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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Bolshevism

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Academic literature on the topic 'Bolshevism'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 31 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Bolshevism"

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Lih, Lars. "The Ironic Triumph of Old Bolshevism: The Debates of April 1917 in Context." Russian History 38, no. 2 (2011): 199–242. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633111x566048.

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AbstractDuring the debates in Bolshevik party circles after Lenin's return to Russia in early April 1917, one central issue was the status of "Old Bolshevism." According to Lenin, Old Bolshevism was outmoded, whereas other Bolsheviks such as Lev Kamenev and Mikhail Kalinin defended its relevance. The central tenet of prewar Old Bolshevism was "democratic revolution to the end," a slogan that implied a vast social transformation of Russia under the aegis of a revolutionary government based directly on the narod. Far from being rendered irrelevant by the overthrow of the tsar, Old Bolshevism mandated a political course aimed at overthrow of the "bourgeois" Provisional Government. Lenin's innovative vision of "steps toward socialism" in Russia, prior to and independent of European socialist revolution was not a radical break with Old Bolshevism and it was not the central issue during the debates of April 1917. The actual Bolshevik message of 1917 (as documented by pamphlets issued by the Moscow Bolsheviks) was closer in most respects to the outlook of Lenin's opponents, as he came close to explicitly admitting. The usual characterization of the April debates as Lenin's successful attempt to imbue the Bolsheviks with a radically new vision of socialist revolution must therefore be rejected.

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Marot, John. "Lenin, Bolshevism, and Social-Democratic Political Theory." Historical Materialism 22, no. 3-4 (December 2, 2014): 129–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341370.

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Lars Lih has contributed to our knowledge of Russian Social Democracy lately. However, serious methodological flaws bedevil this advance in knowledge. Lih’s overall approach displays a very static understanding of political ideas in relation to political movements. In the first section, ‘Lenin, the St Petersburg Bolshevik Leadership, and the 1905 Soviet’, I challenge Lih’s position that Lenin never changed his mind about bringing socialist consciousness into the working class ‘from without’. In the second section, ‘Lenin, “Old Bolshevism” and Permanent Revolution: The Soviets in 1917’, I challenge Lih’s revisionist view that Old Bolshevism’s pre-1917 goal of ‘democratic revolution to the end’ drove Lenin’s partisans to make a working-class, socialist revolution in 1917. On this singular account, Lenin’s April Theses, which called for the overthrow of the Provisional Government and the transfer of all power to the soviets, was merely a further expression of Old Bolshevik politics, not a break with it, as has almost universally been held.

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Riga, Liliana. "Ethnonationalism, Assimilation, and the Social Worlds of the Jewish Bolsheviks in Fin de Siècle Tsarist Russia." Comparative Studies in Society and History 48, no. 4 (August 9, 2006): 762–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417506000296.

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This article offers biographical sketches of the Jewish members of the Bolshevik revolutionary élite. It explores how their commitments to socialist universalism and eventual identification with Bolshevism were influenced by experiences and identities as Jews in fin de siècle Tsarist Russia. Situating them within a comparative historical sociology of ethnicity and identity across the Empire, I consider the ways in which ambiguities of assimilation, ethnic exclusion, and ethnocultural marginality influenced their attraction to Bolshevik socialism. In doing so, I revise the traditional argument that that the Bolsheviks of Jewish origin were highly assimilated “non-Jewish Jews” whose Jewishness played no role in their political radicalism. Instead, the claim is made that for the Jewish Bolshevik élite ascriptive Jewishness was a social fact mediated by ethnopolitical context, and therefore a dimension of varying significance to their radicalism, even for those for whom Jewishness was not a claimed identity.

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Wołkonowski, Jarosław. "„Neutralność” Litwy podczas Bitwy Warszawskiej." Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 12, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 63–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.6862.

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After the First World War, three concepts clashed in Eastern Europe: the model of the nation state, the expansion of the Bolshevik revolution implemented by Russia and the union of nation-states (Poland, Lithuania, Ukraine, Belarus and Latvia) according to Piłsudski resulting from the threat. Russia in the years 1920-1921 signed five peace treaties, but only the treaty with Lithuania contained secret arrangements regarding the neutrality of Lithuania in the Bolshevik-Polish war. The analysis of the source material shows that Russia used the secret provisions of the peace treaty in its plans for the expansion of bolshevism, and after the defeat of the Polish army, it was to carry out a Bolshevik coup in Lithuania. Despite the proclaimed neutrality, Lithuania turned out to be on the side of Russia in this conflict, causing additional difficulties for Polish troops in the Battle of Warsaw. The Polish victory over the Vistula impeded the expansion of Bolshevism to Europe.

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Mezhuev, Boris V. "Idealism in Judicio of the Red Etatism." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 65 (March 1, 2020): 476–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2020-0-4-476-482.

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The article is devoted to the detailed review of the publications almanac of prominent Russian historian M.A. Kolerov who mainly specialized in the works of Russian political idealists of the beginning of the 20th century, and especially those of P.B. Struve. The author draws attention to the fact that in 2018 almanac and in his latest works M.A. Kolerov directly contrasts Struve’s consistent anti-Bolshevism and “White activism” with the powerful national Bolshevist views of his student and disciple N.V. Ustryalov, who accepted Soviet power in 1920, returned to the USSR in 1935 and perished in the period of Stalin repressions. In the present article the author makes the attempt to critically assess national Bolshevism mainly not from the political, but from the moral and philosophic point of view. He notes that the major mistake of Ustryalov and his associates was in their refusal to politically criticize Bolshevism, thus underestimating the destructive potential of the terrorist practices of the Communist dictatorship for the destiny of the country and its people.

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Sitnikov, Mikhail. "Orthodox Bolshevism." Russian Politics & Law 49, no. 1 (January 2011): 83–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/rup1061-1940490107.

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Rubenstein, Joshua. "Millenarian Bolshevism?" Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 19, no. 4 (2018): 877–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/kri.2018.0051.

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RUOTSILA, MARKKU. "Neoconservatism Prefigured: The Social Democratic League of America and the Anticommunists of the Anglo-American Right, 1917–21." Journal of American Studies 40, no. 2 (July 27, 2006): 327–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002187580600140x.

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Far from being limited to conspiracist McCarthyism, American anticommunism always spanned the entire ideological spectrum. Recognizing this, in his classic studies of the initial Western reception of Bolshevism, Arno J. Mayer divided early anticommunists into mutually antagonistic “parties of order” and “parties of movement” and claimed that these two fought each other almost as much as they combatted the Bolsheviks themselves. Mayer's conceptualization spoke to a profoundly important dimension in Western anticommunism, both before and during the Cold War, in that it exposed a sort of civil war between Western liberals, conservatives and socialists in which each of these groups tended to define their ideological rivals as the allies, unconscious tools or prototypes of Soviet Bolshevism.

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Gorodnia, Nataliya. "The Ukrainian Directorate and Entente Nations Representatives’ Negotiations in January March of 1919." European Historical Studies, no. 6 (2017): 84–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2017.06.84-106.

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The paper studies the content and the matter of negotiations between the Directorate of the Ukrainian People’s Republic’s (the UNR) representatives and the allied (French) military command in Odessa, as well as the Entente nations’ leaders and diplomats in Paris in January-March of 1919. The author argues that a victory of the Entente nations in the Great War did not create a favorable environment for the foundation of an independent Ukrainian national state, for the victorious nations did not tolerate Russia’s disintegration. They did not recognize independence of Ukraine and had a negative attitude towards the Directorate. However, the latter’s control over the Ukrainian territory and its large and battle worthy army shaped a background for its engagement into the united front against bolshevism. During the negotiations in Odessa, the French military command offered a military support to the Directorate in exchange for protectorate of France over Ukraine for the period of war against Bolsheviks. The UNR representatives could hardly accept the terms, and the talks lasted for about two months. Meanwhile, the strategic situation in Ukraine had fundamentally changed. As soon as the Directorate has lost the territories it controlled and its army has been mostly dismissed, the Entente nations lost their interest in dealing with it. Instead, they focused on strengthening Poland and Romania to contain the Bolshevik expansion to the West. It is concluded that in January-March of 1919, the window of opportunities for Ukrainians existed to avoid Bolsheviks’ rule and to become a partner of victorious nations in containment of bolshevism. The cooperation could create other opportunities, especially if Soviet Russia survived. All along of the ineffectiveness and weakness of the regime of the Directorate, the historic chance has been lost.

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van Ree, Erik. "Stalin's Bolshevism: The First Decade." International Review of Social History 39, no. 3 (December 1994): 361–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000112738.

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SummaryThis article discusses Stalin's Bolshevism during his Tiflis and Baku periods in the first decade of the century. It focuses on his position in the inner-faction debate between Lenin and Bogdanov. It holds that Dzhugashvili's tactical and organizational views in the years from 1907 to 1909 moved from sympathetic to Bogdanov to a position near Lenin, though remaining somewhat to the left of the latter. Dzhugashvili never belonged to the leftist tendency. He was a typical representative of the “Russian” praktiki, whose main concern was to further conciliation in the Bolshevik faction.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Bolshevism"

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Liu, Jianyi. "The origins of the Chinese Communist Party and the role played by Soviet Russia and the Comintern." Thesis, University of York, 2000. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/9813/.

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Bubis, Mordecai Donald. "The Soviet Union and Stalinism in the ideological debates of American Trotskyism (1937-51)." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.364755.

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Biggart, John. "Alexander Bogdanov, left-Bolshevism and the Proletkult 1904-1932." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.328854.

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Ruotsila, Markku Mikael. "The origins of Anglo-American anti-Bolshevism, 1917-21." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.624142.

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Campbell, Heather Alison. "Bolshevism, Islamism, nationalism : Britain's problems in South Asia, 1918-1923." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2014. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/7964.

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As many scholars have noted, in the immediate years after the First World War, the British Empire faced important challenges to its future survival, not least of which was the growth of three key movements: Bolshevism, Islamism and nationalism. This thesis examines how Britain coped with these problems, by exploring the internal government debates regarding foreign policy formulation towards South Asia, specifically in the countries of Persia and Afghanistan. It is the contention of this work that the current literature on this subject suffers from certain flaws, the first being that not enough writers have discussed the interrelation of these three movements. Secondly, there has been a lack of focus on how officials in London and in Delhi thought quite differently on the issue of Britain’s foreign policy in South Asia after 1918. This thesis will address these, and other, gaps in the literature. It will contend that there were those within the Home government who displayed a particular mode of thought – a ‘Great Game mentality’ – towards this region. This mentality was influenced by the legacy of the earlier, 19th-century rivalry between Britain and Russia, and resulted in a tendency to over-emphasise the threat of Russian Bolshevism to Britain’s imperial interests in South Asia, whilst at the same time under-emphasising the threat of nationalism and pan-Islamism across Persia, Afghanistan and India. When the Indian government questioned this Great Game mentality, it was largely ignored and frequently maligned. The work will demonstrate how those of the Great Game mind-set dominated the creation of Britain’s policy towards Persia, Afghanistan and adjoining regions in 1918 and 1919, how events of 1920 and 1921 forced London to reassess this Great Game thinking, and how (by 1922 and 1923) this re-evaluation had developed into re-formulation of British foreign policy in South Asia.

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Johnson, Samantha T. "A good European and a sincere racist : the life and work of Professor Charles Sarolea, 1870-1953." Thesis, Keele University, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.366446.

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Oelschlegel, Zachary. "BOLSHEVISM AND CHRISTIANITY: THE AMERICAN FRIENDS SERVICE COMMITTEE IN RUSSIA (1919-1933)." Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2012. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/161738.

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History
M.A.
This paper documents the underlying support many left-leaning Quakers had for the Bolshevik Revolution, displayed through the relief operations of the American Friends Service Committee in Russia from 1919-1931. While the Friends have carried out relief efforts in many areas of the world in their spirit of Christian fellowship, there was added excitement for the work in Russia due to the Bolsheviks' goals of social justice. Therefore, much of why the Friends went, why they stayed so long, and how they were able to achieve so much was due to the influence of communist sympathies in and around Quaker circles. The mission achieved a special place in the minds of many AFSC workers and officials because of these communist sympathies, which eventually blinded many Quakers to the atrocities of the Russian Revolution and the nature of the emerging Soviet regime.
Temple University--Theses

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Waddington, Lorna Louise. "Confronting the 'conspiracy' : ideology, diplomacy and propaganda in Hitler's crusade against international Bolshevism, 1919-1943." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.414871.

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Walker, Lisa Kay. "Anti-Bolshevism and the Advent of Mussolini and Hitler: Anglo-American Diplomatic Perceptions, 1922-1933." PDXScholar, 1993. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4629.

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The history of World War II has led many Americans to vie~ Benito Mussolini's Fascist Italy and Adolf Hitler's Nazi Germany as European variants of a single Fascist ideology. Ho~ever, in the early years of the Mussolini and Hitler regimes, the conceptual category of international Fascism was by not so well-established, particularly ~here the Nazis were concerned. American and British diplomats stationed in Germany in the early 1930s only occasionally interpreted the rising Nazi party as an offshoot of Fascism, but frequently referred to it as a possible form of or precursor of Bolshevism in Germany. Published and unpublished American foreign policy documents, published British diplomatic documents, and a wide array of secondary sources have contributed information showing how perceptions of Nazism and Bolshevism were influenced by matters that clouded the issues. The similarity of American and British views on the subjects of Bolshevism, Fascism, and Nazism can be attributed to the new understanding among the policy elites of the two nations as they became the leading status quo powers after World War I. The United States in particular had gone through tremendous organizational changes during and after the war, and was entering into a new era of professional and bureaucratized foreign policy that differed from its ad hoc diplomacy of the past. American foreign policy of the interwar period combined a strong interest in business expansion with a relative lack of desire for international political entanglements. American political commitments of the 1920s, particularly in Germany, were backed primarily by loans and investment, and through reparations revision plans designed by unofficial diplomats recruited from the private sector. As American financial commitments to Germany became more dependent on German repayment, and as the Depression tightened its grip, the rise of the Nazis became an ever greater source of alarm. This concern was related not only to their unclear and ill-defined political ideas, but to the threat they seemingly posed to financial stability -- a threat that increased their resemblance to the Bolsheviks in the minds of many diplomatic observers. Various other factors were important in developing the Anglo-American view of Nazism as related to Bolshevism. These included the almost obsessive intensity of anti-Bolshevism in the United States and Great Britain throughout the interwar period; the close association of Bolshevism with economic chaos in the minds of Anglo-American leaders, with a concomitant tendency to see Bolshevism developing wherever economic chaos occurred in Europe; and the strong admiration for Mussolini's Italy in both Britain and the United States, which precluded possibilities of seeing much in common between Italian Fascism and Nazism during this period. Some important sources of conceptual confusion were inherent in the policies of Germany's post-World War I Weimar Republic. Leading German diplomats and politicians of the republic, such as Gustav Stresemann, used Anglo-American fears of Bolshevism as a cornerstone of their policy to gain revisions and modifications of the harsh terms of the Versailles Treaty. In the early 1930s, the "Bolshevism bogey" was used by Ambassador Frederic Sackett, a political appointee of Herbert Hoover, to get Hoover's attention so that he would modify reparations policy in favor of Sackett's friend, the embattled Chancellor Heinrich Bruning. The internal factions of the rising Nazi party, including the left-leaning wing led by Gregor Strasser, appeared to give some credence to the idea that the Nazis could harbor communistic elements. After Hitler's rise to the chancellorship in 1933, American and British observers began to note more resemblances between the Hitler and Mussolini regimes. However, many of their earlier observations about the similarities of Nazism and Bolshevism have validity in terms of the more totalitarian nature of these regimes as compared to Italian Fascism and its other less extreme variants.

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Landis, Erik-Christiaan. "Anti-Bolshevism and the origins of the Antonov movement : the Tambov countryside through revolution and civil war." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.624834.

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Books on the topic "Bolshevism"

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Trotsky, Leon. Stalinism and Bolshevism. London: Militant, 1985.

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LaPorte, Norman, Kevin Morgan, and Matthew Worley, eds. Bolshevism, Stalinism and the Comintern. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230227583.

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Patenaude, Bertrand M. Herbert Hoover's brush with Bolshevism. Washington, D.C: Woodrow Wilson Center, Kennan Institute for Advanced Russian Studies, 1992.

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Association, Canadian Reconstruction, ed. Bolshevism: The lesson for Canada. Toronto: Canadian Reconstruction Association, 1997.

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Kevin, Morgan. Bolshevism and the British left. London: Lawrence & Wishart, 2006.

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Rowley, David G. Millenarian Bolshevism, 1900 to 1920. New York: Garland Pub., 1987.

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Bolshevism. New York: Barnes & Noble World Digital Library, 2002.

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Stalin, Joseph. Mastering Bolshevism. Lulu Press, Inc., 2021.

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Stalin, Joseph. Mastering Bolshevism. Lulu Press, Inc., 2021.

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Kellogg, Paul, Iulii Martov, and Mariya Melentyeva. World Bolshevism. Athabasca University Press, 2022.

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Book chapters on the topic "Bolshevism"

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Ostrowski, Marius S. "Lassalle and Bolshevism." In Eduard Bernstein on the German Revolution, 381–84. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27719-2_26.

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Kort, Michael G. "Bolshevism without Lenin." In The Soviet Colossus, 179–202. Eighth edition. | New York, NY : Routledge, [2019]: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351171885-16.

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Leshchinsky, Yankev. "4. National Bolshevism." In The Last Years of Polish Jewry, translated by Robert Brym and Eli Jany, 59–70. Cambridge, UK: Open Book Publishers, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.11647/obp.0341.04.

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Ruotsila, Markku. "Assessments of Bolshevism." In British and American Anti-communism Before the Cold War, 40–53. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003417125-4.

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Ruotsila, Markku. "Reassessments of Bolshevism." In British and American Anti-communism Before the Cold War, 161–79. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003417125-12.

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Sakwa, Richard. "Bolshevism and its Critics." In Communism in Russia, 32–65. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-92409-7_3.

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Ostrowski, Marius S. "The Bankruptcy of Bolshevism." In Eduard Bernstein on the German Revolution, 397–400. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27719-2_30.

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Beilharz, Peter. "Bolshevism." In Labour’s Utopias, 18–50. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429450761-2.

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Lenin, V. I. "Bolshevism." In Princeton Readings in Political Thought, 481–92. Princeton University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv19fvzzk.42.

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"Bolshevism." In Henryk Grossman Works, Volume 2, 239–91. BRILL, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004432116_021.

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Conference papers on the topic "Bolshevism"

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Dolgova, Angela. "THE INFLUENCE OF BOLSHEVISM ON THE EVERYDAY LIFE OF THE RESIDENTS OF THE URALS AND ZABAIKALYA IN 1919-1920." In История Гражданской войны на Дальнем Востоке и история русской эмиграции. Благовещенск: Благовещенский государственный педагогический университет, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.48344/bspu.2021.66.87.009.

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Nadtoka, O. M. "WOJNA UKRAIŃSKO-POLSKO-ROSYJSKA 1920 ROKU W INTERPRETACJI JEJ UCZESTNIKÓW ORAZ POLSKI KIERUNEK PROPAGANDY BOLSZEWICKIEJ (NA PRZYKŁADZIE BOLSZEWICKICH ULOTEK KWIETNIA – WRZEŚNIA 1920)." In Proceedings of the XXIII International Scientific and Practical Conference. RS Global Sp. z O.O., 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31435/rsglobal_conf/25112020/7248.

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In this publication the author analyzes the interpretations of the events of the Ukrainian- Polish-Russian war in 1920 by its participants. The Polish direction of Russian-Bolshevik propaganda in this war is also being explored. Sources of the study – a collection of Ukrainian agitation editions and Russian-Bolshevik leaflets published in Polish. These editions are stored in the Vernadsky National Libraryʼs Department of Old Books (Viddil starodrukiv Nacionalnoji biblioteky imeni V. Vernadsʼkoho). The Bolshevik propaganda involved the creation of a new social consciousness in which the world of good and evil changed places, and the policy of Russian-Bolshevik expansion was presented as the liberation of peoples. The propaganda methods used by Soviet Russia involved the manipulation of consciousness not only through the traditional means of misinformation, inciting controversy, destroying the enemy's reputation, but also special techniques, which are defined as the methods of the overturned pyramid, absolute clarity, and the formation of controlled cognitive choice. Keywords: Ukrainian-Polish-Russian war, UNR Army, Polish Commonwealth Army, Red Army, Russian-Bolshevik propaganda, propaganda methods, manipulation of consciousness.

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Konev, Kirill. "Constructing the Image of the Entente and the United States in the Bolshevik and Anti-Bolshevik Periodicals (1918–1920): A Comparative Analysis." In Communication and Cultural Studies: History and Modernity. Novosibirsk State University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/978-5-4437-1280-2-82-88.

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Dzidzoev, Valeriy Dudarovich. "Bolsheviks And Their Opponents For The First Years Of Soviet Power." In International Scientific Congress «Knowledge, Man and Civilization». European Publisher, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2022.12.47.

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Zubkova, Daria. "THE REASONS THAT RISE THE BOLSHEVIKS TO POWER AND ITS CONTRIBUTING FACTORS." In Current problems of jurisprudence. ru: Publishing Center RIOR, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/02032-6/089-096.

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Studying the process of the formation of the Soviet government is impossible without studying the causes and factors that rise the Bolsheviks to power. Obviously it's necessary to detect and systematize these factors. Thus, the main objective of this article can be considered as systematization the reasons that brought the party of the RSDLP(b) to power.

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Gurskiy, M. M. "Changing social and political life in USSR during 1945–1956 and local newspaper (based on local newspaper «Bolshevik», Rezh town)." In VIII Information school of a young scientist. Central Scientific Library of the Urals Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.32460/ishmu-2020-8-0030.

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The paper presents the results of study how changing the social and political life in the USSR (taking place duringseptember 1945 until the 20th Congress of the CPSU) were reflected in the local newspaper “Bolshevik”, Rezh town, Sverdlovsk region.

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Turpalov, Lema Abdollayevich. "Journalism In Context Of Bolshevik Policy Of Autonomization Of The North Caucasus." In International Scientific Congress «KNOWLEDGE, MAN AND CIVILIZATION». European Publisher, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2021.05.347.

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Shalak, Alexander. "Kolchak and «The Allies» in Siberia: the Evaluation by Anti-Bolshevik Politicians." In Irkutsk Historical and Economic Yearbook 2020. Baikal State University, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/978-5-7253-3017-5.07.

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In his article, the author considers the works by the famous political opponents of Bolsheviks: N.D. Avksentiev, V.P. Zenzinov, K. Goppers, A. Budberg, K.V. Sakharov, G.K. Guins and D.F. Rakov, in which the activities of A. Kolchak and his government are evaluated. Their evaluation concerns such aspects as the interrelations between Kolchak and the representatives of the «Allies» army, the reaction to the coup and proclaiming him Supreme Governor of Russia, evaluation of his real possibilities and abilities and also of the internal political situation in Siberia and Far East. According to the author, this evaluation does not contradict the conclusions of Soviet historiography. Taking into account the attempts made to re-examine the image of A. Kolchak consolidated in historiography, the author suggests one should evaluate his activities from the perspective of the historicalgeopolitical approach rather than from the perspective of the class theory. Taking into consideration the role of foreign states in his political biography, his choice during the years of the Civil War was not between the Red and the White but between Russia and foreign intervention. The proposed approach allows us to consider the political activities of A. Kolchak in a broader context and to make judgment about him from the geopolitical perspective rather than from the perspective of the class theory. In this case, the criterion for evaluation of the activities of the politician are his actions aimed at the defense of the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the state.

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9

Solntseva, N. "THE SCYTHIAN GROUP IN 1917-1918s: PRIORITIES OF THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTIONS." In VIII International Conference “Russian Literature of the 20th-21st Centuries as a Whole Process (Issues of Theoretical and Methodological Research)”. LCC MAKS Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.29003/m3684.rus_lit_20-21/10-14.

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The article identifies the specifics of the Russian revolutions that defined the polemics within the Scythian group. The emphasis is placed on the revolutionary goal-setting and personal entropy of the authors of the collections "Scythians", their attitude to the destructive element o the people, distrust of the Bolsheviks and the Church.

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10

Shagaev, Viktor, and Lyudmila Alyaeva. "To the question of the political beginning of the military organization of socialism." In Development of legal systems of Russia and foreign countries : problems of theory and practice. ru: Publishing Center RIOR, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/02110-1-02110-1-17.

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This article analyzes the initial stage of the formation of the military organization of the Bolshevik Party and its evolution after October 1917 as the basis of the Red Army concept, and also examines the modern content of the concept of “military organization of the state”.

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Reports on the topic "Bolshevism"

1

Walker, Lisa. Anti-Bolshevism and the Advent of Mussolini and Hitler: Anglo-American Diplomatic Perceptions, 1922-1933. Portland State University Library, January 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.6513.

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2

Zhytaryuk, Marian. Ukraine in the international press in 1930 (on the materials of the Lviv newspaper «Dilo»). Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2022.51.11413.

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In the article of Professor Maryan Zhytaryuk, it is implemented the systematization of publications in the international press of 1930 about Ukraine on the materials of the Lviv newspaper «Dilo». Important political issues, in particular: Bolshevism in Soviet Ukraine, the massacre of the Ukrainian intelligentsia (Union for the Liberation of Ukraine), the interpretation of the «Ukrainian political problem» in European countries were singled out and generalized. The topicality of the article subject follows from the need to supplement the materials on the study of the «Ukrainian question», from the understanding that the interwar period, mainly in the 30s of the twentieth century, is a concentrated historical and political period, that is represented on newspaper and magazine columns. During the decade (30s of the twentieth century) – there were thousands of them. For example, in the newspaper «Dilo» only in the first three months of 1930 we can find more than 100 publications on international subjects. Therefore, the author narrowed the research materials to translated materials in the genres of press round-up, review, digest of publications in the foreign press. The purpose of the article is to focus on Ukrainian issues in the international press based on translations and comments on foreign publications in the newspaper «Dilo» in 1930. The task of the publication is to comprehend the identified texts in the context of geopolitical construction on the eve of World War II; to supplement the history of Ukrainian and foreign journalism and its source base. In the article the author uses the method of scientific study of primary sources found in the special funds of the Scientific Library of LNU. I. Franko, in particular, the bundles of the newspaper «Dilo» for 1930. 252 publications were processed, some of which - in several submissions. Based on scientific summarizing, 15 publications on political issues with the keyword «Ukraine» were selected on the basis of translated sources from foreign media (scientific research method). Actually with the purpose of understanding the raised issues (conceptual analysis) and of preparing some certain conclusions and generalizations (methods of synthesis, induction and deduction) the problem-thematic analysis was used.

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3

Wu, Mingze. When International Soviet Bolsheviks and Domestic Chinese Communists Collide: How Soviet Intervention influenced the Modern Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. Ames (Iowa): Iowa State University, August 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31274/cc-20240624-1608.

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4

Tymoshyk, Mykola. Кадри тоталітарної журналістики для преси західноукраїнських областей. 40-50-ті роки хх ст. (На архівних матеріалах крайової газети «Радянська Буковина»). Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2023.52-53.11721.

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For the first time in Ukrainian journalism, the issue of totalitarian journalism has been outlined. The basis of the analysis is the archival materials of the Chernivtsi regional newspaper «Soviet Bukovyna» founded in 1940, which was re-registered in 1991 with the name «Bukovyna». The specifics of the formation of the assets of «pen workers» during the Soviet era are clarified; the qualitative composition of the staff, the reasons for their turnover and the typical types of journalists of that time were analyzed; information about the trials and investigations of journalists who were widely used against them in accordance with the legislation of 1940 wasintroduced into scientific circulation; biographical portraits of individuals are given. The personnel policy of the Bolshevik Party in the western Ukrainian territories annexed on the eve of World War II had its own specifics. The editors-in-chief of the newly formed newspapers were usually verified personnel sent from the eastern regions. They were selected primarily for the most important ideological qualities – loyalty to the cause of the Bolshevik Party, the ability to pursue its policy in the entrusted case. Literary abilities, accurate knowledge of the specifics of the journalistic craft, practical experience in this field were desirable, but not decisive. With the enactment of a strict law in 1940 on criminal liability for breach of labor discipline, delays in work without good reason, the cases of a number of journalists were transferred to the district courts at the place of work. In the first postwar years, the Central Committee of the party strongly encouraged local party committees to issue to functionaries of the ideological front so-called party vouchers for work in newspaper editorial offices. Keywords: journalism of the totalitarian era, newspaper «Soviet Bukovyna», cadres of journalism, types of Soviet journalists, trials and investigations against journalists, journalistic destinies.

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