texts of the history of the independance explain the origin of the state nation and of the bolivian nationalism and its implications on the bolivian republic
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Nogueira, Julia C. "Film and Video Festivals in South America:A Contemporary Analysis of Flourishing Cultural Phenomena." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1230612139.
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Revilla, Orías Paola. "Esclavitud y servidumbre afro-indígena en Charcas: discriminación, interacción social y sentidos de pertenencia (La Plata, 1560-1650)." Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2016. http://repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/145243.
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Tesis para optar al grado de Doctor en HistoriaLa investigación se acerca a la experiencia histórica de la población afrodescendiente e indígena de Tierras Bajas cautiva en la ciudad de La Plata, Charcas entre 1560 y 1650. Da a conocer los criterios de base de los discursos normativos y de aquellos construidos cotidianamente por la sociedad, que fueron moldeando su imagen pública de sujetos esclavizados y en servidumbre. Caracteriza el trato que recibieron así como sus descendientes, dentro de la lógica de relaciones de poder imperantes en esa sociedad multiétnica y señorial, consumidora de sirvientes. Además de dar cuenta de la discriminación concreta y simbólica de que fueron objeto en la violencia de las prácticas, demuestra a través del análisis de las dimensiones sociales del sujeto esclavizado, que su experiencia no se redujo al sometimiento. Aunque fuertemente condicionada por prejuicios en torno al origen y al fenotipo, estos no determinaron su desenvolvimiento. Propone que la imagen pública de quienes estuvieron en servidumbre, fue moldeada en la cotidianeidad de su actividad laboral y productiva, y que su identidad, inscrita en una realidad compleja, de interacciones múltiples, fue plural y cambiante, como la de la inédita sociedad colonial a la que dieron cuerpo y sentido.
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Symmes, Coll Constanza Aída. "El problema de la fundación: de la República Bolívar a la Bolivia plurinacional." Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2007. http://repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/108966.
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Soux, Muñoz Reyes María Luisa. "El Proceso de la independencia en Oruro : guerra, movimientos sociales y ciudadanía, 1808-1826." Doctoral thesis, Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 2007. https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12672/2751.
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El estudio de la Guerra de la Independencia en América y específicamente en la región de Charcas -conocida en ese momento como Alto Perú-ha sido una preocupación de los intelectuales dedicados a la historia desde el siglo XIX. No es de extrañar que los primeros libros sobre historia que se publicaron en Bolivia estuvieran precisamente dedicados a describir el proceso de la independencia, y es que el conocimiento de esta etapa era fundamental para imaginar la nación (utilizando el término de Benedict Anderson). Es con este objetivo que surgió la llamada Historia Patria, dedicada no sólo a recrear los hechos del pasado que pudieran sentar las bases de la nueva república, sino también a resaltar la vida y la obra de los personajes que participaron en ella en el lado —correcto“, es decir, al lado de los partidarios de la independencia (...) A partir de la anterior reflexión, el presente trabajo de investigación busca analizar el proceso histórico que se dio entre 1808 y 1826 partiendo de una visión que se enfoca en el ámbito local, centrado en la región de Oruro. Dos son los principios que guían nuestro trabajo: el primero es el de la necesidad de analizar esta etapa como un proceso en sí mismo, es decir, no como un paso entre una etapa colonial a otra republicana, sino como un periodo con sus propios problemas y especificidades; el segundo principio es estudiarlo como un proceso complejo, es decir que no se toma en cuenta únicamente como un hecho bélico conocido como la Guerra de la Independencia, sino como un conjunto de procesos paralelos y entrelazados que debe ser analizado desde varias dimensiones y perspectivas.Tesis
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Orellana, Caperochipi Macarena. "¿Quién podrá matar a un joven y a sus anhelos limpios? : memoria y acción colectiva en la resistencia juvenil a las dictaduras bolivianas (1971-1982)." Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2011. http://repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/110001.
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Lazarte, Rojas Jorge. "De l'instabilité autoritaire à la stabilité démocratique le cas de la Bolivie : repères pour une histoire intellectuelle." Paris 3, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001PA030174.
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La Bolivie connaît aujourd'hui une stabilité politique exeptionnelle et est l'un des pays d'Amérique latine au processus d'institutionnalisation le plus avancé. Pourtant, son histoire, son passé, paraissaient lui interdire cette possibilité. En 1982, le principal problème politique de la Bolivie pour faire fonctionner la démocratie était de résoudre le problème de son instabilité instituionnelle traditionnelle. Depuis, 19 ans se sont écoulés, période pendant laquelle a pu se développer ce que l'on a pris l'habitude d'appeler le "modèle" bolivien. Le but principal de la thèse est de montrer le chemin que la Bolivie a emprunté pour, à partir de l'institutionnalisation de ses règles constitutives, faire fontionner sa démocratie et les processus de concertation politique sur lesquels elle s'est appuyée et qui ont servi de base lors de la mise en place de réformes institutionnelles postérieures. .Today Bolivia lives an exceptional political stability and this country is one of the more advanced of Latin America in its process of institutionalization. Nevertheless, all its past history seemed to close this possibility. In 1982, Bolivia's main political problem was how to make democracy work in order to solve its traditional institutional instability. Ever since 19 years have passed ; during this time the country has developed what is know as the Bolivian "model". The main idea of this thesis is to show Bolivia has achieved the goal of making democracy work, starting with the institutionalization of its constitutive rules ; the processus of political agreement that supported it and served as basis for the implementation of posterior institutional amendments. .
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Soux, Maria Luisa. "Pensamiento andino y slogans políticos en Bolivia: una visión desde la historia." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2012. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/113889.
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En diciembre de 2005 Evo Morales Ayma, un aymara de Carangas y dirigente cocalero del Chapare era elegido democráticamente como presidente de Boliviacon el 54% de los votos. Este hecho modificó las estructuras de un país que había vivido bajo el dominio de una minoría criolla y occidental desde el inicio de su vida republicana.1 La fuerza de convocatoria del partido de Morales, el Movimiento alSocialismo (MAS), no era, sin embargo, algo totalmente nuevo. En la elección presidencial de 2002, había logrado ya captar el voto de un cuarto de la población boliviana rural y urbana, sobretodo de las tierras altas occidentales, como muestrade un proceso de fortalecimiento de una propuesta política en la que, además de muchos otros elementos, se percibía la memoria de un conjunto de principios asentados tradicionalmente en la cultura andina.Para el crecimiento del partido y de su líder fueron puntos importantes tanto la propuesta ideológica de lucha contra el colonialismo y el neoliberalismo como la presencia mayoritaria de candidatos indígenas y sindicales, además fue central laestrategia comunicacional del MAS, que utilizó redes paralelas para dar a conocer sus postulados,2 una campaña de relacionamiento personal con los electores y eluso de mensajes relacionados con el pensamiento andino que buscaron –y lograron convocar a la población.Este trabajo busca plantear algunas pautas para entender cómo estos pensamientos, que fueron recuperados -y en algunos casos reinventados- por grupos intelectualesaimaras y criollos se transformaron en discursos que acompañaron la campaña política y su propuesta posterior, la forma como la investigación histórica sirvió debase para este proceso. Los ejemplos utilizados se ubican a fines del siglo XVIII y parte del siglo XIX, momentos de la formación de la nación y etapa que marcó el surgimiento de discursos de corte liberal y moderno que pervivieron prácticamente hasta fines del siglo XX.En el trabajo se analizarán tres de estos slogans que lograron relacionar la propuesta política del MAS con la mentalidad y la identidad de la población aymara y quechuaque la recibía. El primer slogan data de la campaña presidencial del 2002, el segundo de la campaña del 2005 y el tercero de la campaña para la Asamblea Constituyentede 2006.
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Presta, Ana María, and Mercedes del Rio. "Reflexiones sobre los churumatas del sur de Bolivia, siglos XVI-XVII." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2014. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/122204.
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Bonilla, Heraclio. "Notas en torno a la historia económica y social de Bolivia (1821-1879)." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2014. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/122136.
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Sobarzo, Bahamondes Pablo Elías. "Bolivia y Arica. Notas históricas y jurídicas." Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2015. http://repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/133989.
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Memoria (licenciado en ciencias jurídicas y sociales)El presente trabajo pretende esclarecer el rol de la ciudad de Arica en la pretensión marítima boliviana sostenida contra Chile. Para conseguir tal fin este se construye en base a una recopilación de hitos clave en las relaciones de Bolivia con Perú, soberano de aquella provincia hasta 1883, y con Chile, primero poseedor de ella hasta el año 1929 y luego soberano en propiedad. A ese efecto además se analiza el papel del Tratado de 1929 entre Perú y Chile, junto con su Protocolo Complementario, para luego proceder a abordar la estrategia de Bolivia en la actualidad. La pretensión boliviana sobre la ciudad de Arica, sostenida frente al Perú, se prolonga hasta el día de hoy, según los argumentos revisados en este trabajo
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Favre, Henri. "Bolivar y los Indios." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2014. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/122089.
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Cornejo, Happel Claudia A. "Decadent Wealth, Degenerate Morality, Dominance, and Devotion: The Discordant Iconicity of the Rich Mountain of Potosi." The Ohio State University, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1404653562.
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Aguiar, Marcia Ernani de. "Tecnologias e cuidado em saúde: a Estratégia Saúde da Família(ESF) e o caso do imigrante boliviano e coreano no bairro do Bom Retiro - SP." Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/5/5137/tde-03102013-103833/.
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O Programa Saúde da Família, proposto em 1994 pelo Ministério da Saúde, definiu-se como uma estratégia de reorganização da Atenção Primária à Saúde no Brasil. Gradualmente, ele foi sendo implantado também em grandes centros urbanos, até que, em 2001, ocorreu a municipalização da saúde na cidade de São Paulo, com a implantação desse modelo no bairro do Bom Retiro, região central da capital paulista. Esse bairro constitui uma paisagem única, marcado, desde sua origem, no final do século XIX, pela presença de diversas etnias, constituindo um microcosmo social, tendo recebido, ao longo de sua história, grandes contingentes de imigrantes com características culturais bastante particulares. Atualmente, entre a população que o frequenta e habita, os coreanos e os bolivianos passaram a constituir os dois grupos de imigrantes com presença marcante no bairro, ambos inseridos na base material da indústria de confecção, uma vez que a produção têxtil é um dos eixos econômicos estruturantes do Bom Retiro. A inserção de uma Unidade de Saúde da Família nesse bairro provocou a reflexão sobre as potencialidades e as dificuldades do Programa Saúde da Família em grandes centros urbanos; trouxe para discussão questões relativas à presença desses imigrantes; e exigiu análises diversas, em torno da interação entre profissionais dos serviços de saúde e seus usuários. Assim, o objetivo deste trabalho é analisar a interação entre o Programa Saúde da Família e os imigrantes coreanos e bolivianos localizados no bairro do Bom Retiro na cidade de São Paulo, redundando em uma experiência particular. Trata-se de uma pesquisa de referencial qualitativo, que utilizou a técnica de entrevistas semiestruturadas com três coreanos, três bolivianos e seis trabalhadores da saúde da Unidade de Saúde da Família do Bom Retiro. Para a análise das entrevistas, utilizou-se a técnica de análise temática de conteúdo, considerando as conjunturas, as razões e as lógicas, bem como as ações e as inter-relações estabelecidas com o coletivo e as instituições. Os resultados exibem as particularidades da inserção desses dois grupos de imigrantes no bairro do Bom Retiro e flagram, particularmente, dimensões do mundo do trabalho e de moradia e grande mobilidade espacial imigratória, exigindo a flexibilização da lógica cartográfica do Programa Saúde da Família, com a ampliação do conceito de família, e as diversas estratégias comunicativas de que a equipe de Saúde da Família lançou mão para implementar a comunicação com os imigrantes coreanos e bolivianosThe Family Health Program, proposed in 1994 by the Ministry of Health, was defined as a strategy for reorganizing Primary Health Care in Brazil. It was gradually implemented in major urban areas. In 2001, health care services in the city of São Paulo were municipalized, with the implementation of this model in Bom Retiro, in the downtown area of the city of São Paulo. Such neighborhood has a unique landscape, marked since its beginnings, at the end of the 19th century, by the presence of several ethnic groups. It is a social microcosm, which received large groups of immigrants throughout its history, bringing their own unique cultural characteristics to the area. Nowadays, Koreans and Bolivians have become the two most significant immigrant groups among the population living and working in the area. Both groups are integrated into the material base of clothing industry, since textile manufacture is one of the economic structural axes of Bom Retiro. The establishment of a Family Health Unit in Bom Retiro, besides evoking a reflection on the potential and difficulties for the Family Health Program in large urban areas, also brings issues related to the presence of these immigrants to the discussion, requiring various analyses on the theme of interaction between health care professionals and users. Thus, the purpose of this work is to analyze the interaction between the Family Health Program and Korean and Bolivian immigrants located in the neighborhood of Bom Retiro, in the city of São Paulo, which results in a unique experience. This is a qualitative research, which used the technique of semi-structured interviews with three Koreans, three Bolivians and six health care workers from the Bom Retiro Family Health Unit. With regard to the analysis of the interviews, the technique of thematic content analysis was used, considering the conjunctures, reasons and logic, as well as actions and interrelations established between the collective and the institutions. The results show the particularities of the insertion of these two immigrant groups in Bom Retiro, and highlight in particular the dimensions of the world of work, housing and the large spatial mobility of immigrants, requiring Family Health Program\'s map-based logic to become more flexible, with the enlargement of the concept of family and several communication strategies used by the Family Health team to establish communication with the Korean and Bolivian immigrants
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Garcia, Jean-René. "Contribution à l'étude de la notion d'ambivalence pour l'analyse du pouvoir exécutif : le cas de la Bolivie." Paris 3, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006PA030149.
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Nous avons tenté dans cette thèse de revenir aux origines théoriques du pouvoir exécutif et à partir de l’étude du cas bolivien, d’analyser comment le constitutionnalisme moderne essaya de concilier les notions de “force” et de “légitimité” par l’élaboration d’un consensus sur le pouvoir exécutif ambivalent réalisé lors de Temps Historiques Constitutionnels (THC). En Bolivie, le consensus sur le pouvoir exécutif ambivalent, c'est-à-dire sur un pouvoir dont la compétence déborde celle d’appliquer strictement la loi, a permis d’assurer la structuration du système politique lors de Temps Historiques Constitutionnels. Ainsi, la Bolivie constitue un terrain d’analyse qui permet de construire une doctrine moderne sur le pouvoir exécutif ambivalent en Amérique latineIn this thesis, we have attempted to return to the theoretical origins of executive power and, departing from a study of the case in Bolivia, to analyze the ways in which modern constitutionalism tried to reconcile the notions of “force” and “legitimacy” through the formulation of a consensus on ambivalent executive power effectuated during Historical Constitutional Times (HCT). In Bolivia, the consensus on ambivalent executive power, that is, on a power whose competence extends beyond a strict enforcement of the law, has enabled the assurance of the structuring of the political system during Historical Constitutional Times. Thus, Bolivia represents a case for analysis making it possible to construct a modern doctrine on ambivalent executive power in Latin America
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Huesca, Robert Thomas. "Reconceptualizing Latin American theories of alternative communication and media practice : an ethnography of Bolivian tin miners' radio." Connect to resource, 1994. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1239886159.
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Nicolas, Vincent. "Les ayllus de Tinguipaya (Potosi, Bolivie) : essais d'histoire à plusieurs voix." Paris, EHESS, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014EHES0634.
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La thèse a pour objet l’histoire et la mémoire de Tinguipaya. Elle tente de reconstruire le passé des ayllus de Tinguipaya à partir de l’empreinte que celui-ci a laissé dans la mémoire collective mais aussi à partir des documents conservés dans les archives historiques. Il s’agit notamment de confronter les histoires orales transmises dans les ayllus, recueillies en quechua, avec les documents écrits, de comparer leurs points de vue et versions des faits, et d’interpréter chacune de ces deux sources à la lumière de l’autre. La démarche est indiciaire au sens où elle progresse à partir d’indices, souvent ténus, pour les relier entre eux et ainsi faire surgir une nouvelle version de l’histoire. Celle-ci n’est alors ni celle qui se raconte dans cette communauté ni celle qui pourrait être produite à la lecture des seules sources écrites mais bien le produit d’un dialogue entre savoirs. La recherche porte sur une histoire longue de cinq cents ans. Elle part du moment actuel et de la manière dont le passé est remémoré aujourd’hui au travers des histoires et des rites pour remonter jusqu’aux origines de Tinguipaya : la création du village de réduction vers 1575 et le processus d’ethnogenèse qui s’en suivit. Les habitants de Tinguipaya content un certain nombre de « mythes d’origine » qui permettent de mieux comprendre comment les réformes tolédanes furent vécues par les populations indigènes et comment ce vécu fut transmis aux générations suivantes. À partir du rituel du cabildo (qui accompagne actuellement le payement de la taxe), la thèse examine l’évolution de ces trois institutions coloniales fondamentales que sont le caciquat, le cabildo et le tribut. La thèse étudie aussia lutte des caciques délégués (apoderados) contre les politiques libérales sur la terre (ex-vinculación) et la résistance des ayllus de Tinguipaya aux tentatives d’annexion des haciendas, montrant ainsi les liens étroits entre la micro histoire de Tinguipaya et l’histoire de la Bolivie. Les narrations orales et les documents écrits constituent les deux principales sources de cette recherche. Cependant, malgré l’abondance de la mémoire-narrative, on constate également des « trous de mémoire ». La thèse cherche donc aussi à voir si au-delà de la mémoire explicite, il n’est pas possible de retrouver dans certaines pratiques rituelles la trace d’un passé apparemment oublié. La thèse cherche à mettre en valeur les récits historiques propres aux ayllus de Tinguipaya et ainsi à faire connaître une historiographie encore largement ignorée qui permet de remettre en question l’histoire officielle.
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Whitney, Bronwen Sarah. "Paleoecology of the Bolivian Pantanal : a 45,000 year history of vegetation and climate change in tropical South America." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/3211.
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This thesis is formatted in journal style, and as is typical of research submitted to peer-reviewed journals, some of the data included in the three research chapters have been collected by collaborating authors. These authors are listed at the beginning of each chapter, and the contribution of each is detailed below. Chapter 2 incorporates a vegetation survey around the shores of the field site, Laguna La Gaiba, conducted by Ezequiel Chavez and René Guillén of the Muséo de Historía Natural Noel Kempff Mercado, Santa Cruz, Bolivia, and Michael J. Burn differentiated the pollen of Moraceae and Urticaceae in twenty-five horizons. Toby Pennington of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Edinburgh, has been crucial to data interpretation and discussion. The research in Chapter 3 also relies on the field surveys of Ezequiel Chavez and René Guillén, as well as the finer-scale pollen differentiation provided by Michael J. Burn. This chapter also includes carbon isotope data obtained by Neil J. Loader and Alayne Street-Perrott, Swansea University, Wales, and elemental data collected by Francis E. Mayle and Michael H. Marshall (Aberystwyth) at the Itrax XRF scanner facility, University of Aberystwyth. As in the preceding chapter, Toby Pennington has played an integral role in the ecological interpretation and climatic significance of changes in the inundation-tolerant forest. The data obtained for Chapter 4 were collected entirely by my own hand, but the interpretation of these data was improved by contributed work of my co-authors in the previous two chapters.
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Aljovín, de Losada Cristóbal. "Larson, Brooke. Colonialism and Agrarian Transformation in Bolivia. Cochabamba 1550-1900. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1988." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2014. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/122045.
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Díaz, García Camilo. "Filmemos nuestra liberación: el tercer cine y su relación con la producción cinematográfica de Chile y Bolivia: 1967-1977." Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2018. http://repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/164076.
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