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1
Cruickshank, Dan D. "Remembering the English Reformation in the Revision of the Communion Liturgy of the Book of Common Prayer, 1906–1920." Studia Liturgica 49, no. 2 (September 2019): 246–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0039320719883817.
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This paper will examine how the Convocations of the Church of England remembered their past liturgies, and the reformation theology that formed the previous Prayer Books of the Church, in their main period of work on the revision of the Prayer Book from 1906 to 1920. Focusing on the Communion Service, it considers the lack of defenders of the 1662 Communion service and its reformed theology. It will examine how the 1549 Prayer Book was used as a basis for reordering the Communion service, and how this original Prayer Book was seen in relation to preceding medieval Roman Catholic theology. Ultimately it considers how a re-imagination of the English Reformation was used to justify the incorporation of liturgical theology that had no historical basis in the Church of England.
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Buchanan, Colin. "Parliament and the 1662 Book of Common Prayer." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 18, no. 1 (December 10, 2015): 53–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x15000836.
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A title such as this hardly suggests one is breaking new ground. But I edge into print on the subject, stirred by the interesting Speaker's Lecture given by the outgoing Second Estates Commissioner, Sir Tony Baldry, in December 2014, and published in the May 2015 edition of this Journal. It reads as the enthusiastic, even romantic, expression of the State–Church relationship by an almost doctrinaire establishmentarian; and I use the word ‘doctrinaire’ deliberately, for I have spent a lifetime of bumping up against leaders of both Church and State, from Enoch Powell to George Carey (let alone Derek Pattinson and Philip Mawer), who exude a firm conviction that the establishment of the Church of England is entrenched somewhere in the Apostles' Creed. Sir Tony continues in this tradition as he serenely asserts ‘We come then to the reign of Henry VIII. I think the important point here is that the Church of England is the creation of Parliament.’ But would not Augustine, Anselm and the drafters of Magna Carta (who are cited in Baldry's previous paragraph) all be turning in their graves? And what apoplexy would have come upon Newman, Pusey and Keble to have learned that their Church was thus created? Or, more to the point, is the ecclesiastical action of Parliament in the days when church and nation were co-terminous of any relevance to whether and how an unbelieving Parliament should hold control of a Christian body today? However, it is his brief section on ‘Parliament and Anglican liturgy’ which prompted the present submission.
3
Braddock, Andrew. "Domestic Devotion and the Georgian Church." Journal of Anglican Studies 16, no. 2 (June 4, 2018): 188–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740355318000153.
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AbstractThis article explores the development of domestic devotion in the Georgian Church of England through an examination of the manuals of prayer produced and circulated for both personal and family use throughout the eighteenth century. Alongside more well-known works, including Edmund Gibson’s Family Devotion and Robert Nelson’s Companion for the Festivals and Fasts, it pays attention to the diverse material provided for private and household devotion and its relationship to The Book of Common Prayer. The article highlights the key themes that were expressed through this literature, the spirituality that it fostered, and the sources on which it drew. It reveals how greater awareness of this material can deepen our understanding of how Georgian Anglicans prayed and what they were encouraged to pray for.
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Moriarty, Michael. "William Palmer Ladd and the Origins of the Episcopal Liturgical Movement." Church History 64, no. 3 (September 1995): 438–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3168949.
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The liturgical movement in the American Episcopal Church owes its origin to William Palmer Ladd (1870–1941), a pragmatic New England Yankee whose ideas helped reorient the church's worship and self-understanding, and came to fruition in the current liturgy, the 1979 Book of Common Prayer.
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Carleton, Kenneth W. T. "John Marbeck and The Booke of Common Praier Noted." Studies in Church History 28 (1992): 255–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400012481.
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The liturgical section of The New English Hymnal contains musical settings for both eucharistie orders of the Church of England’s Alternative Service Book 1980. The modern-language service, Rite A, is provided with a newly-composed congregational setting in speech rhythm. The texts of Rite B use the traditional language of the Book of Common Prayer, and are given a musical setting taken from The Booke of Common Praier Noted by John Marbeck, published in 1550. An accompaniment is added, and the text is adapted where the original is no longer accurate. Its inclusion in this new hymn-book is evidence of the popularity which Marbeck’s setting has enjoyed for more than a hundred years. Its rediscovery took place in the nineteenth century through the influence of the Tractarians and their successors, who sought to revive traditional liturgical practices such as the singing of plainsong during worship. The Booke of Common Praier Noted is a musical setting of parts of the first English Prayer Book, which had been promulgated in 1549. The appearance of a second Prayer Book in 1552 rendered Marbeck’s work obsolete, as the new book expresses a different attitude towards music in worship. The 1549 Prayer Book encourages singing in many of the services, not least the Office of Holy Communion. The clerks, singing-men usually in minor orders, are expected to take a full part, and the normal eucharistie celebration is one which is sung virtually throughout. The Offices in the 1552 Book contain very few references to singing, and the clerks are nowhere mentioned. The only direction for singing any part of the order for Holy Communion is found at the end, when ‘Glory be to God on high’ may be said or sung. A rubric at Morning Prayer allows for the singing of the lessons in that service and at Evening Prayer, as well as the Epistle and Gospel at Holy Communion, so that the people may hear them more clearly. It is possible that the retention of this reference to singing from the first Prayer Book may have been an oversight, as the rubric is situated away from the main body of the service.
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HAIGH, CHRISTOPHER. "WHERE WAS THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND, 1646–1660?" Historical Journal 62, no. 1 (January 21, 2018): 127–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x17000425.
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AbstractWhen parliament abolished episcopacy, cathedrals, and the Book of Common Prayer, what was left of the Church of England? Indeed, as contemporaries asked between 1646 and 1660, ‘Where is the Church of England?’ The episcopalian clergy could not agree. Some thought the remaining national framework of parishes and congregations was ‘the Church of England’, though now deformed, and worked within it. Others thought that only those ministers and parish congregations who remained loyal in heart to the church as it had been qualified as ‘the church’: most of them continued to serve a parish church and tried to keep the old practices going. A third category of hard-liners thought ‘the Church of England’ was now restricted to a recusant community that worshipped with the Prayer Book in secret and rejected the new national profession. The fundamental issue was the nature of a church: was it a society of believers, however organized, or a hierarchical institution following rules prescribed by God? The question caused tensions and distrust among the clergy, and the rigorists thought of the rest as time-servers and traitors. Disagreements continued to divide the clergy after the Restoration, and were reflected in attitudes towards concessions to dissenters.
7
Aldridge, Alan. "Slaves to No Sect: The Anglican Clergy and Liturgical Change." Sociological Review 34, no. 2 (May 1986): 357–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954x.1986.tb02706.x.
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Many writers have argued that the Church of England, in common with other Christian denomination, is undergoing a profound crisis of identity. One crucial aspect of this is the clergy's rapid abandonment of the traditional services of the 1662 Book of Common Prayer in favour of the radically different, modern language services of the Alternative Service Book, published in 1980. Liturgical change on this scale is said to be both cause and effect of a gradual transformation of the Church of England into a sect. In this article, evidence from a survey of the parochial clergy of one English diocese is presented, showing that the great majority of respondents approve of the Alternative Service Book and use it frequently for the conduct of worship. However, then outlook on the role of the Church of England in national life does not display any of the essential characteristics of sectarianism, the fact that the Church of England is the established Church is an important obstacle to sectarian tendencies, and the argument that the Church is being transformed into a sect is not warranted.
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Maltby, Judith. "‘The Good Old Way’: Prayer Book Protestantism in the 1640s and 1650s." Studies in Church History 38 (2004): 233–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400015850.
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Between 1640 and 1642 the Church of England collapsed, its leaders reviled and discredited, its structures paralysed, its practices if not yet proscribed, at least inhibited. In the years that followed, yet worse was to befall it. And yet in every year of its persecution after 1646, new shoots sprang up out of the fallen timber: bereft of episcopal leadership, lacking any power of coercion, its observances illegal, anglicanism thrived. As memories of the 1630s faded and were overlaid by the tyrannies of the 1640s … the deeper rhythms of the Kalendar and the ingrained perfections of Cranmer’s liturgies bound a growing majority together.Professor John Morrill, quoted above, has rightly identified a set of historiographical contradictions about the Stuart Church in a series of important articles. Historians have until recently paid little attention to the positive and popular elements of conformity to the national Church of England in the period before the civil war. The lack of interest in conformity has led to a seventeenth-century version of the old Whig view of the late medieval Church: the Church of England is presented as a complacent, corrupt, and clericalist institution, ‘ripe’ – as the English Church in the early sixteenth century was ‘ripe’ – to be purified by reformers. However, if this was the case, how does one account for the durable commitment to the Prayer Book demonstrated during the 1640s and 1650s and the widespread – but not universal – support for the ‘return’ of the Church of England in 1660?This paper contributes to the larger exploration of the theme of ‘the Church and the book’ by addressing in particular the continued use by clergy and laity alike of one ‘book’ – the Book of Common Prayer – after its banning by Parliament during the years of civil war and the Commonwealth.
9
Haigh, Christopher. "Liturgy and Liberty: The Controversy over the Book of Common Prayer, 1660–1663." Journal of Anglican Studies 11, no. 1 (November 28, 2012): 32–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740355312000344.
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AbstractWhat are the advantages and disadvantages of a formal liturgy as against extemporized worship? After the restoration of the English monarchy in 1660, it was clear that some form of national ‘Church of England’ would be reconstructed – but would it have a set liturgy, and if so what would it be like? This paper considers over a hundred books published in the following three years, debating whether the Book of Common Prayer should be imposed, reformed or abandoned, with arguments based on biblical precepts, the practice of the early Church and reformed Churches, the duties of ministers and the needs of congregations. The debate shows how the views of both conformists and nonconformists had developed in response to the religious free-for-all of the 1640s and 1650s, though it had little influence on political decisions.
10
Haigh, Christopher. "Conscience and Conformity: Some Moral Dilemmas in Seventeenth-Century England." Journal of Anglican Studies 11, no. 1 (February 1, 2013): 65–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s174035531200037x.
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AbstractThis paper considers how issues of conscience might be considered in seventeenth-century England. It looks at how some of the moral problems arising from the restoration of an episcopal Church of England in 1660 were debated, and focuses on the response of the clergy to the demands for conformity to the Book of Common Prayer, renunciation of the Solemn League and Covenant, and episcopal ordination. A large number of books were published on these subjects, and contemporary diaries show that ministers read these books and discussed the problems among themselves, in reaching difficult and often painful decisions.
11
Dudley, Martin. "Unity, Uniformity and Diversity: the Anglican Liturgy in England and the United States, 1900-1940." Studies in Church History 32 (1996): 465–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400015576.
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‘Uniformity’, declared Sir John Nicholl, one of the greatest of Anglican ecclesiastical lawyers, ‘is one of the leading and distinguishing principles of the Church of England - nothing is left to the discretion and fancy of the individual.’ At the Reformation the English Church was distinguished not by the decisions of councils, confessional statements, or the writings of particular leaders, but by one uniform liturgy. This liturgy, ‘containing nothing contrary to the Word of God, or to sound Doctrine’ and consonant with the practice of the early Church, was intended to ‘preserve Peace and Unity in the Church’ and to edify the people. It was also opposed to the ‘great diversity in saying and singing in Churches within this Realm’ and, abolishing the liturgical uses of Salisbury, Hereford, Bangor, York, and Lincoln, it established that ‘now from henceforth all the whole Realm shall have but one Use’. This principle of liturgical uniformity was enshrined in the several Acts of Uniformity from that of the second year of King Edward VI to that of the fourteenth year of Charles II, amended, but not abolished, in the reign of Queen Victoria. It was a principle conveyed to the churches in the colonies so that, even if they revised or abandoned the Book of Common Prayer in use in England, as the Americans did in 1789, what was substituted was called ‘The Book of Common Prayer and declared to be ‘the Liturgy of this Church’ to be ‘received as such by all members of the same’. The principle of uniformity was modified during the Anglican Communion’s missionary expansion. The Lambeth Conference of 1920 considered that liturgical uniformity throughout the Churches of the Anglican Communion was not a necessity, but the 1930 Conference held that the Book of Common Prayer, as authorized in the several Churches of the Communion, was the place where faith and order were set forth, and so implied a degree of uniformity maintained by the use of a single book.
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Maiden, John G. "Discipline and Comprehensiveness: The Church of England and Prayer Book Revision in the 1920s." Studies in Church History 43 (2007): 377–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400003351.
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The Prayer Book revision controversy was among the most significant events in the Church of England during the twentieth century. The proposals to revise the 1662 Book of Common Prayer provoked considerable opposition from both Evangelicals and Anglo-Catholics, and culminated with the House of Commons rejecting a revised book in 1927 and a re-revised version in 1928. This paper will argue that two issues, ecclesiastical authority and Anglican identity, were central to the controversy. It will then suggest that the aims and policy of the bishops’ revision led to the failure of the book. In taking this angle, it will analyse the controversy from a new perspective, as previous studies have focused on liturgical developments, Church parties and disestablishment. The controversy is bound up with the broader and ongoing problem of maintaining discipline and diversity within the Anglican Communion. The Anglo-Catholic -Evangelical tensions of the 1920s were a precursor to Liberal – Evangelical conflicts on issues such as the ordination of women and sexuality. Therefore, by examining the revision controversy from the angle of discipline and comprehensiveness, a longer perspective is given to later Anglican difficulties.
13
Harding, John. "The Prayer-Book Roots of Griffith Jones's Evangelism*." Journal of Religious History, Literature and Culture 6, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.16922/jrhlc.6.1.1.
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This article discusses Griffith Jones (1683–1761) an influential Church of England rector in West Wales from 1711, who is usually described as a precursor of Welsh Methodism and Evangelicalism. It refers to an undated, damaged notebook, in the National Library of Wales, containing sermon notes in Jones's own hand. The article seeks to trace the source of his evangelistic outlook, noting his conformist loyalty to the Church of England's doctrine, order and worship. Contrary to the opinion which attributes his pursuit of evangelism, with its seeking of conversions, to supposed Puritan influences, the article shows that the Book of Common Prayer was its inspiration. Preaching is discussed as the predominant component of worship. Jones's thought as a popular evangelist is examined, with reference to the brief sermon outlines in Welsh. The article discusses Jones's view of the defiance of Christian standards and ignorance of the faith, in Wales. Jones's practice was to summon people to faith. He preached this to those within the 'visible' national Church, which included infants, adding a strong demand for moral conformity. His concept of 'membership' was not postEnlightenment voluntarism, but of a statutory and biblical duty. For Griffith Jones the liturgy was not a disincentive to piety, contrary to some Dissenters' misgivings. His wish was for spiritual and moral renewal, not further reformation of Anglican doctrine or practice. He saw catechizing as a means against schismatical vagaries. His famous Circulating Schools reinforced this policy.
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Laws, John. "A Judicial Perspective on The Sacred in Society." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 7, no. 34 (January 2004): 317–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00005408.
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The primary virtue of establishment is the Church's duty under law to minister to anyone at all who may turn to it, including the ungodliest. Establishment does not imply a religious State, that is a State whose law requires subservience by the citizens to the State religion; if it did, it would be barbarous (but contrast the Black Rubric in the Book of Common Prayer). Establishment does not entail State control of the Church. The legal characteristics of establishment are as follows. (1) The law of the Church of England is part of the law of the land. (2) Bishops and some other office-holders are appointed by the Queen on ministerial advice. (3) 26 diocesan bishops sit as legislators in the House of Lords. (4) The Queen as Supreme Governor acts as monarch for the Church as she acts as monarch for the State. The Church of England is not a “congregational” church: its forms of worship are prescribed by law, and are not at the liberty of the community worshipping in any particular church. The bishops' resolution which authorised the use of the 1928 revision of the Book of Common Prayer in face of the will of Parliament (which was the lawful authority in the matter) was a lamentable disobedience to the law which it was their duty to uphold. Such a legal transgression might possibly nowadays be subject to correction by the High Court on judicial review, though that would require departure from earlier high authority. However that may be, it has to be recognised that there is no room, in the practice of an established Church, for the notion that conscience might justify disobedience to the law. The conscience of the believer is worth no more than the conscience of an unbeliever. The established Church possesses two immeasurable virtues: first, that religion is no tyrant: belief is not compulsory; second, that the Church's ministration is available to everyone. Their unified effect is a great force for good.
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Чернов, Василий Владимирович. "The Form of Solemnization of Matrimony in the Book of Common Prayer: A Russian Translation with Some Notes on Its History and Language." Вопросы богословия, no. 2(4) (September 15, 2020): 146–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/pwg.2020.4.2.007.
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Институт брака играл важную роль в ходе Английской «долгой Реформации» XVI-XVII веков. Изменение отношения к браку, как к состоянию низшему по сравнению с безбрачием, было одной из причин и движущих сил реформационных преобразований как на континенте, так и в Английской Церкви. При этом литургический чин бракосочетания в томвиде, в котором он был зафиксирован в Книге общественного богослужения 1662 года, является наиболее консервативной частью классического англиканского служебника. В данной статье автор демонстрирует, что данный чин не только практически не претерпел изменений как в ходе богослужебной реформы 1662 года, так и при подготовке предшествующих (1549 и 1552 гг.) редакций Служебника, но и в основном сохранил черты чинов бракосочетания из дореформационных английских литургических книг. Книга общественного богослужения 1662 года до сих пор не только сохраняет официальный статус в Церкви Англии (новые богослужебные книги допускаются лишь в качестве альтернативы классическому Служебнику), но и лежит в основе богословской и литургической традиций всех Церквей Англиканского Содружества, чем объясняется актуальность затронутой тематики. Marriage was a crucial element of England’s long Reformation in the 16th and 17th centuries. The end of view of marriage as inferior in relation to celibacy was among key reasons and forces of the reform both in England and the rest of the Northern Europe. The liturgy of marriage as it appears in the Book of Common Prayer 1662 was, however, the most conservative part of the Anglican worship of its time. The main goal of this article is to familiarize the Russian reader with one of England’s most important historic liturgies. The author also seeks to reaffirm that the Prayer Book marriage form not only passed largely unchanged through the making of 1549, 1552 and 1662 books, bud also preserved most key features of pre-Reformation English marriage rites. It resulted in a quite uniform Anglican liturgical tradition of wedding as the Prayer Book 1662 remains official in the Church of England and still frames worship and theology of the Anglican churches worldwide.
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Bursell, Judge Rupert. "With an Eye Towards 2000." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 4, no. 19 (July 1996): 536–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00002520.
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I confess that I am not a natural early riser but it is still a great joy for me to celebrate at my parish's 8 o'clock Holy Communion service, especially when the rite is the Holy Communion service from the Book of Common Prayer. I am not saying that I do not enjoy, and do not see the worth of, the rites in the Alternative Service Book, but there is something very special about the rhythms and cadences of the old service and I personally want to see the continuation of all those services contained in the Book of Common Prayer. I therefore want to pose four questions:(1) How has the Church of England (Worship and Doctrine) Measure 1974 attempted to ensure the continuing availability of the forms of service contained in the Book of Common Prayer?(2) What are the ‘occasions for which no provision has been made’ embraced by the provisions of Canon B5, para 2?(3) What, if any, is the legal status of a form of service once, but no longer, authorised?(4) To what extent does the ecclesiastical law relating to the liturgy bind lay ministers?
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Spinks, Bryan. "When the Present Became Future: The Ambiguity behind the Consent in the Marriage Rite of the 1662 Book of Common Prayer." Journal of Anglican Studies 16, no. 1 (February 13, 2018): 23–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740355317000225.
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AbstractIn a preparatory essay for the International Anglican Liturgical Consultation 2011, on the topic of marriage, Thomas Cooper questioned the long-held view that the question of consent in the Prayer Book tradition was derived from the older betrothal vow. Arguing from the Latin of the Sarum Use, ‘Volo’, he argued that ‘Will you ..?’ and ‘I will’ reflects the Old English present tense and is part of the marriage vow. This article questions Cooper’s argument, and instead argues that the use of ‘will’ as a future tense already in Middle English and used in betrothals pre-dates the Latin text. As a result, the separation of the consent (understood as an immediate future intention) from the qvow as in the 1979 American Book of Common Prayer and the Church of England Common Worship 2000 is entirely justified.
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Cruickshank, Dan D. "Debating the Legal Status of the Ornaments Rubric: Ritualism and Royal Commissions in Late Nineteenth- and Early Twentieth-Century England." Studies in Church History 56 (May 15, 2020): 434–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2019.24.
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This article uses the history of the Ornaments Rubric in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century to explore the emergence of claims to self-governance within the Church of England in this period and the attempts by parliament to examine how independent the legal system of the church was from the secular state. First, it gives an overview of the history of the Ornaments Rubric in the various editions of the Book of Common Prayer and the Acts of Uniformity, presenting the legal uncertainty left by centuries of Prayer Book revision. It then explores how the Royal Commission into Ritualism (1867–70) and the Public Worship Regulation Act (1874) attempted to control Ritualist interpretations of the Ornaments Rubric through secular courts. Examining the failure of these attempts, it looks towards the Royal Commission on Ecclesiastical Discipline (1904–6). Through the evidence given to the commission, it shows how the previous royal commission and the work of parliament and the courts had failed to stop the continuation of Ritualist belief in the church's independence from secular courts. Using the report of the royal commission, it shows how the commissioners attempted to build a via media between strict spiritual independence and complete parliamentary oversight.
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Strout, Shawn. "The Offertory as Anamnesis toward Ethical Action: Common Worship as a Case Study." Studia Liturgica 49, no. 2 (September 2019): 195–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0039320719883819.
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Liturgical scholarship identifies the memorial section of the Eucharistic Prayer as the anamnesis. However, Eucharistic liturgies can contain multiple anamneses. For example, Alexander Schmemann speaks of the anamnetic quality of the Great Entrance in the Byzantine Rite in his book The Eucharist. In Anglican worship, the offertory rite is juxtaposed (à la Gordon Lathrop) with the prayers of penitence, prayers of intercession, and the peace. These juxtapositions produce the type of transformative opportunities Bruce Morrill discusses in his book Anamnesis as Dangerous Memory. In this paper, I examine the offertory rite as found in the Church of England’s Common Worship as an example of this juxtaposition. Using Schmemann, Lathrop and Morrill’s liturgical theology as foundational, I argue that the offertory rite in Anglican worship is anamnetic and can lead to a transformative encounter with Christ, leading to ethical action.
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Podmore, Colin. "The Baptismal Revolution in the American Episcopal Church: Baptismal Ecclesiology and the Baptismal Covenant." Ecclesiology 6, no. 1 (2010): 8–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/174413609x12549868039767.
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AbstractThe Episcopal Church has come to espouse a developed form of baptismal ecclesiology, in which all laypersons are believed to be ministers by virtue of their baptism and the ordained ministry is understood as a particular form of the ministry of all the baptized. The adoption of the 1979 Book of Common Prayer was significant for this. Also included in that book was a 'Baptismal Covenant' that has come to be seen as an iconic statement of the Episcopal Church's commitment to social action and 'inclusion'. This article documents the genesis and content of this developed form of baptismal ecclesiology and of the Baptismal Covenant, highlights their relevance for the ordination of women to the priesthood, and points to their significance for the moral and ecclesiological aspects of the current crisis in the Anglican Communion. Comparison is made with the ecclesiology of the Church of England, as expressed in its liturgy and in relevant reports.
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Fadeyev, Ivan. "Confessional (Self-)Identification of the Church of England and Calvinism." ISTORIYA 12, no. 12-2 (110) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840018211-1.
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The most difficult aspect of the problem of the Church of England’s identity is constituted by a lack of specific confessional orthodoxy in the reformed English Church forming the core of her identity. One of many reasons for it lies in the fact that there are no explicit doctrinal sources. The Church of England’s doctrine is dispersed over several documents, called “historical formularies”, that are either political, like the Thirty-Nine Articles of Religion, or liturgical, like the Book of Common Prayer and the Ordinal, in nature, but are neither discursive nor analytical in character. In this article, the author attempts to verify and falsify the validity of the claim that the Church of England’s hamartiology and soteriology are fundamentally Calvinistic. To achieve that goal, he turns to “Of the Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity” by Richard Hooker, a prominent 16th-century English theologian, who played a pivotal role as the primary apologist of the “Elizabethan settlement” and a “Founding Father” of the Church of England’s orthodoxy, in order to analyse his hamartiological and soteriological views. Taking into consideration Richard Hooker’s “place of honour” in the political and religious history of the reformed English Church, the author concludes that the doctrine of the Established Church in England used by the Crown as a litmus test of political loyalty, was not Calvinistic either in its form or content, but preserving continuity with the pre-Reformation Latin theology, on the one hand, and, in the spirit of Christian Humanism, receiving and adopting Eastern Christian theological thought, on the other, it, somewhat unsuccessfully, tended towards a via media between Roman Catholicism, Eastern Orthodox, and radical reformers, i.e. was used as a negative identification tool marking the Christians of England along the “us — them” line.
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JEFFERIES, HENRY A. "The Early Tudor Reformations in the Irish Pale." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 52, no. 1 (January 2001): 34–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900005911.
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This paper highlights striking commonalities between the pre-Reformation Church in England and that in the Pale around Dublin, and argues that the eventual failure of the Tudor reformations in the Pale was not inevitable. It shows that while the Henrician Reformation encountered very considerable opposition at first, the Pale's secular and ecclesiastical elites subsequently endorsed a moderated religious settlement wherein papal authority was abrogated. They acquiesced in the first Book of Common Prayer. However, the crown's deputies were loth to enforce religious change and Protestantism won very few adherents as late as 1553.
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Atkins, Gareth. "Truth at Stake? The Posthumous Reputation of Archbishop Cranmer." Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 90, no. 1 (March 2014): 257–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/bjrl.90.1.12.
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Ever since his violent death in 1556, Archbishop Thomas Cranmer had been used by rival groups to justify their views about the Church of England. Thanks chiefly to John Foxe his burning, in particular, became central to Protestant narratives. In the nineteenth century, however, confessional stories became hotly contested, and amid the ‘rage of history’ erstwhile heroes and martyrs were placed under intense scrutiny. This article uses Cranmers fluctuating reputation as a lens through which to explore changing understandings of the English past. As will become clear, uncertainties over how to place Cranmer bespoke a crisis of Anglican identity, one driven both by divisions within the Church of England and challenges to its political, cultural and intellectual authority from without. Despite and perhaps because of shifts in how he was seen, Cranmers liturgical writings - the Book of Common Prayer - came to be seen as his chief legacy.
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KITSON, P. M. "RELIGIOUS CHANGE AND THE TIMING OF BAPTISM IN ENGLAND, 1538–1750." Historical Journal 52, no. 2 (May 15, 2009): 269–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x09007456.
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ABSTRACTThe religious reforms of the sixteenth century exerted a profound impact upon the liturgy of baptism in England. While historians' attention has been drawn to the theological debates concerning the making of the sign of the cross, the new baptism liturgy contained within the Book of common prayer also placed an innovative importance on the public performance of the rite in the presence of the whole congregation on Sundays and other holy days. Both religious radicals and conservatives contested this stress on ceremony and publicity throughout the early modern period. Through the collection of large numbers of baptism dates from parish registers, it is possible to measure adherence to these new requirements across both space and time. Before the introduction of the first prayer book in 1549, there was considerable uniformity among communities in terms of the timing of baptism, and the observed patterns are suggestive of conformity to the requirements of the late medieval church. After the mid-sixteenth century, parishes exhibited a range of responses, ranging from enthusiastic adoption by many communities to complete disregard in religiously conservative parts of Lancashire and Cheshire. Additionally, the popularity of saints' festivals as popular days for baptism fell markedly after 1660, suggesting a decline in the observance of these feasts.
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Craven, Alex. "‘Contrarie to the Directorie’: Presbyterians and People in Lancashire, 1646–53." Studies in Church History 43 (2007): 331–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400003314.
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In 1645, Parliament swept away the Anglican liturgy of the Church of England, replacing the Book of Common Prayer with a new Presbyterian alternative, the Directory. The Episcopal hierarchy of the Church had already been demolished, and it was expected that the national Church would be reformed along puritan lines. The campaign to impose Presbyterian discipline in England, and the concomitant struggle for a reformation of manners, has received much attention from historians. There is little doubt that nationally these new measures failed, with John Morrill asserting that ‘these ordinances were not only largely ignored but actively resisted’. Presbyterian classes were successfully erected in a handful of places, however, including Lancashire. This should not surprise us, given the county’s long reputation for Puritanism. Nine classes were created at Manchester, Bury, Whalley, Warrington, Walton, Leyland, Preston, Lancaster and Ulverston, and a Provincial Assembly met at Preston. The full minutes of Manchester and Bury classes, and the several extant sets of churchwardens’ accounts, offer a fascinating insight into the workings of this new system. The popular reaction to the new order is also demonstrated; people who travelled to banned services demonstrated where they stood on the liturgical divide, as did those who presented offenders for punishment. This essay, therefore, seeks to evaluate the efforts to erect Presbyterianism within a county where we might reasonably expect it could succeed. The outcome of this struggle will tell us much about the chances of a national Presbyterian Church of England’s survival.
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Shamir, Avner. "Scripture and Power: Four Anecdotes from Early Seventeenth-Century England." Journal of the Bible and its Reception 5, no. 2 (October 25, 2018): 195–234. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbr-2018-0004.
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Abstract This article examines conceptions of the Bible in early seventeenth-century England by discussing four instances of antagonism toward the Bible. In 1601/2, a group of papists rent and scattered the Bible and the prayer book in their parish church. In 1602, Katherine Brettergh suffered from a crisis of faith, during which she repeatedly threw her Bible away. Also in 1602, the young boy Thomas Harrison, possessed by the devil, snatched books of the Bible from anyone around him and tore them apart. Around the same time, in Christopher Marlowe’s play about Faustus, Doctor Faustus vowed to burn Scripture. In all four cases, views and emotions regarding the Bible were expressed by violent gestures. What is common to these unrelated episodes is an assumption that the Bible was somehow powerful; that the Bible was not simply Holy Scripture but rather a forceful and efficacious book. In the article I analyse this sense of forcefulness in the Bible. Historians are now paying more attention to the Protestant material Bible and the ways the book was employed as quasi-magical object. The article extends this focus on Bible and power to new directions. I examine notions of power in the Bible, expressed by people on the religious margins – some Catholics, a few Godly, one sorcerer – and I examine the attribution of power to Scripture without clearly distinguishing between textual (referential) and material (magical) uses.
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BENNETT, BRUCE S. "Banister v. Thompson and Afterwards : The Church of England and the Deceased Wife's Sister's Marriage Act." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 49, no. 4 (October 1998): 668–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046997005629.
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The medieval canon law of affinity as an impediment to marriage combined a large range of prohibited degrees with a wide power of dispensation. After the Reformation, however, English law, in line with mainstream Protestant opinion, prohibited marriages within the degrees mentioned in Leviticus, with no provision for dispensation. The prohibited degrees were set out in ‘Archbishop Parker's Table’ in the Prayer Book, beginning with the memorable declaration that ‘A man may not marry his grandmother’. In the nineteenth century, however, some of these restrictions came to be challenged. The classic case was that of marriage with a deceased wife's sister, and it was under this title that successive bills were introduced to alter the law.Until 1857 the law of marriage was administered by the ecclesiastical courts, according to the canon law. However, the civil courts modified and controlled this canon law by means of the writ of prohibition: canon law was now subordinate to common law, and where the two conflicted the civil courts would over-rule the ecclesiastical courts. Marriage with a deceased wife's sister was illegal, and, as with other impediments to marriage, a case could be brought in the ecclesiastical courts to have such a marriage declared void. A case on these grounds could only be brought during the lifetime of both spouses. Nevertheless, the marriage had theoretically been void ab initio, and even after one spouse had died the survivor could still be proceeded against for incest.
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Hardman, Susan. "Puritan Asceticism and the Type of Sacrifice." Studies in Church History 22 (1985): 285–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400008019.
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The sacrificial rites of the Old Testament are ‘neither dark nor dumb, but mystical and significant, and fit to stir up the dull mind of man to the remembrance of his duty before God.’ So preached a nonconformist, Samuel Mather, in the 1660s, recalling with a deliberate or unconscious twist a phrase used in the Book of Common Prayer to defend contemporary rites of which he disapproved. The Reformation that set aside the ascetic ideal of monasticism also saw a revaluation of the place of sacrifice in the life of the Church. While its role in Protestant activity was diminished by the rejection of the Mass as a propitiatory act, teaching about the priesthood of all believers prepared for a new emphasis on the devotion and duty of Christians as ‘spiritual sacrifice’; an emphasis informed in puritanism by lessons from the types of the Old Testament. Much is known about puritan religious practice; and of puritan interest in typology, stimulated by Calvin’s conviction of the unity of the Old and New Testaments – the same covenant present in each, accommodated to the capacity of a ‘Church under age’ in Israel. But familiar themes combined can give fresh perspectives: here their combination illustrates one of the ways in which the ascetic ideal was being reformulated among protestants of the third and fourth generation in seventeenth-century England. Sacrifice was not often a dominant theme in their description of the Christian life, and yet, despite an untidiness of evidence, it is clear that certain allusions to Israelite sacrifice were conventional, part of a common rhetoric, a common and powerful imagery. Some representative examples of the conventions follow, organised around simple questions. What were ‘spiritual sacrifices’ and what practical exercises of devotion and discipline were associated with them? By what means and in what manner should they be offered?
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Dunstan, Alan. "Book Review: Model and Inspiration: The Prayer Book Tradition Today, ed. Michael Perham (SPCK 1993), 48 pp, £3.50 pbk; The Renewal of Common Prayer: Unity and Diversity in Church of England Worship, ed. Michael Perham (SPCK/Church House Publishing 1993), viii+ 133 pp, £7.99 pbk." Theology 97, no. 777 (May 1994): 224–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x9409700329.
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Bettley, James. "Some Architectural Aspects of the Role of Manuals in Changes to Anglican Liturgical Practice in the Nineteenth Century." Studies in Church History 38 (2004): 324–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400015904.
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The evangelical Francis Close, rector of Cheltenham and Dean of Carlisle, pithily observed in 1844 that ‘Romanism is taught Analytically at Oxford [and] Artistically at Cambridge … it is inculcated theoretically, in tracts, at one University, and it is sculptured, painted, and graven at the other’. The two forces to which he was referring – the Oxford Movement and the Cambridge Camden Society – emerged within a few years of each other, in 1833 and 1839 respectively. Although they were very different in the ways in which they achieved their ends, they were essentially products of the same Zeitgeist, and their influence combined to bring about radical changes to the conduct of church services and church affairs generally within the Church of England. The most significant and fundamental change was the reinstatement of the celebration of Holy Communion as the central act of Christian worship. Like the crucial doctrine of apostolic succession, which was the keystone of Tractarian philosophy, this sacrament provided a direct link with Christ, being a re-enactment of the ceremony which he instituted at the Last Supper. For the service was not simply, as it was for Protestants, a commemoration of that event; it was a renewal of Christ’s sacrifice and was accompanied by a belief in the Real Presence. This is reflected in the terminology used. The Book of Common Prayer calls the service ‘Holy Communion’, which emphasises that part of the service where the people take part and share ‘the Lord’s Supper’. High Churchmen invariably referred to ‘the Holy Eucharist’, ‘Eucharist’ meaning ‘thanksgiving’, thus stressing the sacrificial aspect of the service which might be, in the more advanced ritualist churches, celebrated without the active participation of the congregation, as it had been before the Reformation. Further evidence of this attitude is the use of the word ‘altar’, with its sacrificial overtones, rather than the more domestic ‘Lord’s table’.
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Spinks, Bryan. "Durham House and the Chapels Royal: their liturgical impact on the Church of Scotland." Scottish Journal of Theology 67, no. 4 (October 10, 2014): 379–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930614000179.
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AbstractEver since the laying of the foundation stone of the present Norman building, Durham Cathedral has had an ambiguous relationship with Scotland – some good (the huge contribution of Dean William Whittingham through liturgy, metrical psalms and the Geneva Bible) and some extremely negative (the cathedral served as the prison for the Scottish prisoners after the battle of Dunbar). Amongst the more negative are the liturgical ideals and practices of the Durham House group, more commonly though inaccurately known as ‘Laudians’. The members of the group, which did include William Laud, were the protégés of the bishop of Durham, Richard Neile, and they met in his house in London. He promoted many as prebendaries at Durham Cathedral, and there they developed their liturgical ideals and practices. These ideals were ones which Neile shared with his contemporaries and close friends, Bishops Lancelot Andrewes and John Buckeridge. This article argues that the origin and precedent for these practices were the Chapels Royal with which most of the ‘players’ had affiliation in some way or other. Elizabeth I insisted on liturgical ceremonial and furnishings that supported or matched the grandeur of court ceremonial. It was a style which she hoped would also be adopted in English cathedrals. It was a style of worship which also appealed to James VI and through the Chapels Royal in Scotland he attempted to introduce a similar liturgical style. He also sought to conform the Church of Scotland to the Church of England, both in polity and liturgical text. The policy was continued by Charles I, who attempted to extend it to the Scottish cathedrals. Opponents of this court liturgical style and ‘Englishing’ of the liturgy found it convenient to blame the bishops who were given the task of implementing the liturgical changes rather than attack the source, namely the monarchy. The ultimate outcome was that, rather than the Church of Scotland adopting the 1637 Book of Common Prayer and Durham House ceremonial, it eventually even lost the liturgy which Scottish tradition had ascribed to John Knox, but the lion's share of which was more probably the work of Dean William Whittingham. Instead the Church of Scotland accepted the Directory of Public Worship, itself mainly the work of English divines. It became one of the few Reformed churches that did not have a set form for its public worship.
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Bosak, Dominik. "Analiza Modlitwy Eucharystycznej G Kościoła Anglii." Warszawskie Studia Teologiczne 35, no. 2 (December 31, 2022): 6–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.30439/wst.2022.2.1.
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The article is dedicated to the analysis of one of the contemporary eucharistic prayers of the Church of England. The author analyzes Eucharistic Prayer G, which is one of the main eucharistic prayers in the Church of England. Prayer G is included in the main volume of the liturgical series of Common Worship in Order One, which means that the Prayer is intended for widespread use in the liturgy of the Church of England. Prayer G apart from standard parts of every anaphora, such as the introductory dialogue or the institution narrative, contains also its own characteristics in its content. In the course of the analysis, the author points out specific features of the Prayer, which indicate uniqueness of Prayer G among other eucharistic prayers of the Church of England.
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Schlesinger, Eugene R. "Baptismal and Missional Ecclesiology in the American Book of Common Prayer." Ecclesiology 11, no. 2 (May 28, 2015): 177–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455316-01102004.
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I argue that the ecclesiology expressed in the American 1979 Book of Common Prayer is, in addition to being a baptismal ecclesiology, also inherently missional. After briefly attending to debates about patterns of initiation, I turn my attention to the prayer book’s theology of ministry, wherein all ecclesial ministry is rooted in baptismal identity. I weigh the relative merits of considering the laity as an ‘order’ within the Church, and consider the diaconal nature of the Church and its mission. I finally pursue the connections between between a baptismal ecclesiology and Christian mission. This involves a consideration of the prayer book’s baptismal liturgy (with particular reference to the baptismal covenant), and of the fact that baptism implicates the Church in mission because it implicates Christians in the paschal mystery.
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Burns, Stephen, and Bryan Cones. "A Prayer Book for the Twenty-first Century?" Anglican Theological Review 96, no. 4 (September 2014): 639–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000332861409600402.
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In the more than thirty years that have passed since the authorization of the 1979 Book of Common Prayer, scholars and practitioners of its liturgical vision have mined the riches of its “baptismal ecclesiology,” its variety of texts, and its permissive rubrics; they have also raised new questions about its inconsistencies and shortcomings. Anglican and ecumenical partner churches have adapted and improved upon material found in the BCP in their own new liturgical resources, suggesting directions for further liturgical renewal, and the Episcopal Church itself has authorized supplemental texts in its Enriching Our Worship series, which began publication in 1998. Questions concerning expansive language, the relationship between baptismal ministry and its expression in holy orders, and the contextualization of liturgy in a multicultural church have come to the fore as primary concerns of the church in the twenty-first century, with important implications for the celebration of liturgy. The authors contend that attention to these questions, particularly regarding the language of prayer and the relationships among the ministers within the assembly, requires a more comprehensive discussion of liturgical renewal in the church, including the revision of the Book of Common Prayer itself. “… may be altered, abridged, enlarged, amended, or otherwise disposed of …”1
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MACHIN, G. I. T. "Parliament, the Church of England, and the Prayer Book Crisis, 1927-8." Parliamentary History 19, no. 1 (March 17, 2008): 131–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1750-0206.2000.tb00449.x.
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Coelho, Luiz. "IEAB’s 2015 Book of Common Prayer: The Latest Chapter in the Evolution of the Book of Common Prayer in Brazil." Studia Liturgica 49, no. 1 (March 2019): 26–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0039320718808700.
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This article provides a first look at the 2015 Book of Common Prayer produced by the Igreja Episcopal Anglicana do Brasil (in English, Episcopal Anglican Church of Brazil). This is the newest Book of Common Prayer published by an Anglican province, featuring some aspects that go beyond what has been done in terms of liturgical revision around the Anglican Communion, and suggesting some further steps that other provinces and churches might take, as they assimilate better the principles of the Liturgical Movement. It is a fully gender-neutral worship book, with expansive language to address the Divine, and a considerable amount of liturgies that deal with local customs. It also features prayers that address themes such as gender equality, environmental preservation and social justice for minorities.
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ap Siôn, Tania. "Creating a Place of Prayer for the ‘Other’: A Comparative Case Study in Wales Exploring the Effects of Re-shaping Congregational Space in an Anglican Cathedral." Journal of Empirical Theology 30, no. 2 (December 11, 2017): 218–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15709256-12341356.
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Abstract Provision of spaces for personal prayer and reflection has become a common phenomenon within historic churches and cathedrals in England and Wales, offering an example of devotional activity that operates largely outside that of traditional gathered congregations, but also in relationship with them. Over the past decade, the apSAFIP (the ap Siôn Analytic Framework for Intercessory Prayer) has been employed to examine the content of personal prayer requests left in various church-related locations, mapping similarities and differences in pray-ers’ concerns. Building on this research tradition, the present study examines whether changes to physical environment in an Anglican cathedral in Wales has an effect on the personal prayer activity occurring within it, with a particular focus on intercessory prayer requests.
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Cones, Bryan. "The 78th General Convention of the Episcopal Church and the Liturgy: New Wine in Old Wineskins?" Anglican Theological Review 98, no. 4 (September 2016): 681–701. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000332861609800405.
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The 78th General Convention of the Episcopal Church generated a significant number of resolutions related to the church's liturgy, most of which passed both Houses, including resolutions authorizing preparation of the revision of the 1979 Book of Common Prayer and The Hymnal 1982. A review of the resolutions related to liturgy and music, however, raises fundamental questions about the kind of liturgical reform the church may undertake and how it may integrate growing appreciation for linguistic and cultural diversity in the church, including the insights of feminist, postcolonial, and LGBTQ theological reflection and those produced by theologians of color. This essay argues that serious engagement with these questions suggests a completely reimagined liturgical “center of gravity” that integrates the insights of liturgical scholarship and practice since the authorization of the 1979 Book of Common Prayer and The Hymnal 1982, while providing the flexibility to respond to the church's current diverse contexts.
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Wrigley-Carr, Robyn. "“Essentials” for Worship: Evelyn Underhill’s Prayer Book." Studia Liturgica 51, no. 2 (September 2021): 187–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0039320720981598.
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This article explores some of the theological principles required for effective church worship. In 1927, Evelyn Underhill (1875–1941) outlined four “Essentials” or principles for effective liturgy, identified in the context of revisions to the Anglican Book of Common Prayer: adoration, the historic, the Eternal, and the interplay between spirit and sense. This article explores the extent to which these four theological principles are actually embodied in prayers that Underhill selected and wrote for retreat leading at The House of Retreat, Pleshey (north London, UK), recently published as Evelyn Underhill’s Prayer Book. Additional theological principles, not mentioned in Underhill’s “Essentials” essay but evident in her book of prayers, are also evaluated and exemplified. Underhill’s guidance to her spiritual directees about the value of liturgy in their spiritual lives is also briefly touched upon.
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Daykin, T. E. "Reservation of the Sacrament at Winchester Cathedral, 1931–1935." Studies in Church History 35 (1999): 464–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400014212.
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The Revised Prayer Book, though twice rejected by Parliament, was published in 1928 with the notice: ‘The publication of this Book does not directly or indirectly imply that it can be regarded as authorized for use in the churches.’ The bishops set out in July 1929 three principles by which they would guide parishes wishing to use the 1928 Book: 1. They would not regard as inconsistent with loyalty to the Church of England the use of the additions to or deviations from the 1662 Book contained in the 1928 Book. They would regard ‘any other deviations as inconsistent with Church Order’.2. They would ‘endeavour to secure that the practices which are consistent neither with the Book of 1662 nor with the Book of 1928 shall cease’.3. They would only permit 1928 usage if agreed to by the Parochial Church Councils and by the parties concerned at occasional offices.
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Bethke, Andrew-John. "Tracing the Theological Development of the South African Baptismal Rites: The Journey to An Anglican Prayer Book 1989 and Beyond." Anglican Theological Review 99, no. 1 (December 2017): 45–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000332861709900105.
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This essay analyzes the theological changes which are reflected in successive revisions of Southern Africa's Anglican liturgy from 1900 to 1989. The following liturgies are examined: A Book of Common Prayer—South Africa (1954); Proposals for the Revision of the Rites of Baptism and Confirmation (1967); the Church Unity Commission's ecumenical liturgies in the 1970s; Birth and Growth in Christ (1984); and An Anglican Prayer Book 1989. The article also includes valuable source material which influenced the revised liturgies, including two official reports on the theology of baptism and confirmation. The author finds that theological uncertainty surrounding the underpinning of current rites brings into question whether full church membership is actually granted during baptism.
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Dalwood, Charlotte. "A Body That Matters: Liturgy, Mediation, Performativity." Studia Liturgica 51, no. 1 (March 2021): 73–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0039320720978925.
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Taking the liturgy of The Episcopal Church as an extended case study, this article develops a poststructuralist eucharistic theology that bears upon the theorization of religious identity, Christian liturgy, and material religion. My point of departure is the question of whether a dinner-church Communion—that is, one in which an Episcopal priest consecrates items other than bread and wine—would qualify as an Anglican eucharistic celebration if that service was conducted using the 1979 Episcopal Book of Common Prayer. To this query I respond in the affirmative. In conversation with Birgit Meyer on religious media and Judith Butler on language and matter, I argue that it is in being interpreted as the body and blood of Christ that the eucharistic elements come to be materialized as such, with the Book of Common Prayer governing that interpretation for Anglicans and giving it force.
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Turner, Kate. "General Synod of the Church of Ireland." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 21, no. 1 (January 2019): 85–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x18001011.
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This year's General Synod, the first meeting of the triennium, was held in the now familiar venue of a hotel in Armagh City. The Synod considered Bills relating to the Book of Common Prayer, safeguarding trust issues, the governance of St Fin Barre's Cathedral, temporary suspension of episcopal electoral colleges and General Synod membership. During the meeting of Synod a commentary on the Constitution of the Church of Ireland was launched.
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Coster, William. "‘From Fire and Water’: the Responsibilities of Godparents in Early Modern England." Studies in Church History 31 (1994): 301–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400012948.
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Richard Hooker, in justifying the formula of the baptismal rite of the Elizabethan Prayer Book, objected to the Puritan preference for referring to godparents as witnesses ‘… as if they came but to see and to testify what is done’, adding, It savoureth more of piety to give them their old accustomed name of Fathers and Mothers in God, whereby they are well put in mind what affection they ought to bear towards those innocents, for whose religious education the Church accepteth them as pledges.
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Duffy, Eamon. "The Shock of Change: Continuity and Discontinuity in the Elizabethan Church Of England." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 7, no. 35 (July 2004): 429–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00005615.
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This paper questions accounts of the English Reformation which, in line with sometimes unacknowledged Anglo-Catholic assumptions, present it as a mere clean-up operation, the creation of a reformed Catholicism which removed medieval excesses but left an essentially Catholic Church of England intact. It argues instead that the Elizabethan reformers intended to establish a Reformed Church which would be part of a Protestant international Church, emphatic in disowning its medieval inheritance and rejecting the religion of Catholic Europe, with formularies, preaching and styles of worship designed to signal and embody that rejection. But Anglican self-identity was never simply or unequivocally Protestant. Lay and clerical conservatives resisted the removal of the remains of the old religion, and vestiges of the Catholic past were embedded like flies in amber in the Prayer Book liturgy, in church buildings, and in the attitudes and memories of many of its Elizabethan personnel. By the early seventeenth century influential figures in the Church of England were seeking to distance themselves from European Protestantism, and instead to portray the Church of England as a conscious via media between Rome and Geneva. In the hands of the Laudians and their followers, this newer interpretation of the Reformation was to prove potent in reshaping the Church of England's self-understanding.
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Lloyd, Trevor. "Laissez-Faire Liturgy?" Ecclesiastical Law Journal 4, no. 21 (July 1997): 720–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00003008.
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‘Where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty.’‘The rigidity imposed on the BCP through being enforced by Act of Parliament is against the nature of worship and the practice of Church law. This rigidity contributed a good deal to the separation of Independents from the Church of England in the seventeenth century and of the Methodists in the eighteenth. Again, towards the end of the nineteenth century, when enforcement to a great extent broke down, a situation arose in which many of the directions of the Prayer Book were disregarded without permission or protest from authority.”
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Wall, John N. "Book Review: Common Prayer: The Language of Public Devotion in Early Modern England." Christianity & Literature 53, no. 3 (June 2004): 401–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/014833310405300311.
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Smith, Michael G. "An Interpretation of Argar v Holdsworth." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 5, no. 22 (January 1998): 34–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00003227.
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For many years it has been assumed that all parishioners legally qualified to intermarry have a legal right to be married in their parish church. In Blunt's The Book of Church Law it is expressed thus:‘Every person within the parish in which a church is situate has a common-law right to the use of it in time of Divine Service. … Much more have they a right to the use of the church whenever they are to be present for the performance of any offices as regards themselves. Hence the incumbent's control over all access to the church is limited by the rights of the parishioners to its use at such times as he may appoint to the celebration of any of the offices contained in the Book of Common Prayer: whether those of public worship…; or whether those of a personal kind,… such as marriage.’
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Tong, Stephen. "An English Bishop Afloat in an Irish See: John Bale, Bishop of Ossory, 1552–3." Studies in Church History 54 (May 14, 2018): 144–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2017.9.
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The Reformation in Ireland has traditionally been seen as an unmitigated failure. This article contributes to current scholarship that is challenging this perception by conceiving the sixteenth-century Irish Church as part of the English Church. It does so by examining the episcopal career of John Bale, bishop of Ossory, County Kilkenny, 1552–3. Bale wrote an account of his Irish experience, known as theVocacyon, soon after fleeing his diocese upon the accession of Queen Mary to the English throne and the subsequent restoration of Roman Catholicism. The article considers Bale's episcopal career as an expression of the relationship between Church and state in mid-Tudor England and Ireland. It will be shown that ecclesiastical reform in Ireland was complemented by political subjugation, and vice versa. Having been appointed by Edward VI, Bale upheld the royal supremacy as justification for implementing ecclesiastical reform. The combination of preaching the gospel and enforcing the 1552 Prayer Book was, for Bale, the best method of evangelism. The double effect was to win converts and align the Irish Church with the English form of worship. Hence English reformers exploited the political dominance of England to export their evangelical faith into Ireland.
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Turner, Kate. "General Synod of the Church of Ireland." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 20, no. 1 (January 2018): 74–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x1700093x.
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This year's General Synod, the third meeting of the triennium, was held in Limerick City in a hotel with conference facilities. It was the first time that the General Synod had met in the Diocese of Limerick and Killaloe. The Synod passed Bills relating to ecumenical canons, General Synod membership and confirmation registers, as well as the ongoing area of pensions. There was also a Bill fixing anomalies relating to cross-references in the Constitution following the consolidation of part of the Constitution at last year's General Synod. Bills relating to the table of contents of the Book of Common Prayer were also passed.