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Journal articles on the topic 'Bolivia, history'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 29 July 2024

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1

Irurozqui, Marta. "Political Leadership and Popular Consent: Party Strategies in Bolivia, 1880–1899." Americas 53, no. 3 (January 1997): 395–423. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1008031.

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The governmental era of the Bolivian conservative parties—Constitutional, Democrat, and Conservative—encompasses the historical period from Bolivia’s withdrawal from the Pacific War (1880), which saw a Peruvian-Bolivian alliance against Chile, to the outbreak of the Federal War of 1899 between conservatives and liberals. Within this period of infighting lies the genesis of the Bolivian political party system. With the establishment of a truce in 1880 between Chile and Bolivia, without which Bolivia would have had to definitively withdraw from the conflict and break its Peruvian alliance, two positions arose concerning a resolution of the conflict: the continuation of the war or peace. These polar solutions adhered to the first ideological substratum of the Bolivian political parties, making it possible to define the various factions of the elite in light of the new political restructuring and the role of the State.
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2

Larson, Brooke. "Bolivia Revisited: New Directions in North American Research in History and Anthropology." Latin American Research Review 23, no. 1 (1988): 63–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100034713.

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A recent diagnosis of the health of Latin American studies in the United States reveals that Bolivia is among the forgotten or ignored countries. U.S. scholarship on Mexico, Brazil, and Peru vastly outranks research on Bolivia. Following the Bolivian Revolution of 1952, U.S. universities turned out a host of dissertations and books on Bolivia, but since that time, the U.S. community of Bolivianists has declined. Yet anthropological and historical research on this southern Andean country seems to be flourishing. Although some political scientists attracted to problems and prospects for reform created by the Revolution have turned their attention elsewhere, Bolivia still fascinates scholars interested in the deeper currents of historical change and the remarkable resilience of rural Andean peoples in their struggle to preserve their cultural integrity.
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3

SHTAYNMILLERE, Anastasia. "Bolivia’s media landscape." Век информации (сетевое издание) 4, no. 3(12) (June 1, 2020): 16–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.33941/age-info.com43(12)2.

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This study analyzes and systematizes the history and political and territorial structure of the Plurinational State of Bolivia, examines the role of international contacts between Russia and Bolivia, as well as analyzes the system of Bolivian media and the nature of their rhetoric towards Russia.
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4

KESSLER, MICHAEL, and ALAN R. SMITH. "Prodromus of a fern flora for Bolivia. I. General introduction and key to families." Phytotaxa 327, no. 1 (November 3, 2017): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/phytotaxa.327.1.3.

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We introduce the concept of a prodromus for a flora to the ferns and lycophytes of Bolivia, describe the natural setting of Bolivia (topography, climate, vegetation), briefly review the history of pteridological knowledge in the country, present a taxonomic synopsis as well as a key to the fern and lycophyte families of Bolivia, and provide a list of all fern and lycophyte names with Bolivian type material. A new combination is proposed for Polyphlebium herzogii (Rosenst.) A.R.Sm. & Kessler.
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5

Rivas, Luis R., Gabriel Callapa, Patricia Mendoza-Miranda, Arturo Muñoz, Cord B. Eversole, and Randy L. Powell. "Dryophylax chaquensis (Bergna & Álvarez, 1993) (Serpentes, Colubridae): first record from Cochabamba Department and a geographic range extension in Bolivia." Check List 20, no. 2 (March 28, 2024): 530–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.15560/20.2.530.

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We present novel distributional information on the little-known snake species Dryophylax chaquensis (Bergna & Álvarez, 1993) in Bolivia, including the first record from Cochabamba Department. Our record extends the distribution of this species towards the Bolivian Inter-Andean Dry Forests by approximately 63 km to the west (in a straight line) from the nearest known locality in Vallegrande, Santa Cruz, Bolivia. We comment on the biogeographic distribution, altitude of occurrence, and aspects behavior and natural history of D. chaquensis in Bolivia.
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Rivas, Luis R., Arturo Muñoz, Cord B. Eversole, Randy L. Powell, and Federico Moreno-Aulo. "First confirmed records of Teratohyla midas (Lynch & Duellman, 1973) (Anura, Centrolenidae) from Bolivia." Check List 20, no. 2 (April 26, 2024): 559–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.15560/20.2.559.

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Different sources of information indicate the possible presence of Teratohyla midas (Lynch & Duellman, 1973) in Bolivia; however, none of them confirm this scenario. Here we confirm the presence of T. midas in the northern Bolivian Amazon (Pando Department) and extend the geographical distribution of the species to include Bolivia. Likewise, we contribute information on some aspects of this species’ behavior and natural history.
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7

Burke, Melvin. "Bolivia." Current History 90, no. 553 (February 1, 1991): 65–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1991.90.553.65.

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8

Norris, Brian. "Without Distinguishing Color or Profession: Culture, Vatican II and the Long-Term Development of Credit Institutions in Bolivia." Bolivian Studies Journal/Revista de Estudios Bolivianos 21 (March 17, 2016): 202–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/bsj.2015.125.

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By the late 20th and early 21st century, credit institutions in Bolivia had become more complex, resilient and popular that at any time previously in its history. Traditional economics analyses emphasize incentives created by laws such as those promulgated by the Kemmerer mission in Bolivia in the 1920s and 30s, or material factors, such as transportation costs. Yet neither of these explanations offers a compelling explanation for the magnitude of the flourishing of popular and complex credit institutions in Bolivia after the 1960s. Cultural changes, however, might offer a compelling complement to legal and material explanations of credit development. Vatican II represented an important mass change in Bolivian culture, and institutions associated with these reforms ushered in a new era of credit institution development in the country.A finales del siglo XX y comienzos del XXI, las instituciones crediticias en Bolivia se volvieron más complejas, elásticas y populares que en cualquier otro momento de su historia. Los análisis económicos tradicionales ponen de relieve los incentivos creados por leyes como las promulgadas por la misión Kemmerer en Bolivia en las décadas de 1920 y 1930, o factores materiales, tales como los costos de transporte. Con todo, ninguna de estas explicaciones ofrece una explicación convincente de la importancia del florecimiento de instituciones crediticias populares y complejas en Bolivia después de la década de 1960. No obstante, los cambios culturales podrían ofrecer un complemento de peso a las explicaciones legales y materiales del desarrollo del crédito. El Concilio Vaticano II representa un importante cambio en la cultura boliviana, y las instituciones asociadas con sus reformas marcan el comienzo de una nueva era en el desarrollo de la institución crediticia en el país.
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9

Mendoza, Marcela. "Bolivian settlers and Toba peoples: Appropriation of Indigenous lands on the Chaco Plains in the 1800s." Historical Encounters: A journal of historical consciousness, historical cultures, and history education 10, no. 2 (December 21, 2023): 38–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.52289/hej10.204.

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This article analyses settler encroachment on Indigenous peoples’ lands in the Chaco region of Eastern Bolivia. It is an understudied story, rarely interpreted from a perspective inspired by settler colonial studies. My analysis explores policies promoted by the emerging Bolivian state to address its ‘Toba problem’ along the Pilcomayo River, where for three centuries hunter-gatherers ignored the colonial authority and continually defied the power of the new nation. The story is situated in the mid-to-late nineteenth century when administrators of the Republic distributed small tracts of land along the river with the intention of expanding ranching and consolidating the country’s international border. My analysis focuses on the contentious interactions between Toba and ranchers in a marginal area of Bolivia. Describing ‘settling’ from a non-Anglophone perspective, this approach expands the framework of settler colonial theory, offering innovative ways to read Indigenous dispossession and extermination in the Bolivian Chaco.
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Gallien, Kathryn N. "“Agents of Change” in Maternal and Infant Care: Matronas, Parteras, and Public Health in Bolivia, 1950s–1970s." Hispanic American Historical Review 101, no. 4 (November 1, 2021): 629–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-9366597.

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Abstract In the 1950s and 1960s young women could study to become obstetric midwives (matronas) at two Bolivian universities. After the 1952 Bolivian Revolution, public health officials saw matronas' work in mining areas and rural public health programs as part of the government's effort to assimilate Indigenous Bolivians into a mestizo national culture, by reforming Indigenous mothers and eliminating demand for Andean midwives (parteras). By the 1970s, a military dictatorship had replaced the revolutionary government, and nursing schools had replaced midwifery programs. The last cohort of matronas now found jobs in public health offering trainings to parteras. Based on oral histories of matronas and parteras, this article examines these women's personal experiences with midwifery and public health. It argues that matronas and parteras shaped public maternal and infant care programs and contributed to the persistence of multiple forms of childbirth assistance in Bolivia.
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11

Quiroga, Maria Virginia. "Tradiciones políticas y hegemonía. Hacia lo plurinacional-popular en Bolivia." Latinoamérica. Revista de Estudios Latinoamericanos 2, no. 67 (October 2, 2018): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/cialc.24486914e.2018.67.57076.

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Resumen: En toda identidad política es posible reconocer las huellas del contexto en que se inscribe, las cuales se visibilizarían en la apropiación y re-significación de discursos previamente sedimentados. Bajo esa premisa emerge la pregunta por las tradiciones políticas que subyacen en el “proceso de cambio” operado en Bolivia desde el 2006 en adelante. Este artículo parte de reafirmar que, en ese devenir, la tradición nacional-popular adquirió renovada centralidad, ya que hegemonizó el campo popular boliviano pero mantuvo distancia de la impronta del nacionalismo revolucionario en 1952. En consonancia con ello, las reconfiguraciones actuales abonarían la construcción de una hegemonía plurinacional-popular, no exenta de desafíos y tensiones. El análisis propuesto evidencia movimientos constantes, desde la empiria hacia la teoría, y viceversa; esto es, la articulación permanente entre la reconstrucción de procesos políticos clave en la historia boliviana y las apreciaciones teóricas en torno a lo nacional-popular y las identidades políticas.Abstract: In every political identity it is possible to recognize the fingerprints of the context in which it is inscribed, those that will be visible in the appropriation and resignification of previously sedimented speeches. From such premise rises the quest for the political traditions that that underlie in the proceso de cambio operated in Bolivia from 2006 on. This paper parts form the reaffirmation that, in such development, the national-popular tradition gained a renovated centrality, for it took hold of the Bolivian popular spectrum, but, at the same time, kept distance from the experience of the revolutionary nationalism in 1952. In accordance with this, the current reconfigurations contribute to build a plurinational-popular hegemony, not exempt of challenges and tensions. Consequently, nowadays reconfigurations would help grow a construction of a plurinational-popular hegemony not free of tensions and challenges. The analysis proposed makes evident constant movements from the experience to the theory, and vice versa; that is, the permanent articulation between the reconstruction of key political processes along Bolivian history and some theoretical perspectives of the national-popular tradition and political identities.
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12

Śniadecka-Kotarska, Magdalena. "Formy narracyjne retablos andyjskich. Casus Peru i Boliwii." Sztuka Ameryki Łacińskiej 1 (2011): 139–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/sal201106.

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The article concerns contemporary folk art in Peru and Bolivia. The local retablos are described, their history from colonial period and their new functions in the present time are presented. Traditional products of artesanía have been converted from sacred objects into ones that comment actual political-social changes. The author focuses on examples from the civil war period in Peru 1980–2000 and these from 2005–2009 from Bolivia. Peruvian retablos from Ayacucho region show tragic events of civil war, violence against indigenous Indians, fights and women tragic fate. Bolivian retablos show different type of events – Evo Morales access to power and watershed changes in Bolivian society in which subjectivity of indigenous Indians were restored.
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13

Rivas, Luis R., Gustavo Rey-Ortíz, Cord B. Eversole, Randy L. Powell, Gonzalo Navarro-Cornejo, Edson Cortez, Mauricio Ocampo, Gabriel Callapa, and Arturo Muñoz. "Vine snakes (Oxybelis) and Sharpnose snakes (Xenoxybelis) (Squamata, Serpentes) from lowlands of Bolivia, with first records of Oxybelis inkaterra for the country." Herpetozoa 37 (July 10, 2024): 201–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.3897/herpetozoa.37.e120130.

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We present information on the occurrence of colubrid vine snakes (Oxybelis) and dipsadid sharpnose snakes (Xenoxybelis) from the lowlands of Bolivia. These genera have been poorly reported from Bolivia and information presented herein includes nine new record provincials from the departments of Beni, Cochabamba, La Paz, Pando, and Santa Cruz, Bolivia. Moreover, we present the first records of Oxybelis inkaterra Jadin, Jowers, Orlofske, Duellman, Blair & Murphy, 2021 from Bolivia and we extend the known range of this species by approximately 207 km (Río Sipia, La Paz) and 628 km (Campamento Guacharos, Cochabamba) southeast of the type locality (Puerto Maldonado, Peru) in South America. In addition, we present morphometric information, meristic characters, coloration pattern, ecological aspects and natural history for the three species of vine snakes (O. aeneus, O. fulgidus, O. inkaterra) and two species of sharpnose snakes (X. argenteus, X. boulengeri) from the Bolivian lowlands.
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14

Field, Thomas C. "Union Busting as Development: Transnationalism, Empire and Kennedy's Secret Labour Programme for Bolivia." Journal of Latin American Studies 52, no. 1 (September 10, 2019): 27–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x19000646.

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AbstractDrawing on archives from the US labour movement, personal papers of transnational labour organisers, Bolivian oral histories and press reports, and government records from four countries, this article explores a web of Cold War relationships forged between Bolivian workers and US government and labour officials. Uncovering a panoply of parallel and sometimes conflicting state-supported trade union development programmes, the article reveals governments’ inability to fully control the exuberance of ideologically-motivated labour activists. Rather than succeed in shoring up a civilian government as intended, US President John F. Kennedy's union-busting programme aggravated fissures in Bolivia's non-Communist Left, ultimately frustrating its attempt to steer a non-aligned posture in Latin America's Cold War. Employing transnational methods to bridge gaps between labour, development and diplomatic history, this article points toward a new imperial studies approach to the multi-sited conflicts that shaped the post-war trajectory of labour movements in Bolivia and throughout the Third World.
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Gardner, Scott Lyell, Sebastian Botero-Cañola, Enzo Aliaga- Rossel, Altangerel Tsogtsaikhan Dursahinhan, and Jorge Salazar-Bravo. "Conservation status and natural history of Ctenomys, tuco-tucos in Bolivia." Therya 12, no. 1 (January 30, 2021): 15–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.12933/therya-21-1035.

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The genus Ctenomys consists of about 70 species and in addition to the Geomyidae of the Nearctic, Neotropical tuco-tucos represent a well-documented case of diversification in the subterranean biotype. Here we will: i) Provide an updated summary of the natural history of the 12 species of extant tuco-tucos from Bolivia; ii) Update information on distributions of each species; and iii) Using ecological niche modeling, evaluate recent and projected habitat transformation or habitat degradation within the known range of each species to provide a preliminary assessment of the preservation or conservation status of ctenomyids within Bolivia. We follow Gardner et al. (2014) and combine species summaries with both updated published and new data to compile a complete list of known extant species of tuco-tucos from Bolivia. Occurrence data for Ctenomys in Bolivia and surrounding areas were extracted from the database Arctos and GBIF. All individual specimen-based locality records were checked and georeferenced by referring to original museum collection records. We created species distribution models for the species with enough locality records using climate and soil data, while for the rest of the species we estimated the ranges based on the known occurrence localities. Finally, we quantified the amount of large-scale habitat conversion occurring within each species range, as well as the potential effect of climatic change on species distribution. Here we present information regarding the biology of tuco-tuco (Ctenomys) species known to occur in Bolivia, including unpublished natural history data such as habitat association, interactions and activity patterns gathered by the authors through extensive field work. Besides this, we estimated the current distribution of Ctenomys species, quantified large-scale habitat transformation within each species range and assessed the potential effect of climatic change on five tuco-tuco species. We found that the habitats within the ranges of C. boliviensis and C. steinbachi have experienced significant land-cover conversions in recent years. We also show that C. opimus, as well as the above mentioned species are expected to undergo range contractions resulting from climatic change by 2070. Our review shows that there is a dearth of information regarding natural history, taxonomy and distribution for many Bolivian tuco-tuco species. Nonetheless, the information presented here can be a tool for directing and focusing field studies of these species. This is of great importance if we take into account that most of the Bolivian tuco-tucos are subject to one or several conservation/preservation threats. These include: Habitat destruction via land use or climatic changes in conjunction with geographic ranges of Ctenomys that are small in areal extent and which in many cases are not adequately covered by protected areas.
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Ehrinpreis, Andrew. "Green Gold, Green Hell: Coca, Caste, and Class in the Chaco War, 1932–1935." Americas 77, no. 2 (April 2020): 217–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2019.110.

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This article investigates the use of coca by the Bolivian Army during the Chaco War of 1932–35. I present research that reveals the surprising extent to which the Bolivian Army provisioned coca to its soldiers as a substitute for adequate nutrition; as a morale booster; as a stimulant; and as a medicine. The article explores the social and cultural implications of mass coca consumption by Bolivian soldiers, many of whom were mestizos who had never before chewed the leaf. Ultimately, I argue that the pervasiveness of coca within the traumatic popular experience of the Chaco War sowed the seeds of a historic transformation of the politics of coca in Bolivia. The Chaco War initiated a process by which coca in Bolivia was transformed from a neo-colonial marker of the Indian caste to a material and symbolic element of an emergent interethnic working class. Through a comparative analysis of the Bolivian army's use of coca in the Chaco War with the German army's use of methamphetamine during World War II, this article concludes with a consideration of the ways in which the present case study expands our understanding of the crucial but under-studied historical relationship between drugs and warfare.
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17

Freeland, Anne. "Motley Society, Plurinationalism, and the Integral State." Historical Materialism 27, no. 3 (October 24, 2019): 99–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-00001804.

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Abstract This article examines Bolivian vice president Álvaro García Linera’s use of concepts originating in the work of Antonio Gramsci and Bolivian sociologist René Zavaleta Mercado. Zavaleta’s concept of sociedad abigarrada (usually translated as ‘motley society’) has a history of misappropriation in which García Linera participates by articulating it with the related concept of the estado aparente to claim that the merely ‘apparent’ state which does not effectively represent the heterogeneous social reality of a country like Bolivia is abolished with the official establishment of the Plurinational State in 2009. This ideologeme of the Plurinational State as one that faithfully represents Bolivia’s abigarramiento is equated with the Gramscian stato integrale, which in Gramsci refers to the state proper plus civil society where these are thoroughly integrated to function as an organic whole (the modern capitalist nation-state). Beyond merely misusing the borrowed terms of this discursive operation, García Linera gives a prescriptive value to concepts developed for an analytical purpose to validate the existing regime.
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Arnade, Charles W. "A Concise History of Bolivia (review)." Latin American Politics & Society 46, no. 4 (2004): 152–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lap.2004.0042.

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Cordova Oviedo, Ximena. "The Bolivia Reader: History, Culture, Politics." Bulletin of Latin American Research 39, no. 2 (April 2020): 270–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/blar.13092.

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20

Soto, José Julián, Brenda Melisa Villar Aguirre, Oscar José Lozano Julián, and Whitman Caleb Quispe López. "frontera entre Chile y Perú en la prensa boliviana (Tacna y Arica, 1879-1920):." Americanía: Revista de Estudios Latinoamericanos, no. 16 (January 8, 2023): 175–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.46661/americania.6586.

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El objetivo del artículo es explicar el protagonismo de los territorios de Tacna y Arica en la prensa de Bolivia durante la guerra y posguerra del Pacífico (1879-1920). Desde una perspectiva teórica, las noticias son valoradas como el discurso escrito de la ideología nacionalista boliviana del cambio de siglo XIX-XX, condicionado por la derrota en la guerra, la pérdida de sus territorios marítimos y el anhelo de recuperarlos. A partir de una aproximación cuantitativa se analiza una muestra de 5.502 noticias publicadas en 9 periódicos bolivianos. Los resultados permiten establecer tres fases de alta producción informativa y de opinión en la prensa. Las conclusiones destacan la relevancia de Tacna y Arica en la prensa de Bolivia, la que refuerza un ámbito de la historiografía de ese país y permite repensarla desde una perspectiva transnacional.
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21

Margarucci, Ivanna. "Entre la represión y la resistencia:." Americanía: Revista de Estudios Latinoamericanos, no. 17 (July 4, 2023): 111–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.46661/americania.7518.

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La guerra del Chaco librada entre Bolivia y Paraguay entre 1932 y 1935 constituye un importante evento de la historia boliviana, que merece continuar siendo investigado en base a nuevos temas y problemas. En esta dirección, el presente artículo se propone abordar una cronología nunca antes considerada en relación a la historia del anarquismo en Bolivia, superpuesta con el desarrollo de la guerra. A partir del análisis de un corpus documental en gran parte inédito, recompondremos el camino, hasta ahora desconocido, que este movimiento recorrió durante el período, considerando la intervención de la dupla represión-resistencia. Discutiendo algunos tópicos comunes presentes en la historiografía, revelaremos que el estallido del conflicto no supuso para aquel ni su inmediata desarticulación, ni su ‘súbita extinción’. En dicha dupla encontramos la agencia de los actores que se opusieron a la contienda y en la resistencia individual y colectiva, el puente que une las etapas de la pre y la pos-guerra.
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Jackson, Dorian Lee. "Narco-trafficking and Camba Identity in Homero Carvalho Oliva’s La conspiración de los viejos." Bolivian Studies Journal 28 (December 2, 2022): 185–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/bsj.2022.213.

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This article examines the novel’s use of the camba identity and the vestiges of narco-violence, embodied by a contract killer and the memory of a local drug baron, Roberto Suárez Gómez, to critique both the contemporary political tensions arising between the eastern departments of Bolivia and the MAS administration, as well as the lack of collective dialogue regarding the region’s involvement in the history of the Bolivian drug trade.
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Aguilar, Dana Lucía, María Cristina Acosta, Matías Cristian Baranzelli, Alicia Noemí Sérsic, Jose Delatorre-Herrera, Anibal Verga, and Andrea Cosacov. "Ecophylogeography of the disjunct South American xerophytic tree species Prosopis chilensis (Fabaceae)." Biological Journal of the Linnean Society 129, no. 4 (February 22, 2020): 793–809. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/biolinnean/blaa006.

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Abstract The intraspecific evolutionary history of South American xerophytic plant species has been poorly explored. The tree species Prosopis chilensis has a disjunct distribution in four South American regions: southern Peru, southern Bolivia, central–western Argentina and central Chile. Here, we combined phylogeographical (based on chloroplast and nuclear markers), morphological and climatic data to evaluate the relative contribution of historical demo-stochastic and adaptive processes in differentiating the disjunct areas of distribution. The results obtained with the two molecular markers revealed two closely related phylogroups (Northern and Southern, predominating in Bolivian Chaco and in Argentine Chaco/Monte, respectively), which would have diverged at ~5 Mya, probably associated with transgression of the Paranaense Sea. Bolivia and Argentina have a larger number of exclusive haplotypes/alleles and higher molecular diversity than Chile, suggesting a long-lasting in situ persistence in the former and a relatively recent colonization in the latter, from the Bolivian and Argentinian lineages. The two main lineages differ in morphology and climatic niche, revealing two significant, independent evolutionary units within P. chilensis promoted by local adaptation and geographical isolation.
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Brienen, Marten. "A Quick Note on the Archive of the Bolivian Foreign Office." Itinerario 21, no. 3 (November 1997): 156–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300015308.

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Until fairly recently it could be said that the bulk of historical literature concerning Bolivia was in some way or another to do with its colonial past, and especially the role that silvermining played in that past. Luckily for those interested in Bolivian colonial history, the nation's capital houses the so-called ‘national archive’, which contains a plethora of historical documents, archives, and so on. This ‘national archive’ has proven quite adequate for these purposes.
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Dove, Patrick. "TheDesencuentrosof History: Class and Ethnicity in Bolivia." Culture, Theory and Critique 56, no. 3 (September 2015): 313–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14735784.2015.1059289.

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26

Smale, Robert L. "A History of Organized Labor in Bolivia." Hispanic American Historical Review 87, no. 4 (November 1, 2007): 773–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2007-068.

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Margarucci, Ivanna. "Libros e impresos anarquistas en la Bolivia de entresiglos. Lectores y lecturas de Pierre-Joseph Proudhon y Piotr Kropotkin en el país de los Andes." Rubrica Contemporanea 11, no. 21 (June 28, 2022): 93–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/rubrica.251.

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Muy poco se ha dicho sobre los procesos de difusión y recepción de las ideas de izquierda en Bolivia. El militante e historiador trotskista Guillermo Lora instaló una imagen que presenta a su país como aislado y atrasado, donde el obstáculo geográfico es también político-ideológico. Pese a ello, los vínculos con Europa existieron y por esos canales arribó el anarquismo. Superpuesta a otras rutas regionales, esta vía de difusión transatlántica constituye el tema central del presente artículo, en el que nos proponemos estudiar la llegada al país de los Andes de dos clásicos del anarquismo europeo: Pierre-Joseph Proudhon y Piotr Kropotkin. Así, las décadas anteriores y posteriores al entresiglos boliviano, nos permitirán observar y analizar los diferentes lectores y lecturas que éstos hicieron de sus libros e impresos en un escenario social e ideológico cada vez más vasto y heterogéneo. El resultado de este ejercicio será una imagen de Bolivia más compleja, ubicada en un mapa en el que las redes de circulación del ideario anarquista se extendieron, gracias a esa travesía, desde el otro lado del Océano Atlántico hasta la región andina.
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28

Langer, Erick D., and Waltraud Queiser Morales. "Bolivia: Land of Struggle." Hispanic American Historical Review 73, no. 1 (February 1993): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2517671.

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Langer, Erick D. "Bolivia: Land of Struggle." Hispanic American Historical Review 73, no. 1 (February 1, 1993): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-73.1.173.

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30

Langer, Erick D. "Diccionario histórico de Bolivia." Hispanic American Historical Review 87, no. 4 (November 1, 2007): 772–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2007-067.

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31

Schelchkov, Andrey A. "The Bolivian Communist Party: challenges of guerrilla and the formation of political alliances." Latinskaia Amerika, no. 3 (December 15, 2024): 74–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x24030055.

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This article is a study of the history of the Communist Party of Bolivia during the most dramatic period for the leftist, revolutionary movement in Latin America, the so-called long 60s. It was a time of direct confrontation between the forces of reaction and progress, a time of intense ideological struggle, of renewal of the left and the search for new forms of struggle. The Communist Party of Bolivia bore the burden of decisions related to the guerilla of E. Che Guevara in their country. The tragic denouement of the Che Guevara epic was the impetus for the revolutionary upsurge in Bolivia, the emergence of progressive military regimes, and the attempt to create popular organs of power, the People's Assembly, in which the protagonism of the Communists was undeniable. This article analyzes the party's policy of choosing allies, ideological concepts of “democracy of the masses” as a period of transition to socialism, and attempts to implement them within the electoral alliance of Popular and Democratic Unity, in which the PCB shared the burden of power in the early 1980s. This unsuccessful experience of the Communist Party's in the power led to a severe internal crisis and the virtual disappearance of the party as an important political actor in Bolivian politics.
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Ros-Izquierdo, José. "Forgotten natives." Comunicar 11, no. 22 (March 1, 2004): 109–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.3916/c22-2004-16.

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The «guaraní» natives are forgotten by the bolivian government and even university ignores their existence, although the «guaraní» language is official in Bolivia. As they have no access to mass media, they cannot extend their language, history and cultur Los indígenas guaraníes están olvidados por las políticas oficiales y tampoco la universidad toma en cuenta su existencia, a pesar de que la lengua guaraní es idioma oficial de Bolivia. Sin acceso a los medios de comunicación, no pueden incentivar el uso de su lengua ni difundir su historia y cultura. Ante esta realidad de explotación, por parte de la sociedad dominante, y la situación de postergación en la que se ha mantenido durante siglos a la población indígena, Formasol y un grupo de investigadores se propusieron investigar cuál es la raíz del «olvido» que viven los indígenas. Esta experiencia pretende capacitar a comunicadores indígenas y puede llegar a convertirse en un elemento de encuentro entre lo académico y la realidad indígena.
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HURTADO, NATALÍ, and GUILLERMO D’ELÍA. "A new species of long-tailed mouse, genus Oligoryzomys Bangs, 1900 (Rodentia: Cricetidae), from the Bolivian Yungas." Zootaxa 4500, no. 3 (October 16, 2018): 341. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.4500.3.3.

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Andean long-tailed mice of the genus Oligoryzomys have a complex and instable taxonomic history. Recent studies, in addition to circumscribe O. destructor to populations from southern Peru up to the north, and O. brendae to those from Argentina and southern Bolivia, have identified a candidate species in northern Bolivia. Herein, we assessed the status of the mentioned candidate species by morphologically comparing it with O. brendae, its sister group; with O. destructor, which is morphologically similar and distributed parapatrically; and with O. flavescens occidentalis, which is geographically codistributed. Additionally, we compared it with Oryzomys chaparensis, a poorly known form, currently placed in the synonymy of O. microtis, whose type locality is near the known distribution of the Bolivian candidate species. Results show that the assessed form is morphologically diagnosable. This fact together with its phylogenetic distinction allows us to hypothesize that it represents a new species that is named and described here.
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FIELD JR, THOMAS C. "A Concise History of Bolivia - By Herbert Klein." History 97, no. 327 (June 13, 2012): 533–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-229x.2012.00561_35.x.

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35

Quiroga, María Virginia. "Somos nosotros, somos gobierno. Experiencia de movimientos sociales en Bolivia." Bolivian Studies Journal/Revista de Estudios Bolivianos 15 (January 15, 2011): 264–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/bsj.2010.8.

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The emergence of social movements in the public arena had to do with neoliberalism´s negative consequences. Different actors with different interests worked together against the system, which became their “common antagonist”. On the one hand, after years of autonomous organization, these social movements won social recognition and increased their power. On the other, political parties and trade unions lost legitimacy. In December 2005, a faction of the Bolivian social movements won the general elections, and Evo Morales (the cocalero movement´s leader) became the first Aymara president in Bolivian history. How to manage this government it is one of the majors challenges the social movements confront in today’s Bolivia. La emergencia de movimientos sociales en la esfera pública está ligada a las consecuencias negativas del neoliberalismo. Actores sociales provenientes de distintos sectores y con intereses distintos unieron fuerzas contra un sistema que se convirtió en el “antagonista común”. Después de años de organización autónoma, estos movimientos lograron reconocimiento político e incrementaron su poder de gestión, mientras los partidos políticos y los sindicatos perdían legitimidad. En diciembre 2005 una facción de los movimientos sociales ganó las elecciones generales y Evo Morales (líder del movimiento cocalero) se convirtió en el primer Presidente aymara de la historia de Bolivia. Cómo gestionar este gobierno constituye hoy día uno de los mayores retos que enfrentan los movimientos sociales.
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Bohrt, Marcelo A. "Racial ideologies, State bureaucracy, and decolonization in Bolivia." Bolivian Studies Journal/Revista de Estudios Bolivianos 25 (May 11, 2020): 7–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/bsj.2019.200.

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Race has shaped the development of the Bolivian state and its institutions albeit with important transformations in the social and political meaning of race. This paper discusses the racialization of the central state bureaucracy in Bolivia along these two dimensions: the distribution of bureaucratic resources and the assumptions and meanings that underpin bureaucratic hierarchy and spaces. It first discusses the relationship between the modern state and the concept of race, and conceptualizes the ethnoracial bureaucracy as a material and symbolic structure. Next, it examines the composition of the public administration sector overall and across the bureaucratic hierarchy in 2001, before the MAS-IPSP’s rise to power. Last, it surveys the narratives of race and nation that Creole and white-mestizo state elites historically mobilized in demarcating the boundaries of state power around whiteness. In contemporary Bolivia, the production of alternative official narratives of race and nation seeks to blur the boundary between indigeneity and statecraft (re)produced since the early republican period, and to legitimize the changing ethnoracial composition of the bureaucracy. The durability of the project is not guaranteed as the sediment of history and competing political projects weighs heavy on this process of transformation and negotiation.
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Crabtree, John. "Indigenous Empowerment in Evo Morales's Bolivia." Current History 116, no. 787 (February 1, 2017): 55–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2017.116.787.55.

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38

Kuenzli, E. Gabrielle. "Acting Inca: The Parameters of National Belonging in Early Twentieth-Century Bolivia." Hispanic American Historical Review 90, no. 2 (May 1, 2010): 247–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2009-134.

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Abstract This article focuses on the connection between Aymara indigenous communities, Liberal intellectuals, and the nation-building process in late nineteenth and early twentieth-century Bolivia. The Liberal intellectuals’ designs of nation in early twentieth-century Bolivia were shaped in part by the actions and political initiatives of the very “Indians” the intellectuals sought to categorize, define, and contain. Somewhat paradoxically, the national intellectuals and the local Aymara elite unwittingly collaborated in the construction of a preferred Indian identity, the Inca, to create a noble and progressive past for the nation and to marginalize the undesirable, non-elite Aymara indigenous population in the wake of the 1899 Civil War between Liberals and Conservatives. The process of narrating the native past was of importance to national intellectuals as well as to native peoples. Several types of sources inform these late nineteenth and early twentieth-century discourses of nation building, including judicial court cases, archival documentation, and theatrical performance. The narrative of the indigenous past and the role of the actual Indian population within the Bolivian nation in the early twentieth century was a site of negotiation located at the center of national politics, establishing the foundation for a nation that would maintain differentiated constructions of Indian identity at its core.
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39

Morrison, Hugh. "Negotiated and Mediated Lives: Bolivian teachers, New Zealand missionaries and the Bolivian Indian Mission, 1908–1932." Itinerario 40, no. 3 (December 2016): 429–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115316000644.

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This article places missionary education squarely at the centre of any consideration of European expansion in the modern era. It focuses more specifically on the place of local teachers in Bolivia and their relationship with one evangelical Protestant mission, the Bolivian Indian Mission, which originated in New Zealand in the early 1900s. It takes a non-metropole and a “multi-sited” approach to missions and education. It argues that what we know about Bolivian teachers was mediated through the missionary voice and that these teachers negotiated their lives within a particular missionary space, in which there operated a number of intersecting influences from other sites within the wider imperial or Western network. It aims to both reclaim the identities of Bolivian teachers (focusing on teachers’ identity and function) and to reflect critically on intrinsic methodological and conceptual issues (emphasizing the nature of sources, missionary discourse, the resulting status of Bolivian teachers, and Bolivian agency).
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40

Pacino, Nicole. "Confronting Bolivia's "Lack of Demographic Capacity": Protonatalism in Post-Revolutionary Bolivia, 1950s-1970s." Anuario de Historia de América Latina 59 (January 30, 2023): 64–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/jbla.59.260.

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After coming to power in April 1952, the Movimiento Nacionalista Revolucionario (MNR) looked to address Bolivia’s economic problems, in part, through initiatives encouraging population growth. A 1953 report highlighted underpopulation as a cause of Bolivia’s limited economic potential. The solution to Bolivia’s “lack of demographic capacity” was public health measures that would lower morbidity and mortality rates and encourage reproduction to boost the country’s human capital. This article analyzes prevalent pronatalist tendencies in the MNR government, including positive eugenics and criticism of birth control, to demonstrate the centrality of population growth to the MNR’s political and economic agenda. At a time when other Latin American countries began implementing population control measures as a pathway to economic growth and political stability, as recommended by the United States and international organizations, Bolivia diverged from global discourses about overpopulation and embraced pronatalism. While the MNR welcomed some global development ideologies associated with modernization, they rejected population control and reframed population debates towards population growth and demographic reorganization. They married pronatalism with a modernizing agenda and revolutionary nationalism, demonstrating that MNR policies were fundamentally conservative on matters of reproduction and gender roles.
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41

Canessa, Andrew. "Indigenous Conflict in Bolivia Explored through an African Lens: Towards a Comparative Analysis of Indigeneity." Comparative Studies in Society and History 60, no. 2 (March 27, 2018): 308–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417518000063.

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AbstractSince Evo Morales was first elected President of Bolivia in 2005, indigeneity has moved from being a language of protest to a language of governance with concomitant profound changes in how indigeneity is imagined and mobilized. However, one of the striking features of Morales's presidency is his administration's open conflict with various indigenous groups. Although a number of scholars have addressed these issues, they have largely focused on the peculiarities of the Bolivian example in a Latin American context; this has obscured the advantage of significant comparative analysis with other areas of the world. I argue that indigeneity as it is currently practiced and understood is a recent global phenomenon and that there are more similarities between African countries and Bolivia than is generally appreciated. In particular, scholarly debates surrounding the difference between autochthony and indigeneity, and the case of Cameroon in particular, have much to offer in our understanding of the Bolivian case. To date, the primary frame for understanding indigeneity is an ethnic/cultural one and this can obscure important similarities and differences between groups. The comparative framework presented here allows for the development of analytical tools to distinguish fundamental differences and conflicts in indigenous discourses. I distinguish between five related conceptual pairs: majoritarian and minoritarian discourses; claims on the state and claims against the state; de-territorialized peoples versus territorialized peoples; hegemonic and counterhegemonic indigeneity; and substantive versus symbolic indigeneity. These nested pairs allow for analytic distinctions between indigenous rights discourses without recourse to discussions of culture and authenticity.
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42

Guajardo, Guillermo. "EL SURGIMIENTO DE LA INGENIERÍA EN BOLIVIA." Illes i imperis, no. 25 (December 21, 2023): 267–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.31009/illesimperis.2023.i25.16.

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43

Rojas Velarde, Luis. "Wake up, Bolivia." Index on Censorship 24, no. 1 (January 1995): 193–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064229508535874.

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44

Werner, Bridgette K. "Between Autonomy and Acquiescence: Negotiating Rule in Revolutionary Bolivia, 1953–1958." Hispanic American Historical Review 100, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 93–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-7993100.

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Abstract In January 1958, the townspeople of San Pedro de Buena Vista hunted down and killed peasant leader Narciso Torrico, sparking a wave of violence that provoked repeated state interventions in northern Potosí department, Bolivia. Encouraged by the Movimiento Nacionalista Revolucionario (MNR) state's rightward turn, local elites had regrouped to challenge revolutionary change. Meanwhile, José Rojas—a powerful peasant leader and key MNR ally—faced a crucial crossroads. Repeatedly tapped by state authorities to pacify San Pedro de Buena Vista, Rojas vacillated between asserting political autonomy and acquiescing to state power. While previous scholarship has viewed Rojas's relationship with the revolutionary state as clear evidence of the MNR's co-optation of Bolivian peasants, the events of 1958 provide a powerful counterpoint to this narrative. I argue that crucial intermediaries like Rojas evaded state agents' control in spite of their public support for the MNR, thus challenging the historiographical portrayal of peasant leaders' passivity in the postrevolutionary years.
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45

Rivas, Luis R., Gil A. Ojopi, Cord B. Eversole, Randy L. Powell, and Gabriel Callapa. "Tropidurus chromatops Harvey & Gutberlet, 1998 (Squamata, Tropiduridae): first records from and range extension to the Beni Department, Bolivia." Check List 19, no. 4 (August 11, 2023): 549–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.15560/19.4.549.

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We present the first records of Tropidurus chromatops Harvey & Gutberlet, 1998 from the Beni Department (Bolivia) and extend this species’ distribution to western Bolivia by approximately 256 km in a straight line to the Beni Floodplains ecoregion. Likewise, we contribute information on some aspects of the natural history, altitude of occurrence, and the geographic distribution of T. chromatops in the Department of Beni.
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46

Winchell, Mareike. "Liberty Time in Question: Historical Duration and Indigenous Refusal in Post-Revolutionary Bolivia." Comparative Studies in Society and History 62, no. 3 (July 2020): 551–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417520000171.

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AbstractThis article examines revolutionary discourses of national historical transformation in Bolivia and tracks the ways those discourses are appropriated, contested, and recast by farmers in the rural agricultural province of Ayopaya. During fieldwork carried out with Quechua-speaking farmers in Ayopaya between 2011 and 2012, I learned about people's enduring concerns with a recent hacienda past. Against governmental declarations that Bolivia's colonial past was dead or had passed, farmers meditated on the duration of earlier histories of colonial land dispossession and violations of indigenous sovereignty. Talk about the region's oppressive history here allowed people to assess deficient state aid and resources but also to oppose unwelcome state interventions pushing a legal model of bounded collectivity. I trace the ways that farmers and villagers mobilized the hacienda past to address inequitable land tenure, violated sovereignty, and women's marginalization from political life, and thereby raise new questions about the critical possibilities opened up by the re-politicization of this colonial history. Rural support for Bolivia's Movement Toward Socialism party government eroded nearly a decade ago, and this complicates both triumphalist and defeatist accounts of President Evo Morales’ 2019 resignation, which tend to paint Morales’ rural indigenous supporters as innocent and naïve.
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Langer, Erick D., and Jerry W. Knudson. "Bolivia: Press and Revolution, 1932-1964." Hispanic American Historical Review 67, no. 3 (August 1987): 541. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2515618.

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48

Helguera, J. Leon, and William Lee Lofstrom. "La presidencia de Sucre en Bolivia." Hispanic American Historical Review 69, no. 2 (May 1989): 357. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2515857.

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49

Hertzler, Douglas. "Unresolved Tensions: Bolivia Past and Present." Hispanic American Historical Review 90, no. 4 (November 1, 2010): 728–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2010-068.

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50

Bourque, Susan C. "Gender and Modernity in Andean Bolivia." Hispanic American Historical Review 80, no. 3 (August 1, 2000): 620–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-80-3-620.

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