Academic literature on the topic 'Border unrest'

Stress is a significant health problem among nurses working in areas of political unrest and war. It can pose a negative impact on local health systems. This study aimed to explore the relationship of factors and their ability to predict stress. Factors included the severity of the situation of unrest, sense of coherence, commitment, self-efficacy, and social support that exists among nurses in these situations. The subjects were 300 nurses selected by multi-stage random sampling. Data were analyzed using Pearson’s product-moment correlation, and stepwise multiple regression. The results indicated that the severity of the situation of unrest was positively significantly associated with stress among nurses at a high level (r = .527, p < .01) and sense of coherence (r = - .272, p < .01) was negatively significantly associated with stress among nurses at a low level.The severity of the situation of unrest, sense of coherence, and social support together predicted 32.2 % of the variance in stress among nurses. The severity of the situation of unrest was the most significant predictor of stress (27.7 %), followed by sense of coherence (3.4 %) and social support (2.1 %). Two factors associated with stress were the severity of the situation of unrest and sense of coherence, and three factors that predicted stress among nurses were the severity of the situation of unrest, sense of coherence, and social support. The findings can be used as basic data for nursing administrators to plan actions to prevent and deal with stress among nurses in situations of unrest by focusing on such predicting factors.

The history of Pak-India relations has presented sound evidences that both states harvested distrust and uncertain conditions with each other after the end of British colonial rule in the sub-continent. Since the partition, both states have contentious issues which added more fuel to both sides' relations. Kashmir issue is a dominant factor that has created more unrest as both states strained into three full-scale wars in this connection. Mutual disputes have also created issues of security and cross-border terrorism which put obstacles during the peace process between India and Pakistan. Concerns about security and cross-border terrorism are counted as a serious constant threat to peace in the South Asian region as both countries have the capability of nuclear war. Pakistan is blamed for Cross border terrorism which is a big matter of concern by the Indian side. India claimed that through cross-border terrorism, Kashmir and the Indian Parliament were attacked with the backing of Pakistan. Mumbai attacks were also engineered in the same pattern to create unrest and security issues in India. On the other hand, Pakistan denied Indian allegations and has bourse concerns about India's involvement in Baluchistan and different suicide attacks in Pakistan. The study tries to explore the involvement of non-state actors in cross-border terrorism and its aftershock in both sides' relations. The study also explores the impacts of cross-border activities and the peace process between Pakistan and India. It examines the different measures taken by Pakistan to stop terrorism in the region for developing sustainable ties with India.

Purpose Border environments differ as foci for conflict discourse. While classic realist theories are used to account for mechanisms of securitized borders, socially oriented theories are often invoked to characterize relaxed borders. This distinguishing pattern regarding securitization reflects a deeply rooted focus on idealized borders, based on implicit expectations that relaxed borders are a viable option and goal for all. This orientation is prone to mistaken assumptions regarding local, national and regional interests and ultimately threatens delicately balanced states of stability. This paper aims to question this somewhat simplified categorization and posit that securitized borders are longstanding realities which warrant more complex theoretical conceptualization. Design/methodology/approach The analysis is based on documentary study and qualitative field research, mapping and evaluating Israel–Jordan cross-border interactions conducted during 2006-2014. Local civilian interactions were studied using three tools: interviews, non-participant observations and a sector-based analysis of original and secondary sources. In the course of research, many tours and observations of the border region were conducted, and key actors in Israel and Jordan were interviewed: entrepreneurs, local residents, local and national government officials, security personnel and representatives of non-governmental organizations involved in the administration and funding of normalization-promoting initiatives. Findings In light of internal and external security threats which challenge states and border regions in conflict environments and in normalized settings, there is increasing value in recognizing multi-level power relations (“bringing the state back in”) that design, inhibit and ultimately control the inevitability, circumstance and social–political effectivity of any cross-border interaction. Cross-border cooperation (CBC), which evolves gradually, monitored by the border regime and reflecting actual levels of inter-state political dialogue, is a slower yet safer option and a more realistic expectation for CBC, especially in regions of minimal communication between cross-border neighbors. In the backdrop of the Middle East turmoil, Israel and Jordan mark 20 years of peaceful relations, enjoying stability based on shared political and security interests, yet displaying no apparent tendency toward increased cross-border interaction. Given the stark differences in regimes and ongoing regional unrest, this securitized border fulfills local and regional needs and is far from a temporary “second-best” reality. Originality/value The analysis is based on original fieldwork and documentary study, mapping and evaluating Israel–Jordan cross-border interactions conducted during 2006-2014.

In the literature on governmentality, rights have been posited as technologies of rule, encouraging individual self-government, as well as active participation in the institutions of the liberal state. In the context of globalised industrial production, however, a realisation of justiciable rights may, by raising wages and other labour costs, challenge the ability of states to attract capital investment. In the present article, I take as a point of departure this apparent contradiction – between the liberal promise of rights through governmental incorporation and the reality that a realisation of such rights threatens profitability, and potentially viability, in domestic capitalist production. Empirically, my research is grounded in an ethnographic study of the garment sector at the Mae Sot industrial zone in north-west Thailand. Over the past decade-plus this site has seen an expansion of governmental interventions targeting the local Myanmar migrant population. Yet the vast majority of these migrants continue to earn wages far below the legal minimum, and face other egregious violations of labour rights. This gap, between the promise and the realisation of rights, leads to the state's illegibility. This illegibility is, I argue, of significance for theorising state regulatory regimes and the containment of labour unrest at sites of low-waged industrial production embedded in contemporary global supply chains.

This paper is an attempt to study the inter-state border disputes in north-east India with special reference to Assam-Nagaland border conflict in the border areas of Golaghat district. The north-east region of India comprising of eight states has been gradually transforming into a conflicting area that breaks the harmony between the states and also undermines the concept of north-east India as a prosperous and culturally rich region of India. Due to some social, political and economic issues, this north east India divided into various states which were under the same umbrella at a time. Several inter-state disputes take place in this region with the upcoming of political and social unrest. The Naga insurgency that started in the late 1950’s is known as one of the unresolved armed conflicts in India. So, through this paper the researcher makes an attempt to study how the recent Naga-Assamese clash happened in the border areas of Golaghat district is responsible for breaking down of communal harmony, humanity, and inter-state peace process. As the dispute between Assam and Nagaland is currently the most prominent with a history of violent clashes between border areas, this paper aims to concentrate mainly on this issue. Moreover this paper will try to examine the role of the government regarding the above issue. Thus the above issues will be highlighted in the paper.

This article explores the value of a specific model of norm replacement in accounting for the circumstances leading to Ireland’s Good Friday agreement (1998), which formally and finally settled the long-running territorial dispute between Ireland and the United Kingdom (UK). Drawing on the theoretical literature, it identifies three phases in this process. First, from the creation of the Irish Free State in 1922 until the civil unrest in Northern Ireland peaked in 1972 the irredentist norm was substantially unchallenged. It was embedded in the 1937 constitution, which defined the national territory as extending over the whole island of Ireland – including Northern Ireland, a part of the UK. The second phase, from about 1972 to 1998, was one of norm competition. The irredentist norm was severely challenged by new political realities in Northern Ireland, and was potentially destabilising for the state itself. It was increasingly challenged by an alternative ‘consent’ norm, one embracing in effect the geopolitical status quo. The third phase, from 1998 onwards, was one of consolidation of the new norm, now written into the Irish constitution to replace the wording of 1937. The article suggests that this model plays a valuable role in accounting for the changing status of the Irish border, but also that the Irish experience has implications for the broad shape of the model.

During the years 1765–1767, there was serious peasant unrest in Transdanubian Hungary, a region where large estates owned by a few prominent families such as the Esterházy, Batthány, and Festetics were prevalent. Especially in Vas, Zala, and Somogy counties, located in western Hungary across the border from Styria, peasant inhabitants protested the growing demands for services and other payments placed upon them by landlords eager to increase the income produced by their lands. No uniform standards existed; both the size of peasant land holdings and the obligations attached to these holdings varied markedly, determined by various contracts or, more often, by custom.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2007.<br>The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on February 29, 2008) Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

碩士<br>國立清華大學<br>人類學研究所<br>94<br>This thesis focus on the social relationship between consuming and using luxury brands and counterfeits, and the ambiguity between these two things. The consumption of luxury brands is gradually from luxuries to daily life consumption, and the consumption of counterfeits is a specific phenomenon in local Taiwan. This thesis found that both two things produce social relationship through different consuming and using. The special of the counterfeits is that counterfeits can pretend to have the luxury brand value if they are not found to be fake, but they do not have the real luxury brand value actually. At the same time, through the hybrid nature of use contexts, the luxury brands and the counterfeits produce the ambiguity of authenticity. In the consumption market in Taiwan, the consumption of luxury brands is gradually from luxuries to daily life consumption, and the consumption of counterfeits is a specific phenomenon in local Taiwan. From my trip to mainland China in 2004, I found that consuming luxury brand counterfeits is an important consumer behavior both in China and Taiwan. Therefore, according to these discoveries, I discuss how these two things produce social meanings after the consumers use them. As for the research methods, I utilize the methods of deep interview and deep observation. I interview the consumers who use luxury brands and counterfeits and counterfeit sellers, and I find different vending places lead to the ambiguity between luxury brands and counterfeits. In this thesis, I make use of anthropological theories of consumption, which emphasize the relationship between people and things, as well as the social meanings influenced by the agency that people express when using things. Through the discussion of “luxury brand value”, I discover that the practice of consumption produces the social value and its meaning. From my own experiences of consumption, I discover that the counterfeits which imitate real luxury brands really can only “pretend” to have the luxury brand value. Whether the counterfeits can reserve the luxury brand value, as well as how the social value produced appear to us, are embodied in the use of luxury brands and counterfeits. No matter what is used—luxury brands or counterfeits—both will produce the ambiguity of authenticity as a result of the hybrid nature of use contexts. By the way, I argue that the understanding and discovery of luxury brand knowledge will influence the use itself. The users, using luxury brands or counterfeits, can acquire the luxury brand value and social value embodied in buying and using as long as they know how to consume the commodities suitably. At the same time, through my investigation of the competition between cultural capital and economic capital, I found that as regards cultural capital, both kinds of users acquire luxury brand knowledge, but they make different choices because of their differences in economic capital. In the last part of this thesis, I contend that global luxury brands are not the opposite to local counterfeits. Instead, what’s involved is a hybrid process. What we experience, from hybrid consuming places to almost real counterfeits, bear witness to the fact that although luxury brands are distant from counterfeits geographically, the latter is trying to shortening this distance by getting more “real.” When it comes to the authenticity of counterfeits, however, they always remain unreal without having the originality and aura of real ones.

Screens are ubiquitous today. They display information; present image worlds; are portable; connect to mobile networks; mesmerize. However, contemporary screen media also seek to eliminate the presence of the screen and the visibilities of its boundaries. As what is image becomes increasingly indistinguishable against the viewer’s actual surroundings, this unsettling prompts re-examination about not only what is the screen, but also how the screen demarcates and what it stands for in relation to our understanding of our realities in, outside and against images. Through case studies drawn from three media technologies – Virtual Reality; holograms; and light projections – this book develops new theories of the surfaces on and spaces in which images are displayed today, interrogating critical lines between art and life; virtuality and actuality; truth and lies. What we have today is not just the contestation of the real against illusion or the unreal, but the disappearance itself of difference and a gluttony of the unreal which both connect up to current politics of distorted truth values and corrupted terms of information. The Post-Screen Through Virtual Reality, Holograms and Light Projections: Where Screen Boundaries Lie is thus about not only where the image’s borders and demarcations are established, but also the screen boundary as the instrumentation of today’s intense virtualizations that do not tell the truth. In all this, a new imagination for images emerges, with a new space for cultures of presence and absence, definitions of object and representation, and understandings of dis- and re-placement – the post-screen.

The effects of climate change on human health are unequivocal and can already be perceived worldwide. Phenomena such as heat waves, cold waves, floods, droughts, hurricanes, storms, and other extreme weather events can impact health both directly and indirectly, as well as trigger or exacerbate certain conditions and, consequently, put pressure on health services and their infrastructure. These include vector-borne, waterborne, and foodborne diseases—due to changes in the behavior and distribution of vectors and pathogens—and mental health disorders induced by mounting social unrest and forced displacement. Climate change for health professionals is a pocket book based on empirical data that offers essential information for medical personnel and other health professionals to realize the impacts of climate change on their daily practice. With this quick reference guide, providers can easily recognize diseases and side effects related to climate change, implement appropriate management and provide guidance to exposed populations, provide up-to-date information on the relationship between the adverse effects of certain drugs and the worsening of climate-sensitive health conditions, and determine the possible consequences of climate change for health services. This book addresses key meteorological risks, as well as the health conditions which they may influence, grouped by specific clinical areas. With this publication, the Pan American Health Organization aims to help build knowledge on the subject and strengthen the capacity of health systems to predict, prevent, and prepare, with a view to offering continuous high-quality health services in a world where climate is changing rapidly.

One Evening in May 1967, in the parched border city of Mission, Texas, Ed Krueger had worked into the early evening on a painting and was late to the demonstration at the railroad crossing. He arrived there at 8:45 p.m. with his wife, Tina; his 18-year-old son, David; and Doug Adair, a young journalist writing for the magazine El Malcriado: The Voice of the Farm Worker. Just a few union members and bystanders were at the crossing when they arrived. Krueger, 36, a lanky and clean-cut minister, had been working with Local 2 of the United Farm Workers Organizing Committee (UFW) and had expected to see thirty or forty striking farmworkers and activists protesting the “scab melons” passing by on the next train. But they weren’t there, and Krueger was worried. They parked 75 feet south of the railroad crossing, on the west side of Conway Street. Krueger and his wife grabbed some hamburgers and sodas and leaned on their bumper to eat with their son. Adair went to talk to a reporter on the north side of the crossing. Joining Krueger was Magdaleno Dimas, an itinerant 29-year-old farmworker. A Mexico-born U.S. citizen, Dimas had a dragon tattoo on his right arm, a rose on his left, and an edgy zeal for the strike. They were waiting for a freight train carrying tens of thousands of recently harvested cantaloupes and honeydews loaded into thirty or so refrigerated cars. The melons had just been cut at La Casita ranch in Rio Grande City, thirty miles west of Mission. After a switch down-valley in Harlingen, the ranch’s melons would head north to San Antonio. La Casita, owned by a California company, operated nearly year round and employed 300 to 500 laborers on 2,700 acres of melons, peppers, carrots, cabbage, celery, and lettuce. The southern boundary of its well-ordered fruit and vegetable fields was the snaking Rio Grande River. All that separated La Casita from Mexico was a short swim across the slow-moving, greenish river that irrigated its fields.

This chapter documents the emergence of a bona fide “border crisis” in the Eastern Sahara in the decade prior to the Italian occupation of Ottoman Libya. Through a nuanced investigation of a range of primary sources, the chapter illustrates the interactive and multilayered process through which a sharper sense of borderland territorialization—a sense of there being distinctive Libyan and Ottoman territorial spheres—emerged in these pivotal years. Bedouin spatial practices were again central, drawing the Ottoman and Egyptian states deeper into political-diplomatic rivalry, while the Italian state seized upon the instability caused by the bedouin unrest to stake its own territorial claims. In this decade of heated inter-imperial rivalry and contestation, Egyptian sovereign capabilities emerged as ascendant in the region, to the deep chagrin of local Ottoman officials.

Common explanations of why the Arab region erupted in 2011 are only partly accurate and have glaring omissions. The youth bulge is real butsuch bulges do not automatically lead to upheavals.Socio-economic conditions in Egypt or Yemen were dismal, but no more so in 2011 than in the previous decades. Tunisia, where the uprisings started, is a middle-income country, and Gulf monarchies are incredibly rich but still fearful of unrest. Artificial borders explain even less about countries’ stability. Syria and Iraq have borders drawn on maps by colonial powers after World War I, but Egypt’s date back millennia.A crucial factor in causing the disaffection of Arab citizens toward their government is the absence of “state projects,” a vision of what the country could and should be, and of inspiring leaders to embody that vision. Egypt had a project and a leader that inspired the entire Arab world in the days of Gamal Abdel Nasser, but that is no longer the case.

Located in West Africa, Ivory Coast covers an area of 322,462 square kilometres (km) and has a population of about 23 million. It borders Burkina Faso, Ghana, Guinea, Liberia, and Mali. Its capital city is Yamoussoukro, but the economic capital and largest city is the port city of Abidjan. As a former French colony, its official language is French. Its currency is the CFA franc (CFA). Following a decade of political turmoil and incidents of civil unrest and violent conflict, business has been booming in this West African country in recent years. Ivory Coast is the largest economy in the West African Economic and Monetary Union (WEAMU). It is the world’s top exporter of cocoa and raw cashew nuts, an offshore oil producer, and has a significant manufacturing sector. Its GDP in 2016 amounted to US$36.37 billion, making it the fourteenth largest economy in Africa. The three main imports are crude petroleum, rice, and refined petroleum. Goods imported outside of the Economic Community of West African States cannot be imported by land and can only go through Customs at Abidjan or San-Pédro after being brought in either by air or by sea. Abidjan, the economic capital, hosts the autonomous port

This chapter evaluates how the fundamental question of whether business interests bore responsibility for attracting pernicious foreigners dominated the 1890s. Personal connections, such as the one between Andrew Carnegie and his steel empire, characterized the decade's labor disputes. Commercial growth and the trend toward consolidation had created large conglomerates, which seemed to signify the nation's coming of age. Even so, recurring class violence affected some of the nation's largest and most prominent businesses and cast a pall upon this glittery milieu. Here was the essence of the Gilded Age, incredible opulence coupled with unsightly social unrest. Against this backdrop, Americans of the 1890s struggled to understand why such incidents seemed to occur with increasing frequency. In the minds of angry workers, fault lay with the economic barons, but those barons and their supporters saw things differently, placing responsibility on the very immigrant employees upon whom their companies relied to meet their labor needs. Employers' only transgression seemed to be their unfortunate hiring of alien subversives.

Infectious diseases are transmitted either directly from person to person via direct contact or droplet exposure, or indirectly through a vector organism (mosquito or tick) or a non-biological physical vehicle (soil or water). Vector-borne infectious diseases are highly influenced by climate factors such as temperature, precipitation, altitude, sunshine duration, and wind. Therefore, climate change is a major threat for the emergence and re-emergence of infectious diseases, e.g. re-emergence of dengue fever in some parts of southern Europe. The natural reservoirs of infectious diseases are either humans (anthroponoses) or animals (zoonoses). Population movement due to travel or civil unrest risks introducing non-immune populations to regions that are endemic for certain infectious diseases. By contrast, global trade contributes to the movement of animals or arthropods across the world and this poses a major risk for introducing infectious diseases to previously non-endemic settings, e.g. rats on board commercial ships and the global spread of hantaviruses; international trade in used car tyres and the risk of introducing flavivirus-infected mosquitoes into non-endemic settings; and the contribution of migratory birds to the introduction and the spread of West Nile virus in the United States. The unprecedented growth of international travel facilitates the swift movement of pathogens by travellers from one region to another. The main determinants of travel-related infections are destination country, activities undertaken during travel, and pre-existing morbidities. Therefore, the pre-travel consultation aims to assess potential health hazards associated with the trip, give advice on appropriate preventative measures, and educate the traveller about their own health. Attitudes towards seeking pre-travel health advice vary by the type of traveller. For example, those visiting friends and relatives (VFRs) in their country of origin are less likely to seek pre-travel health advice compared to tourists and therefore stand a higher chance of presenting with preventable infections such as malaria. The key aspects of a pre-travel consultation include: ● comprehensive risk assessment based on the demographic and clinical background of the traveller as well as the region of travel and itinerary.

Aim/Purpose: This paper provides the results of the preliminary analysis of the findings of an ongoing study that seeks to examine the social media use, cultural and political awareness, civic engagement, issue prioritization, and social activism of Gen Z students enrolled at four different institutional types located in the Mid-Atlantic region of the United States. The aim of this study is to look at the group as a whole as well as compare findings across populations. The institutional types under consideration include a mid-sized majority serving or otherwise referred to as a traditionally white institution (TWI) located in a small coastal city on the Atlantic Ocean, a small Historically Black University (HBCU) located in a rural area, a large community college located in a county that is a mixture of rural and suburban and which sits on the border of Maryland and Pennsylvania, and graduating high school students enrolled in career and technical education (CTE) programs in a large urban area. This exploration is purposed to examine the behaviors and expectations of Gen Z students within a representative American region during a time of tremendous turmoil and civil unrest in the United States. Background: Over 74 million strong, Gen Z makes up almost one-quarter of the U.S. population. They already outnumber any current living generation and are the first true digital natives. Born after 1996 and through 2012, they are known for their short attention spans and heightened ability to multi-task. Raised in the age of the smart phone, they have been tethered to digital devices from a young age with most having the preponderance of their childhood milestones commemorated online. Often called Zoomers, they are more racially and ethnically diverse than any previous generation and are on track to be the most well-educated generation in history. Gen Zers in the United States have been found in the research to be progressive and pro-government and viewing increasing racial and ethnic diversity as positive change. Finally, they are less likely to hold xenophobic beliefs such as the notion of American exceptionalism and superiority that have been popular with by prior generations. The United States has been in a period of social and civil unrest in recent years with concerns over systematic racism, rampant inequalities, political polarization, xenophobia, police violence, sexual assault and harassment, and the growing epidemic of gun violence. Anxieties stirred by the COVID-19 pandemic further compounded these issues resulting in a powder keg explosion occurring throughout the summer of 2020 and leading well into 2021. As a result, the United States has deteriorated significantly in the Civil Unrest Index falling from 91st to 34th. The vitriol, polarization, protests, murders, and shootings have all occurred during Gen Z’s formative years, and the limited research available indicates that it has shaped their values and political views. Methodology: The Mid-Atlantic region is a portion of the United States that exists as the overlap between the northeastern and southeastern portions of the country. It includes the nation’s capital, as well as large urban centers, small cities, suburbs, and rural enclaves. It is one of the most socially, economically, racially, and culturally diverse parts of the United States and is often referred to as the “typically American region.” An electronic survey was administered to students from 2019 through 2021 attending a high school dual enrollment program, a minority serving institution, a majority serving institution, and a community college all located within the larger mid-Atlantic region. The survey included a combination of multiple response, Likert scaled, dichotomous, open ended, and ordinal questions. It was developed in the Survey Monkey system and reviewed by several content and methodological experts in order to examine bias, vagueness, or potential semantic problems. Finally, the survey was pilot tested prior to implementation in order to explore the efficacy of the research methodology. It was then modified accordingly prior to widespread distribution to potential participants. The surveys were administered to students enrolled in classes taught by the authors all of whom are educators. Participation was voluntary, optional, and anonymous. Over 800 individuals completed the survey with just over 700 usable results, after partial completes and the responses of individuals outside of the 18-24 age range were removed. Findings: Participants in this study overwhelmingly were users of social media. In descending order, YouTube, Instagram, Snapchat, Twitter, Facebook, Pinterest, WhatsApp, LinkedIn and Tik Tok were the most popular social media services reported as being used. When volume of use was considered, Instagram, Snapchat, YouTube and Twitter were the most cited with most participants reporting using Instagram and Snapchat multiple times a day. When asked to select which social media service they would use if forced to choose just one, the number one choice was YouTube followed by Instagram and Snapchat. Additionally, more than half of participants responded that they have uploaded a video to a video sharing site such as YouTube or Tik Tok. When asked about their familiarity with different technologies, participants overwhelmingly responded that they are “very familiar” with smart phones, searching the Web, social media, and email. About half the respondents said that they were “very familiar” with common computer applications such as the Microsoft Office Suite or Google Suite with another third saying that they were “somewhat familiar.” When asked about Learning Management Systems (LMS) like Blackboard, Course Compass, Canvas, Edmodo, Moodle, Course Sites, Google Classroom, Mindtap, Schoology, Absorb, D2L, itslearning, Otus, PowerSchool, or WizIQ, only 43% said they were “very familiar” with 31% responding that they were “somewhat familiar.” Finally, about half the students were either “very” or “somewhat” familiar with operating systems such as Windows. A few preferences with respect to technology in the teaching and learning process were explored in the survey. Most students (85%) responded that they want course announcements and reminders sent to their phones, 76% expect their courses to incorporate the use of technology, 71% want their courses to have course websites, and 71% said that they would rather watch a video than read a book chapter. When asked to consider the future, over 81% or respondents reported that technology will play a major role in their future career. Most participants considered themselves “informed” or “well informed” about current events although few considered themselves “very informed” or “well informed” about politics. When asked how they get their news, the most common forum reported for getting news and information about current events and politics was social media with 81% of respondents reporting. Gen Z is known to be an engaged generation and the participants in this study were not an exception. As such, it came as no surprise to discover that, in the past year more than 78% of respondents had educated friends or family about an important social or political issue, about half (48%) had donated to a cause of importance to them, more than a quarter (26%) had participated in a march or rally, and a quarter (26%) had actively boycotted a product or company. Further, about 37% consider themselves to be a social activist with another 41% responding that aren’t sure if they would consider themselves an activist and only 22% saying that they would not consider themselves an activist. When asked what issues were important to them, the most frequently cited were Black Lives Matter (75%), human trafficking (68%), sexual assault/harassment/Me Too (66.49%), gun violence (65.82%), women’s rights (65.15%), climate change (55.4%), immigration reform/deferred action for childhood arrivals (DACA) (48.8%), and LGBTQ+ rights (47.39%). When the schools were compared, there were only minor differences in social media use with the high school students indicating slightly more use of Tik Tok than the other participants. All groups were virtually equal when it came to how informed they perceived themselves about current events and politics. Consensus among groups existed with respect to how they get their news, and the community college and high school students were slightly more likely to have participated in a march, protest, or rally in the last 12 months than the university students. The community college and high school students were also slightly more likely to consider themselves social activists than the participants from either of the universities. When the importance of the issues was considered, significant differences based on institutional type were noted. Black Lives Matter (BLM) was identified as important by the largest portion of students attending the HBCU followed by the community college students and high school students. Less than half of the students attending the TWI considered BLM an important issue. Human trafficking was cited as important by a higher percentage of students attending the HBCU and urban high school than at the suburban and rural community college or the TWI. Sexual assault was considered important by the majority of students at all the schools with the percentage a bit smaller from the majority serving institution. About two thirds of the students at the high school, community college, and HBCU considered gun violence important versus about half the students at the majority serving institution. Women’s rights were reported as being important by more of the high school and HBCU participants than the community college or TWI. Climate change was considered important by about half the students at all schools with a slightly smaller portion reporting out the HBCU. Immigration reform/DACA was reported as important by half the high school, community college, and HBCU participants with only a third of the students from the majority serving institution citing it as an important issue. With respect to LGBTQ rights approximately half of the high school and community college participants cited it as important, 44.53% of the HBCU students, and only about a quarter of the students attending the majority serving institution. Contribution and Conclusion: This paper provides a timely investigation into the mindset of generation Z students living in the United States during a period of heightened civic unrest. This insight is useful to educators who should be informed about the generation of students that is currently populating higher education. The findings of this study are consistent with public opinion polls by Pew Research Center. According to the findings, the Gen Z students participating in this study are heavy users of multiple social media, expect technology to be integrated into teaching and learning, anticipate a future career where technology will play an important role, informed about current and political events, use social media as their main source for getting news and information, and fairly engaged in social activism. When institutional type was compared the students from the university with the more affluent and less diverse population were less likely to find social justice issues important than the other groups. Recommendations for Practitioners: During disruptive and contentious times, it is negligent to think that the abounding issues plaguing society are not important to our students. Gauging the issues of importance and levels of civic engagement provides us crucial information towards understanding the attitudes of students. Further, knowing how our students gain information, their social media usage, as well as how informed they are about current events and political issues can be used to more effectively communicate and educate. Recommendations for Researchers: As social media continues to proliferate daily life and become a vital means of news and information gathering, additional studies such as the one presented here are needed. Additionally, in other countries facing similarly turbulent times, measuring student interest, awareness, and engagement is highly informative. Impact on Society: During a highly contentious period replete with a large volume of civil unrest and compounded by a global pandemic, understanding the behaviors and attitudes of students can help us as higher education faculty be more attuned when it comes to the design and delivery of curriculum. Future Research This presentation presents preliminary findings. Data is still being collected and much more extensive statistical analyses will be performed.