Academic literature on the topic 'Bonus Pater Familias'

The process of women’s emancipation in European legal culture can be divided into three major periods according to their defining issues and objectives. The findings of the following study refer to the period from the beginning of the 20th century to the present day, which is usually identified in the literature as the second wave, and then as the third wave from the 1990s onwards. The turning point between these two stages is the thirty years after 1950, when the social, personal and family legal status of women changed significantly in Europe. The demands of the third wave, the ’modern emancipation movement’, which are still ongoing today, are of a different nature and are primarily sociological rather than legal nature. Although the topic of feminism is popular and has been dealt with in many ways in the Hungarian social science literature too, this study is nevertheless suppletory as I present the German marriage and family law reforms by means of the historical legal analysis, which will be supplemented in later studies by a comparison of Austrian and Hungarian law for the same period.

The paper wants to give an overview of the moral and legal rules which protected the natural and built environment in ancient Rome. These rules prove that environment protection is not a modern invention. A bonus et diligens pater familias was morally obliged to cultivate his own agricultural land carefully. Both air and water pollution was legally sanctioned. A house-owner had to keep his own building in good condition. Each person was to keep the street outside his own house in repair and clean. Demolition of both private and public buildings was strictly restricted. It is true that in ancient Rome environment protection was not full scope (e.g., animal protection was absent from Roman law), but many elements of environment were legally protected.

Insolvency is the state of the debtor’s patrimony characterized by insufficientmonetary funds available for the payment of exigible debts. It may be the consequence ofunfavourable economic circumstances, but also the result of managerial deficiencies of evenfraud.If insolvency is caused by the gross incompetence or the fraud of the debtor’s board ofdirectors, then the syndic judge, by means of the special mechanism created in the insolvencyproceedings, i.e. the joint responsibility action, may include the responsibility of the debtor’smanagers (if the debtor is a legal person) in covering the debtor’s liabilities. From apsychological point of view, such a menacing perspective may bring about a certain control ofthe managerial activity, a certain caution of a bonus pater familias in managing the debtor’saffairs1.

Le concept de diligence est rattaché à la théorie des obligations internationales. L’idée à la fois simple et complexe est que la diligence est un élément contenu dans certaines normes primaires de l’État, notamment les obligations de prévention. Son champ d’application est limité aux situations où l’État doit prévenir ou réprimer certains actes dommageables. S’enracinant dans la systématisation romaine des obligations à travers la figure du bonus pater familias, la due diligence apparaît dans l’ordre international d’abord dans le domaine de la neutralité avant de connaître une fortune dans d’autres secteurs, notamment la protection des étrangers, la sécurité des États étrangers, les droits de la personne, l’environnement. Cet article vise à démontrer que la due diligence est passée d’une simple règle de la neutralité à une norme coutumière du droit international général, avant d’acquérir aujourd’hui le statut de principe général applicable même en l’absence d’injonction spécifique d’une norme primaire. Cet article revisite donc la célèbre affaire de l’Alabama afin de montrer que le régime juridique de la neutralité qui a pleinement émergé au milieu du XVIIIe siècle a aussi été le point d’effervescence du concept de diligence dans l’ordre juridique international.

The standard of the reasonable person or its equivalent, in general, is used in many jurisdictions to determine fault in the form of negligence. Although the standard is predominantly objective it is also subjective in that the subjective attributes of the person against whom the standard applies as well as the subjective circumstances present at the time of the delict or tort lend themselves to an objective-subjective application. In South African law, before a person can be judged according to the standard of the reasonable person, the person must first be held accountable. If a person cannot be held accountable, then the standard does not apply at all. The general standard of the reasonable person cannot be applied to children, the elderly, persons with physical disabilities, persons with mental impairments or experts. Therefore, depending on the subjective attributes of the person against whom the standard is being applied, the standard may have to be adjusted accordingly. The general standard of the reasonable person would be raised when dealing with experts, for instance, and lowered when dealing with persons with physical disabilities. This contribution considers whether the current application of the standard of the reasonable person in South African law is satisfactory when applied generally to all persons, no matter their age, experience, gender, physical disability and cognitive ability. The application of the standard of the reasonable person in South African law is compared to the application of the standard of the reasonable person or its equivalent in the United Kingdom, the United States of America and France. Just as South African law applies the standard of the reasonable expert to experts, this contribution explores whether the South African law should be developed to use similar adjusted standards when dealing with children, the elderly, persons with physical disabilities and so on. The general standard of the reasonable person cannot be applied to children, the elderly, persons with physical disabilities, persons with mental impairments as well as experts. Thus depending on the subjective attributes of the person against whom the standard is being applied, the standard may have to be adjusted accordingly or if the person cannot be held accountable, not applied at all. The general standard of the reasonable person would for example be raised when dealing with experts and lowered when dealing with persons with physical disabilities. This contribution considers whether the current application of the standard of the reasonable person in South African law is satisfactory when applied generally, to all persons, no matter their age, experience, gender, physical disability and cognitive ability. The application of the standard of the reasonable person in South African law is compared to the application of the standard of the reasonable person or its equivalent in the United Kingdom, the United States of America and France. Just as South African law applies the standard of the reasonable expert to experts, this contribution explores whether the South African law should be developed to use similar adjusted standards when dealing with children, the elderly, persons' with physical disabilities and so on. [1] In French law bonus pater familias as three separate words is encountered (see para 3.4 below) whereas in South African law, bonus paterfamilias, as two separate words is encountered (see for example, Neethling and Potgieter Law of Delict 142-143). In this contribution, for the sake of uniformity and convenience, bonus pater familias as three separate words will be used.

The article is devoted to the problem of Good Faith Subjects` status in law. For a better understanding of the problem, image ofgood faith subjects of law in Ancient Rome was analyzed. In particular, it was found that in roman law, the term bonus pater familias(good family father) refers to a standard of good faith subjects of law. In the English version, this concept was translated as «that of aman of ordinary prudence in managing his own affairs».The concept of a gentleman in the English legal tradition is specially studied.English noun ‘gentleman’ dates back to the Old French word ‘gentilz hom’ (graceful, refined man). That was why the social ca -te gory of gentleman is considered as “the nearest, contemporary English equivalent of the noblesse of France.” (Maurice Hugh Keen).Now, a gentleman is not just any man of good and courteous conduct, but a certain person having legal personality in accordancewith the standard of common law.In conformity with the dimension of public law, the English social category of gentleman captures a right of certen classe of theBritish nobility.But in accordance with modern private law the connotation of the term gentleman corresponds to the Rome legal institute ofbonus pater familias.The double origin of this term from the status of a knight and the social position of the merchant causes a controversial interpretationsof its meaning.In contemporary usage, the word gentleman is ambiguously defined, because “to behave like a gentleman” communicates as littlepraise or as much criticism as the speaker means to imply; thus, “to spend money like a gentleman” is criticism, but “to conduct a businesslike a gentleman” is praise (Walter Alison Phillips).In modern International Trade Law a gentleman is essentially a ‘man of sense’, ‘а man of judgment’ or a reasonable person.So United Nations Convention on Contracts for the International Sale of Goods (1980), The UNIDROIT Principles of InternationalCommercial Contract and the Principles of European Contract Law provided a rule, which offers an opportunity for such an interpretation.‘the contract is to be interpreted according to the meaning that reasonable persons of the same kind as the parties would giveto it in the same circumstances’.It led to the conclusion that the modern image of a good faith subject to the greatest extent actualizes the criterion of commonsense.

This paper examines the TV series The Vampire Diaries to show how the programme responds to traditional gothic tropes and transforms them for the television medium. Vampires and humans shall be read as both preoccupied with the ties of family, in story arcs that explore complex and often dark familial relationships. Especially in the early seasons of the series, objects such as magic rings, compasses, precious stones and magical devices are given fundamental importance for the development of the plot, the interactions among the characters, and the representation of familial bonds. Specifically, the search for and retrieval of the heirlooms shall be interpreted as instrumental to the representation of the characters’ relationships with their respective families, which I argue is a characteristic theme of gothic fictions at large.

AbstractFor much of their childhood and adult life, the twelve surviving children of William the Silent were separated linguistically and geographically. Many of the children forged important relationships with male primary carers who were not their biological parents. This paper explores the children's correspondence with their biological father William and with paternal figures to understand competing forms of familial authority among William's children. This paper places particular interest on analysis of the gendered negotiation of paternal bonds in the letters of William's sons and daughters, as they established multiple relationships with father figures during their childhood.

Purpose This paper aims to examine the social interactions between Filipino immigrant-hosts residing in New Zealand and their visiting relatives (VRs) or guests from the Philippines using social exchange theory to understand their experiences. Design/methodology/approach This qualitative, multi-sited study used in-depth interviews to examine social interactions between Filipino immigrant-host families in New Zealand and their respective visiting relatives from the Philippines. Findings Hosting VRs reflects aspects of social exchange theory, and the interdependence and familial obligations related to VR travel demonstrate mutual relations of care. Maintaining relations of care within the family is an ongoing process involving intergenerational relationships that bind together immigrant-host families and their VRs. Research limitations/implications The conceptualization of the social interactions between immigrants-hosts and VRs is not generalizable owing to the small sample size and lack of representativeness. However, despite a small sample, this qualitative inquiry uncovered a series of personal meanings and understandings attached to the maintenance of familial bonds. Practical implications As immigrant-receiving countries become more culturally diverse through migration, research about other cultures will assist tourism planners in understanding the values and actions of a more varied array of residents. A better understanding of travel experiences and interactions between immigrants and their guests may provide marketers with insights into host-guest dynamics within a VR context, thus potentially enabling tourism marketers to create better marketing campaigns. Social implications Future studies may be undertaken from non-Western and Western perspectives that examine the social interactions between hosts and guests in the context of VR travel. Very little research has been conducted that addresses the meanings and understandings attached to these interactions from the perspectives of both hosting and visiting groups. This research highlights the importance of families in tourism, a contrast with the relative blindness of tourism scholarship toward relations of domesticity and sociality. Originality/value What separates the social interactions between family members in the context of visiting friends and relatives travel from the traditional host-guest paradigm is that it does not involve strangers. This study uses social exchange theory to examine social interactions between hosts and guests who are familiar with each other.

AbstractTransnational families occupy centre-stage in literatures on transformations in the social organisation and relations of care and welfare because they express how social bonds are sustained despite geographical separation. This paper examines some key themes arising from a research study into remittance-sending practices of UK-based Ghanaians and Nigerians in the light of research literatures on transnational family care and development finance. The data comprises qualitative interviews with 20 UK-based Ghanaian and Nigerian people who regularly send remittances to their families ‘back home’. This paper discusses a social issue that arises from the transnationalisation of family structures and relations, when migrant family members are positioned within family networks as ‘absent providers’, and familial relations eventually become financialised. The findings show the complexities of transnational living, the hardships endured by remittance-senders and the particular strains of remittance-mediated family relationships. The financialisation of family relations affects the social subjectivity and positioning of remittance-senders within the family. Strain and privation are integral to participants’ experiences of transnational family life, while themes of deception, betrayal, and expatriation also feature. The suppression of emotion is a feature of the significant labour inputs participants make in sustaining relationships within transnational families. The paper considers UK social policy implications of the findings.

Av tradition har frågan om en person varit vårdslös eller inte avgjorts genom att personens bet­eende jämförts med en Bonus Pater Familias (BPF) d.v.s. en fiktiv ”normalt aktsam per­son” på det aktuella området. Modellen betraktas numera i princip som utmönstrad och culpa­bedömningen anses istället ta sin utgångpunkt i akt­samhets­­­normer uttryckta i lag, före­skrifter, praxis och sedvana (där BPF används som tankemodell). Om inte ovanstående ger svar görs en fri bedömning som utgår från The Learned Hand Formula (LHF) där hänsyn tas till risken för skada, den eventuella skadans storlek och skade­vållarens möjligheter till att före­­komma skadan. I den svenska modellen (ULHF) ingår även ett rekvisit som beaktar skade­­­vållarens insikt. Frågorna som aktualiseras är därmed hur BPF och ULHF används i sven­sk rätt och vilken betydelse det får beroende på vilken av modellerna som används samt hur den svenska användningen av LHF förhåller sig till den i några grannländer. Det är också av intresse att undersöka res­pektive modells ändamå­lsenlighet utifrån skadeståndsrättens syften och att se om det finns något samband mellan normskyddsläran och det subjektiva kriteriet i ULHF. I framställningen har konstaterats att det idag endast är sedvanemodellen av BPF som används i Sverige. Det har också fastslagits att både BPF och ULHF, trots yttre olikheter, är normativa och grundas på vad som anses utgöra en läm­plig riskfördelning i samhället varför det i princip inte blir någon skill­nad beroende på vilken av modellerna som nyttjas. Användningen av ULHF och BPF ser inte ut att skilja sig beroende på om det rör sig om ett inom- eller utom­oblig­atoriskt för­hållande med mer än att frågan om oaktsamhet i första hand avgörs genom en prövning utifrån vad parterna avtalat i det förstnämnda. För enskilda skade­vållare råder dock ett förut­säg­­barhets­problem avseende vilken av BPF eller ULHF som domstolarna kan komma att göra bedömningen efter, vilket dock inte har någon betydelse eftersom resultatet i princip blir dets­amma. Denna likhet innebär att ingen av mod­ellerna kan sägas uppfylla skade­­­stånds­­rättens huvud­syfte, som konstaterats vara riskför­delning och kostnads­placering, bättre än den andre. Trots oförutsäg­barheten får ord­ningen med två grunder för oaktsamhet anses vara läm­plig eftersom bl.a. alternativet hade varit att återgå till den intetsägande person­lighetsmodellen av BPF. Sambandet mellan det subjektiva rekvisitet och norm­skyddsläran är att båda grundas på intresseavvägningar om vad som utgör en lämplig risk­fördelning i samhället. En jäm­förelse avseende användningen av LHF i tysk, dansk och norsk rätt visar att den svenska modellen sticker ut genom det uttryckliga hänsynstagandet till det subjektiva kri­teriet. Em­ellertid framkommer att de praktiska skillnaderna dock inte är så stora länd­erna emellan efter­som användningen av modellen grundas på normativa över­väganden i samtliga länder. Således kan ingen av de jämförda länderna sägas använda ursprungsmodellen av LHF.

In addition to simple hydrocarbon structures (alkanes, alkenes, alkynes, and aromatic systems) and alkyl groups (methyl, ethyl, propyl, isopropyl, etc.), this text assumes a familiarity with the most common functional groups associated with organic chemical structures and their basic reactivity patterns. Table 1.1 summarizes the names and structures of some of the more important functional groups we will be dealing with throughout the remainder of the book. It is important to remember that functional groups containing O or N with nonbonding electrons have an affinity for both protic and Lewis acids and are important participators in H-bonding. Groups containing a carbonyl (C=O) function are especially important, as these bonds are strongly polarized (δ+C=Oδ–), the C atom being electron deficient and the O atom electron excessive; this strong polarization is mainly responsible for the familiar reactivity patterns associated with carbonyl compounds. Figure 1.1 depicts the standard classification of isomers in organic chemical structures. Recall that constitutional isomers are compounds with the same molecular formula but different atom connectivity, such as 1-butanol versus 2-butanol. Stereoisomers, on the other hand, are compounds with the same formula and the same atom connectivity, differing from one another only in the three-dimensional orientation of their atoms in space. These are divided into two groups: enantiomers and diastereomers. Enantiomers are nonsuperimposable mirror image molecules whose asymmetry is usually the result of a tetrahedral carbon atom with four different atoms or groups attached to it, as in the 2-butanol enantiomers. Such chiral molecules rotate the plane of polarized light either (+) or (−) and so are said to be optically active. Achiral molecules, such as 1-butanol, do not rotate the plane of polarized light and so are optically inactive. A standard formalism for representation of a chiral center is to use bond line drawings with two of the four atoms or groups lying in the plane of the paper, a third projecting outward (wedge bond), and the fourth projecting inward (dashed bond).

This paper presents a driving simulator to be used by train drivers for training their driving skills in terms of energy-efficiency. In railway operations, previous experiences have shown differences in energy consumption up to 20 % among train drivers for the same journey in similar operational conditions. This shows great saving potentials in both economic and environmental terms. For this reason, railway companies wishing to become more efficient must encourage their train drivers to balance the energy consumption towards the minimum threshold. In this sense, driving simulators are a good complement for training courses on energy-saving best practices given to train drivers, where they can put into practice the learned contents. The developed driving simulator consists in an Excel spreadsheet including an accurate energy consumption model, which was previously developed from real measurements on different train services. The fact of being an Excel spreadsheet provides a familiar interface to train drivers, making easier its use, and becomes an affordable tool for small and medium size freight private railway companies. Furthermore, the fact of being a non-real-time simulation makes possible to perform a journey of several hours in a few minutes, thus being able to test different driving strategies for the same train journey in a short time period. In this paper, the driving simulator was applied to the Valencia-Cuenca-Aranjuez railway line operated by Renfe Operadora with Diesel Multiple Units. The results are given in terms of fuel consumption, costs of fuel and CO2 emissions and enable train drivers to find by themselves the most efficient way to drive the train between two stations. Finally, this driving simulator may serve as the basis for training and evaluating train drivers in order to set up a bonus/penalty policy for rewarding the most efficient train drivers and achieve an overall energy consumption reduction.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/CIT2016.2016.4236