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CHOOWICHIAN, Nidarat, Darawan THAPINTA, Hunsa SETHABOUPPHA, and Petsunee THUNGJAROENKUL. "Factors Predicting Stress among Nurses in the Situation of Unrest of the Four Southern Border Provinces of Thailand." Walailak Journal of Science and Technology (WJST) 17, no. 3 (2019): 269–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.48048/wjst.2020.5870.
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Stress is a significant health problem among nurses working in areas of political unrest and war. It can pose a negative impact on local health systems. This study aimed to explore the relationship of factors and their ability to predict stress. Factors included the severity of the situation of unrest, sense of coherence, commitment, self-efficacy, and social support that exists among nurses in these situations. The subjects were 300 nurses selected by multi-stage random sampling. Data were analyzed using Pearson’s product-moment correlation, and stepwise multiple regression. The results indicated that the severity of the situation of unrest was positively significantly associated with stress among nurses at a high level (r = .527, p < .01) and sense of coherence (r = - .272, p < .01) was negatively significantly associated with stress among nurses at a low level.The severity of the situation of unrest, sense of coherence, and social support together predicted 32.2 % of the variance in stress among nurses. The severity of the situation of unrest was the most significant predictor of stress (27.7 %), followed by sense of coherence (3.4 %) and social support (2.1 %). Two factors associated with stress were the severity of the situation of unrest and sense of coherence, and three factors that predicted stress among nurses were the severity of the situation of unrest, sense of coherence, and social support. The findings can be used as basic data for nursing administrators to plan actions to prevent and deal with stress among nurses in situations of unrest by focusing on such predicting factors.
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Muhammad Tasleem Ashraf, Dr. Ali Shan Shah, and Dr. Zil-e-Huma Rafique. "Impact of Security Issues on Pakistan-India Relations: Remedies and Political Advantages." sjesr 4, no. 1 (2021): 315–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.36902/sjesr-vol4-iss1-2021(315-323).
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The history of Pak-India relations has presented sound evidences that both states harvested distrust and uncertain conditions with each other after the end of British colonial rule in the sub-continent. Since the partition, both states have contentious issues which added more fuel to both sides' relations. Kashmir issue is a dominant factor that has created more unrest as both states strained into three full-scale wars in this connection. Mutual disputes have also created issues of security and cross-border terrorism which put obstacles during the peace process between India and Pakistan. Concerns about security and cross-border terrorism are counted as a serious constant threat to peace in the South Asian region as both countries have the capability of nuclear war. Pakistan is blamed for Cross border terrorism which is a big matter of concern by the Indian side. India claimed that through cross-border terrorism, Kashmir and the Indian Parliament were attacked with the backing of Pakistan. Mumbai attacks were also engineered in the same pattern to create unrest and security issues in India. On the other hand, Pakistan denied Indian allegations and has bourse concerns about India's involvement in Baluchistan and different suicide attacks in Pakistan. The study tries to explore the involvement of non-state actors in cross-border terrorism and its aftershock in both sides' relations. The study also explores the impacts of cross-border activities and the peace process between Pakistan and India. It examines the different measures taken by Pakistan to stop terrorism in the region for developing sustainable ties with India.
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Arieli, Tamar. "Borders, conflict and security." International Journal of Conflict Management 27, no. 4 (2016): 487–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijcma-08-2015-0050.
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Purpose Border environments differ as foci for conflict discourse. While classic realist theories are used to account for mechanisms of securitized borders, socially oriented theories are often invoked to characterize relaxed borders. This distinguishing pattern regarding securitization reflects a deeply rooted focus on idealized borders, based on implicit expectations that relaxed borders are a viable option and goal for all. This orientation is prone to mistaken assumptions regarding local, national and regional interests and ultimately threatens delicately balanced states of stability. This paper aims to question this somewhat simplified categorization and posit that securitized borders are longstanding realities which warrant more complex theoretical conceptualization. Design/methodology/approach The analysis is based on documentary study and qualitative field research, mapping and evaluating Israel–Jordan cross-border interactions conducted during 2006-2014. Local civilian interactions were studied using three tools: interviews, non-participant observations and a sector-based analysis of original and secondary sources. In the course of research, many tours and observations of the border region were conducted, and key actors in Israel and Jordan were interviewed: entrepreneurs, local residents, local and national government officials, security personnel and representatives of non-governmental organizations involved in the administration and funding of normalization-promoting initiatives. Findings In light of internal and external security threats which challenge states and border regions in conflict environments and in normalized settings, there is increasing value in recognizing multi-level power relations (“bringing the state back in”) that design, inhibit and ultimately control the inevitability, circumstance and social–political effectivity of any cross-border interaction. Cross-border cooperation (CBC), which evolves gradually, monitored by the border regime and reflecting actual levels of inter-state political dialogue, is a slower yet safer option and a more realistic expectation for CBC, especially in regions of minimal communication between cross-border neighbors. In the backdrop of the Middle East turmoil, Israel and Jordan mark 20 years of peaceful relations, enjoying stability based on shared political and security interests, yet displaying no apparent tendency toward increased cross-border interaction. Given the stark differences in regimes and ongoing regional unrest, this securitized border fulfills local and regional needs and is far from a temporary “second-best” reality. Originality/value The analysis is based on original fieldwork and documentary study, mapping and evaluating Israel–Jordan cross-border interactions conducted during 2006-2014.
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Ebmeier, Susanna K., John R. Elliott, Jean-Mathieu Nocquet, et al. "Shallow earthquake inhibits unrest near Chiles–Cerro Negro volcanoes, Ecuador–Colombian border." Earth and Planetary Science Letters 450 (September 2016): 283–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.epsl.2016.06.046.
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Joffe, Sharon L. "Gerald Monsman (ed.), South African Border Life: Tales of Unrest by Ernest Glanville." Victoriographies 6, no. 2 (2016): 184–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/vic.2016.0233.
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Campbell, Stephen. "State illegibility in the containment of labour unrest on the Thai-Myanmar border." Critique of Anthropology 37, no. 3 (2017): 317–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308275x17719989.
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In the literature on governmentality, rights have been posited as technologies of rule, encouraging individual self-government, as well as active participation in the institutions of the liberal state. In the context of globalised industrial production, however, a realisation of justiciable rights may, by raising wages and other labour costs, challenge the ability of states to attract capital investment. In the present article, I take as a point of departure this apparent contradiction – between the liberal promise of rights through governmental incorporation and the reality that a realisation of such rights threatens profitability, and potentially viability, in domestic capitalist production. Empirically, my research is grounded in an ethnographic study of the garment sector at the Mae Sot industrial zone in north-west Thailand. Over the past decade-plus this site has seen an expansion of governmental interventions targeting the local Myanmar migrant population. Yet the vast majority of these migrants continue to earn wages far below the legal minimum, and face other egregious violations of labour rights. This gap, between the promise and the realisation of rights, leads to the state's illegibility. This illegibility is, I argue, of significance for theorising state regulatory regimes and the containment of labour unrest at sites of low-waged industrial production embedded in contemporary global supply chains.
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Pandey, Satyendra Kr. "Inter-State Border Conflict in North-East India with Special Reference to Assam Nagaland Border Conflict." Addaiyan Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences 1, no. 10 (2020): 94–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.36099/ajahss.1.10.8.
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This paper is an attempt to study the inter-state border disputes in north-east India with special reference to Assam-Nagaland border conflict in the border areas of Golaghat district. The north-east region of India comprising of eight states has been gradually transforming into a conflicting area that breaks the harmony between the states and also undermines the concept of north-east India as a prosperous and culturally rich region of India. Due to some social, political and economic issues, this north east India divided into various states which were under the same umbrella at a time. Several inter-state disputes take place in this region with the upcoming of political and social unrest. The Naga insurgency that started in the late 1950’s is known as one of the unresolved armed conflicts in India. So, through this paper the researcher makes an attempt to study how the recent Naga-Assamese clash happened in the border areas of Golaghat district is responsible for breaking down of communal harmony, humanity, and inter-state peace process. As the dispute between Assam and Nagaland is currently the most prominent with a history of violent clashes between border areas, this paper aims to concentrate mainly on this issue. Moreover this paper will try to examine the role of the government regarding the above issue. Thus the above issues will be highlighted in the paper.
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Coakley, John. "Resolving international border disputes: The Irish experience." Cooperation and Conflict 52, no. 3 (2017): 377–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836716684881.
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This article explores the value of a specific model of norm replacement in accounting for the circumstances leading to Ireland’s Good Friday agreement (1998), which formally and finally settled the long-running territorial dispute between Ireland and the United Kingdom (UK). Drawing on the theoretical literature, it identifies three phases in this process. First, from the creation of the Irish Free State in 1922 until the civil unrest in Northern Ireland peaked in 1972 the irredentist norm was substantially unchallenged. It was embedded in the 1937 constitution, which defined the national territory as extending over the whole island of Ireland – including Northern Ireland, a part of the UK. The second phase, from about 1972 to 1998, was one of norm competition. The irredentist norm was severely challenged by new political realities in Northern Ireland, and was potentially destabilising for the state itself. It was increasingly challenged by an alternative ‘consent’ norm, one embracing in effect the geopolitical status quo. The third phase, from 1998 onwards, was one of consolidation of the new norm, now written into the Irish constitution to replace the wording of 1937. The article suggests that this model plays a valuable role in accounting for the changing status of the Irish border, but also that the Irish experience has implications for the broad shape of the model.
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Barenghi. "The Making of the Shatuo: Military Leadership and Border Unrest in North China's Daibei (808–880)." Central Asiatic Journal 63, no. 1-2 (2020): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.13173/centasiaj.63.1-2.0039.
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Gates, Rebecca. "Court and Cottage: The Public Image of Maria Theresa's Government During the Transdanubian Unrest, 1765–1767." Austrian History Yearbook 21 (January 1985): 2–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800002162.
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During the years 1765–1767, there was serious peasant unrest in Transdanubian Hungary, a region where large estates owned by a few prominent families such as the Esterházy, Batthány, and Festetics were prevalent. Especially in Vas, Zala, and Somogy counties, located in western Hungary across the border from Styria, peasant inhabitants protested the growing demands for services and other payments placed upon them by landlords eager to increase the income produced by their lands. No uniform standards existed; both the size of peasant land holdings and the obligations attached to these holdings varied markedly, determined by various contracts or, more often, by custom.
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CHEN, Gang. "The Chinese Communist Party and Politics 2019/2020." East Asian Policy 12, no. 02 (2020): 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930520000100.
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In September 2019, Chinese President Xi Jinping urged the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to gear up in countering imminent “struggles” and in achieving the ambitious “two centennial” targets amid the US–China trade war, Hong Kong unrest and a slowing economy. A novel coronavirus disease (COVID-19) outbreak that erupted in Wuhan in October 2019 had scuppered China’s timeline to achieve its targets. While China successfully curbed the spread of COVID-19 within its border, enormous challenges lie ahead for China to maintain its economic growth and social stability. The daunting combat against the COVID-19 pandemic marks the beginning of the testing time.
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Karnieli, Arnon, Alexandra Shtein, Natalya Panov, Noam Weisbrod, and Alon Tal. "Was Drought Really the Trigger Behind the Syrian Civil War in 2011?" Water 11, no. 8 (2019): 1564. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/w11081564.
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The role played by unsustainable resource management in initiating international conflicts is well documented. The Syrian Civil War, commencing in March 2011, presents such a case. The prevailing opinion links the unrest with sequential droughts occurring from 2007–2010. Our research, however, reveals that the winter-rainfed agricultural conditions before 2011, as detected by satellite-derived vegetation indices, were similar and even better for Syrian farmers than for those of their Turkish counterparts across the border. Concurrently, summer-irrigated crops, heavily dependent on Euphrates River water originating from Turkey, notably declined in Syria while flourishing in Turkey. These findings are firmly supported by other independent and validated datasets, including long-term cross-border discharge, the water level in Syrian and Turkish reservoirs, and transborder groundwater flow. We conclude that the Turkish policy of unilaterally diverting the Euphrates water was the main reason for the agricultural collapse and subsequent instability in Syria in 2011. The obvious inference is that while prolonged drought exacerbated conditions, unsustainable anthropogenic water management in Turkey was the proximate cause behind the Syrian uprising.
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Sae-Sia, Wipa, Praneed Songwathana, and Manewan Suwanmanee. "Predicting Factors of Care Burden Among Caregivers of Assault Victims of the Unrest in Southern Border Provinces of Thailand." Journal of Trauma Nursing 21, no. 4 (2014): 194–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/jtn.0000000000000057.
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Singh, Dr Pralayankar Kumar. "The Shadow Lines: Interrogating the Great Divide." SMART MOVES JOURNAL IJELLH 8, no. 3 (2020): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijellh.v8i3.10468.
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The article The Shadow Lines: Interrogating the Great Divide questions the concept of border and Partition- a solution to the problems of social unrest on religious grounds or political motivation. During the British Raj feeling of suspicion and hatred were planted in the heart and mind of millions of Indian people. The gulf of communal disharmony widened with time and this resulted in the partition of India and Pakistan in 1947. The ulterior motives of British Empire, the Congress Party and the Muslim League caused the partition of India. The then political leaders failed to resolve their difference over power-sharing. The ever widening gulf between the Hindus and the Muslims on communal issues was said to be the main cause of partition, though both the communities had a long history of peaceful co-existence for more than a thousand years. The Partition divided friends, families, lovers and neighbours. It led to the disintegration of human values, rootlessness and alienation
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Castaldo, Raffaele, Pietro Tizzani, and Giuseppe Solaro. "Inflating Source Imaging and Stress/Strain Field Analysis at Campi Flegrei Caldera: The 2009–2013 Unrest Episode." Remote Sensing 13, no. 12 (2021): 2298. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rs13122298.
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In this study, we analyze the 2009–2013 uplift phenomenon at Campi Flegrei (CF) caldera in terms of temporal and spatial variations in the stress/strain field due to the effect of an inflating source. We start by performing a 3D stationary finite element (FE) modeling of X-band COSMO-SkyMed DInSAR and GPS mean velocities to retrieve the geometry and location of the deformation source. The modeling results suggest that the best-fit source is a three-axis oblate spheroid ~3 km deep, which is mostly elongated in the NE–SW direction. Furthermore, we verify the reliability of model results by calculating the total horizontal derivative (THD) of the modeled vertical velocity component; the findings emphasize that the THD maxima overlap with the projection of source boundaries at the surface. Then, we generate a 3D time-dependent FE model, comparing the spatial and temporal distribution of the shear stress and volumetric strain with the seismic swarms beneath the caldera. We found that low values of shear stress are observed corresponding with the shallow hydrothermal system where low-magnitude earthquakes occur, whereas high values of shear stress are found at depths of about 3 km, where high-magnitude earthquakes nucleate. Finally, the volumetric strain analysis highlights that the seismicity occurs mainly at the border between compression and dilatation modeled regions, and some seismic events occur within compression regions.
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Luebke, David M. "How to Become a Loyalist: Petitions, Self-Fashioning, and the Repression of Unrest (East Frisia, 1725–1727)." Central European History 38, no. 3 (2005): 353–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916105775563607.
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OnJanuary 21, 1727, several communes in the Nordbrookmerland region of East Frisia, a small principality located on the North Sea coast of Germany and hard by the Dutch border, were granted what amounted to immunity from prosecution for acts of rebellion. How and why this happened is a story that has a great deal to tell about the influence ordinary people could exert, through petitioning, on the practice of state power in early modern Europe. In the months and years before 1727, the prince of East Frisia, Georg Albrecht, had become embroiled in an increasingly hostile confrontation with the Estates of his province for control over the administration of taxes in the land. In their efforts to gain the upper hand, both the prince and the Estates had tried to forge alliances among the rural population and mobilized these networks against each other. The Nordbrookmerlanders tended to ally with the prince, but felt increasingly isolated and endangered. Throughout the autumn of 1726, they had been petitioning the chancellor, Enno R. Brenneysen, for protection against attacks perpetrated by the Estates' allies on their “wives and children, houses and farms.” In light of the chancellor's inability to preserve them from further destruction, the village elders asked that they be allowed to obey the Estates' commands until order was restored. Doing this, they pointed out, would force them to commit several “rebellious” acts, such as signing manifestos, supplying recruits for the rebels' militia, and paying an extraordinary war tax that had been levied by the Estates, the so-calledWochengeld.
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Kyong-Song, Ri, James O. S. Hammond, Ko Chol-Nam, et al. "Evidence for partial melt in the crust beneath Mt. Paektu (Changbaishan), Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and China." Science Advances 2, no. 4 (2016): e1501513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/sciadv.1501513.
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Mt. Paektu (also known as Changbaishan) is an enigmatic volcano on the border between the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) and China. Despite being responsible for one of the largest eruptions in history, comparatively little is known about its magmatic evolution, geochronology, or underlying structure. We present receiver function results from an unprecedented seismic deployment in the DPRK. These are the first estimates of the crustal structure on the DPRK side of the volcano and, indeed, for anywhere beneath the DPRK. The crust 60 km from the volcano has a thickness of 35 km and a bulkVP/VSof 1.76, similar to that of the Sino-Korean craton. TheVP/VSratio increases ~20 km from the volcano, rising to >1.87 directly beneath the volcano. This shows that a large region of the crust has been modified by magmatism associated with the volcanism. Such high values ofVP/VSsuggest that partial melt is present in the crust beneath Mt. Paektu. This region of melt represents a potential source for magmas erupted in the last few thousand years and may be associated with an episode of volcanic unrest observed between 2002 and 2005.
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Tsybenov, Bazar D., та Leonid V. Kuras. "Джебцзун-Дамба-хутухта и амбань Сань До: начало противостояния (из донесений генерального консула в Урге Я. П. Шишмарева в 1910 году)". Монголоведение (Монгол судлал) 12, № 2 (2020): 203–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2500-1523-2020-2-203-215.
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Introduction. The situation in non-Han territories of the Qing Empire that preceded the Xinhai Revolution of 1911 was quite tense. Outer Mongolia became the scene of growing impatience with the dominance of the Manchu administration and Chinese merchants, which attested to weak positions of the Qing dynasty in the region. In the meantime, the Russian Empire in every way available increased its political and economic influence on Outer Mongolia. Goals and Objectives. The article studies the relationships between the religious leader of Mongolia Jebtsundamba Khutukhtu and the new appointee of the Qing Empire Amban Sando. Sando proved a supporter of the ‘new policy’ who had served as a Manchu official in South China, and then spent seven years in Japan. Immediately prior to Urga, he had been ruling the Tumet Banners. The research objectives set include as follows: review of Amban Sando’s activities between his arrival to Urga in February 1910 to April 1910; insight into the March 1910 Urga unrest of Buddhist priests; analysis of interpersonal relationships between Jebtsundamba Khutukhtu and Sando. Somewhat secondary tasks are to analyze reactions of Jebtsundamba Khutukhtu and the Mongolian population to the departure of the 13th Dalai Lama to India in 1910; to consider the problem of the emerged rebel detachment led by Togtokho from Inner to Outer Mongolia. Materials. The work analyzes reports by Russian Consul General in Urga Ya. Shishmarev housed by the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire. The study also examines some Mongolian and Russian research works. Conclusions. According to Ya. Shishmarev, Sando was supporting China’s reforms and entered the Urga office with all his might. The reports inform the relationships between Sando and Jebtsundamba Khutukhtu were tough since the very beginning, and they worsened after the March 1910 Urga unrest largely joined by Buddhist monks. The Russian official concludes Jebtsundamba Khutukhtu was quite satisfied with the 13th Dalai Lama’s departure towards India, and reports that the border Mongolian population was supporting Togtokho’s rebel detachment from Inner Mongolia.
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Adebiyi, O. J., and A. G. Sanni. "IDENTIFICATION AND ASSESSMENT OF KEY POLITICAL RISK FACTORS INFLUENCING CORPORATE PERFORMANCE OF MULTINATIONAL CONSTRUCTION COMPANIES IN NORTH-EASTERN, NIGERIA." Open Journal of Management Science (ISSN: 2734-2107) 1, no. 1 (2020): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.52417/ojms.v1i1.76.
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Multinational construction companies settled in African countries, especially Nigeria, to compete for infrastructural projects, in a bid to extend their services across their borders. The trans-border extension of the services offered by these multinationals exposes them to the political risk factors pertinent within the host-country. In order to survive the harsh realities of the political risk indicators operational in Nigeria, especially the North-eastern part of the country that has been plagued with civil unrest associated with the terrorist operations of Boko haram, it has become necessary to identify and manage these risk factors, to ensure the continuous survival of international construction companies in Nigeria. This paper seeks to identify and assess the prevalence of political risk factors influencing the corporate performance of international companies operating in the North-east of Nigeria. Data for the study was collected through structured questionnaires administered to 78 expatriate project managers from 6 international construction companies in 6 states in the North East of Nigeria. Collected data was analyzed using relative importance index and factor analysis. Findings revealed that terrorism, corruption, insurrections, sabotages and kidnapping were the top five risk factors with the highest frequency of occurrence. It was also revealed that terrorism, kidnappings, sabotages, corruption and change in government are the risk factors with the highest impact on operations in the region. It is therefore recommended that the federal, state and local governments should provide security for the lives, properties and investments in the region, companies should do more corporate social responsibilities and purchase political risk insurance cover to minimize their losses.
 Adebiyi, O. J. | Department of Quantity Surveying, University of Benin (UNIBEN), Benin City, Edo State, Nigeria.
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Rabinovich, Yakov N., and Yury N. Smirnov. "Service People of the Border Fortress on the Volga at the Beginning of Mikhail Romanov’s Reign." History 19, no. 1 (2020): 60–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2020-19-1-60-70.
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The Volga cities played an important role during the Time of Troubles, but the history of Samara has not been studied enough. There is practically no information about the voivodes and the garrison of Samara from 1602 to 1614. Newly discovered sources allow to correct this gap in historiography. It is known that there were 300 gunmen in Samara and 205 gunmen came to Samara from the destroyed Saratov. Despite the frequent change of power in Moscow, Samara remained loyal to the central authorities, particularly to Tsar Mikhail Romanov elected in 1613. False Dmitry II and his son Ivan (“Vorionok”) from Marina Mnishek, who failed to gain recognition in Moscow, did not receive support in Samara. The consistent identification of the Samara garrison and its commanders with the supreme authority served as a defense against internal unrest. In the face of an external threat, this factor saved Samara from the fate of Saratov and Tsaritsyn that disappeared during the Time of Troubles. Also the courage of the defenders of Samara was supported by the prophecy of Alexy, Metropolitan of Moscow, stated that the enemy would never capture this city. The article shows that in the Time of Troubles, the Samara fortress continued to be a reliable outpost on the southeastern border of Russia. The fortress had to play an important role, first of all, in the fight against internal enemies. After the liberation of Moscow from the invaders and the election of Mikhail Romanov as the Tsar ataman Zarutsky made the last serious attempt to struggle against the new dynasty in the Volga region. Before the government army went on the offensive in 1614, the rebel movement was restrained by the Samara garrison and by its voivode D. P. Pozharsky-Lopata. They also contributed to ensuring ties with the countries of the East, to the restoration of the Volga route, and eventually to the revival of national statehood. After 1614 the Samara authorities returned to “routine” duties to protect trade routes from robbers instead of fighting against the dangerous anti-government movement.
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Yom, Sean. "Roles, identity, and security: foreign policy contestation in monarchical Kuwait." European Journal of International Relations 26, no. 2 (2019): 569–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066119880232.
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The 2011–2012 Arab Spring posed an existential threat to the Gulf Cooperation Council’s six monarchies. A major response was the 2012 GCC Internal Security Pact, an innovative project to enhance cross-border repression of domestic opposition and thus bolster collective security. Yet despite its historic weakness, ongoing domestic unrest, and initial enthusiasm for the agreement, Kuwait’s monarchy did not ultimately ratify the accord. Building on theories of foreign policy roles and identity, this article presents an ideational explanation for this puzzle. The Security Pact failed because it sparked identity contestation. For many Kuwaitis, the prospect of the Sabah monarchy imposing this scheme for greater repression was incompatible with the regime’s historical role of tolerating domestic pluralism and protecting Kuwait from foreign pressures. This role conception of a tolerant protector flowed from historical understandings and collective memory and was cognitively tied to a national self-conception of “Kuwaiti-ness.” The mobilizational scope and symbolic power of this popular opposition convinced the regime to acquiesce, despite possessing the strategic incentive and resources to impose the treaty by force. The Kuwaiti case therefore exemplifies how domestic contestation over regime identities and roles can constrain foreign policy behavior, even in authoritarian states facing severe crises of insecurity.
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Nitjarunkul, Kanita. "The Study of Concepts Understanding and Using Competence of Teachers in Educational Innovation and Technology for Teaching Management at Schools of the Unrest Areas of Three Southern Border Provinces of Thailand." Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences 174 (February 2015): 2473–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.sbspro.2015.01.919.
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Ngoc Bao, Pham, Bijon Kumer Mitra, and Tetsuo Kuyama. "Integrated Approach for Sustainable Hydropower Development in the Mekong River Basin." Environment and Natural Resources Research 7, no. 1 (2017): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/enrr.v7n1p60.
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This paper analyses roles of integrated approach to establish a regional mechanism for sustainable hydropower development in the Mekong River Basin. Based on a critical review of the current trend of hydropower development, it argued that existing approach of uncoordinated Mekong mainstream hydropower development cannot ensure sustainable development; rather it causes negative impacts on food security, livelihoods, biodiversity, and ecosystem across the river basin, especially countries in Lower Mekong Basin (LMB), including Cambodia, Thailand and Vietnam. As a result, it fails to bring positive net benefits at both national and regional level. Specifically, if all proposed mainstream dams are constructed and fully operated, Lao PDR is the only economically winner of billions USD after 20 years, while Thailand, Cambodia, and Viet Nam are losers, and total net value will be minus 275 billion USD. Early recognition of the “nexus” interactions amongst hydropower development and cross-border food security, water security and livelihoods can minimise the risk of diplomatic conflicts and social unrest, and is only enabled when member states are willing to divert high-level government priorities from national interests to transboundary interests, as implementing the nexus approach throughout the river basin could contribute to reducing trade-offs between hydropower development and basin-wide socio-economy, and increase synergies through implementation of benefit-sharing mechanisms towards a win-win outcome. It recommends strengthening the Mekong River Commission via bolstered resources and coordinating authority, and encourages China to participate as a full member. It also argues that transboundary Environmental Impact Assessments (EIA) of river projects should be conducted to reflect the synergic and trade-off nexus effect across the whole river basin.
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Hochman, Assaf, Dorita Rostkier-Edelstein, Pavel Kunin, and Joaquim G. Pinto. "Changes in the characteristics of ‘wet’ and ‘dry’ Red Sea Trough over the Eastern Mediterranean in CMIP5 climate projections." Theoretical and Applied Climatology 143, no. 1-2 (2020): 781–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00704-020-03449-0.
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AbstractThe Eastern Mediterranean resides on the border between the temperate and semi-arid and arid climate zones, and is thus influenced by both mid-latitude and sub-tropical weather systems. Precipitation and extreme weather in this region are mainly associated with either Cyprus Lows or the “wet” Red Sea Troughs. Current regional climate projections indicate that the region may become warmer and drier in future decades. Here, we analyze the influence of enhanced greenhouse gas forcing on the climatological properties of the ‘wet’ and ‘dry’ Red Sea Trough (WRST & DRST, respectively). With this aim, a regional synoptic classification and a downscaling algorithm based on past analogs are applied to eighteen rain stations over the main ground water basins in Israel. The algorithms are applied to the NCEP/NCAR reanalysis data for 1986–2005 and to eight CMIP5 model simulations for the historical (1986–2005) and end of the century (2081–2100) climate conditions according to the RCP8.5 scenario. For the historical period, the CMIP5 models are largely able to represent the characteristics of the Red Sea Trough. Based on the multi-model mean, significant changes are found for WRST and DRST for the late XXI Century. First, an increase in the meridional pressure gradient is found for both the WRST and the DRST, implying stronger horizontal winds. Furthermore, a significant decrease in the occurrence of the WRST (− 20%) and a significant increase in the frequency of the DRST (+ 19%) are identified. Accordingly, the persistence of the WRST decreases (− 9%), while for DRST increases (+ 9%). The decline in the frequency of WRST occurs primarily in the transition seasons, while the increase for DRST is found throughout the wet season. In total, the daily rainfall associated with the WRST system is projected to significantly decline (− 37%) by the end of the XXI century. These results document the projected changes in a dominant synoptic system in this area, which can facilitate a better estimation of the arising challenges, e.g., related to shortage of water resources and associated political unrest, reduced agricultural potential, and increased air pollution and forest fires. Such a pathway can ultimately foster novel mitigation strategies for water resources management and regional climate change adaptation.
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Dovbysh, E. "Participation of Cities in the EU Integration Processes." World Economy and International Relations 60, no. 1 (2016): 93–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2016-60-1-93-102.
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Local authorities have to deal with a large part of practical work in promotion of the European integration project. Today, cities together with other actors are involved in the EU political process. This involvement leads to modification and enrichment of the European political space and increases the viability of supranational institutions. Cities extend the range of available channels for representation of citizens’ interests. Participation of cities in the decision-making improves the quality of these decisions and the legitimacy of supranational institutions, which is especially important in the context of the debate on the democratic deficit in the EU. Cities and other subnational actors can be active at the pan-European level and national levels. They use different "access points" at the European level, such as the Committee of the Regions, the European associations of cities, representations of local authorities in Brussels. The role of cities is especially evident in the Europe 2020, Cohesion Policy and the European Neighborhood Policy. European cities are involved in the elaboration of national reform programs. Cities and their associations can offer their assessments and visions of development to the Commission. Participating in the elaboration of national reform programs cities get a chance to influence the agenda of national development. This can indirectly affect the implementation of the Europe 2020 and dynamics of the European integration process as a whole. The participation of subnational actors – regions and municipalities – is important for realization of the Cohesion Policy objectives. Cities are particularly relevant for this policy, because they can become a ground for social conflicts and unrest. New tools, such as JESSICA and Integrated Territorial Investment, pay significant attention to local level politics in Europe. The European Neighborhood Policy has an important local dimension. There are such city-oriented programs as COMUS, The Covenant of Mayors, CIUDAD and projects of cross-border coordination. Examples show that cooperation between cities is successful, if it is based on the mutual interest in solving common problems. The Treaty of Lisbon has opened new opportunities to cities' participation. European institutions are now obliged to consult with the Committee of Regions on the issues that have a strong effect at the local and regional level. However, the involvement of cities into integration practices of the EU is still limited. This is due to both, the fundamental problem of the EU organizational design, and the lack of effective channels for representing urban interests at the European level.
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Hastings, Justin V. "Charting the Course of Uyghur Unrest." China Quarterly 208 (December 2011): 893–912. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741011001056.
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AbstractWhat explains the course of Uyghur-related violence in Xinjiang and Central Asia since 1990? Using data derived from a variety of sources, I argue that the locations and types of violent incidents were influenced by a combination of Chinese government policies and the political geography of Xinjiang. Specifically, 1990 to 1996 were dominated by logistically complex incidents in a low-level violent campaign in Xinjiang. The Strike Hard campaign in 1996 brought about an increase in logistically simple incidents in Xinjiang and some violence in Central Asia as Uyghur separatists had trouble moving people, information and weapons across the well-guarded, difficult terrain of Xinjiang's borders. China's rapprochement with Central Asian countries in the late 1990s led after 2001 to a dramatic decrease in Uyghur-related violence in general, but also signalled the appearance of logistically creative attacks that required little planning or materials. My findings suggest that Uyghur rebels will have a difficult time mounting a large-scale violent campaign as long as China retains even minimal control of Xinjiang.
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Laband, D. N. "Expectations-Achievement and Overthrows: An Empirical Test of the Relative Deprivation Hypothesis." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 3, no. 4 (1985): 417–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c030417.
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There is a strong theoretical supposition in the political science literature that civil unrest in a political jurisdiction is a consequence of the ‘relative deprivation’ of the population within its borders. This proposition is tested empirically in this paper, with respect to incidence of attempted coups d'etat across fifty-four countries in 1981. The findings suggest that relative economic deprivation does precipitate political unrest. Social deprivation, as measured by repression of the population, also incites a demand for political change, although repression has a predictable supply-side effect of dampening the population's ability to translate demand for political change into actuality.
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Hansen Edwards, Jette G. "Borders and bridges." Journal of Asian Pacific Communication 30, no. 1-2 (2020): 115–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/japc.00047.han.
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Abstract This study examines the construction of linguistic identities at a time of significant political tension in Hong Kong, with a focus on Hong Kong’s three official languages: Cantonese, the most widely spoken variety of Chinese in Hong Kong; English, the longest serving official language of Hong Kong; and Putonghua, the official language of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), which became an official language in Hong Kong after the 1997 Handover of Hong Kong to PRC rule. Given the current political tensions between Hong Kong and the PRC, particularly in light of grassroots political movements such as the 2014 Umbrella Movement and the ongoing 2019 civil unrest due to the proposed introduction of an extradition treaty between Hong Kong and mainland China, the status of Hong Kong’s three languages is particularly interesting. Past research has primarily focused on the perceived value of these three languages in terms of instrumentality and integrativeness. The current study expands previous research by focusing on how the participants construct a linguistic identity of the self vs. a national language identity for Hong Kong, particularly within or in contrast to a national language identity of the PRC.
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Khan, Assad Mehmood, Nazim Rahim, and Muhammad Javed. "Socio-Political and Socio-Economic Perspectives of Sudan with Special Reference to Darfur Conflict." Global Social Sciences Review IV, no. IV (2019): 451–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2019(iv-iv).55.
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The Darfur conflict exists across the westward region in Sudan, though an emergent domestic conflict, however, aimed at socio-political and socio-economic unrest beyond borders. Following 2003 happenings in Sudan, the problem in Darfur province has been stated interrupted or voyaged, affording the center case before the international community than the United Nations, denoting genocide. While ascertaining the insurgence particularities, the issues of the Darfur area have largely discoursed as ethnic-cultural conflicts among Afro-Arab tribal populaces across Sudan. Thus, an explanation appears abortive to explain the complexed state of affairs contradicting the inconsistent conditions. Therefore, such a particular research article is expected to investigate the existing gap formulating explanation over the issue by considering two foremost contributive characters - the socio-political and socio-economic explanations aimed at overall unrest in Sudan with special reference to the Darfur conflict. Furthermost significantly, in realist's exploration approach and descriptive analysis methodology of the problems in Darfur, drive and conclude beyond an ethnocultural explanation, thus, appeared credible to unearth the problems, in particular socio-political and socio-economic reasons, thus, imperious to consider the concerns so as to achieve stability in Darfur and permanency in Sudan. Thus, this research piece endeavor to analyze a precise setting of socio-political and socio-economic perspectives in Sudan's unrest with special reference to the Darfur conflict.
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Pedersen, Sune Bechmann. "The Aesthetics of a Collapsing Border." East Central Europe 41, no. 2-3 (2014): 254–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04103007.
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This article is a diachronic study of the fall of the Berlin Wall as it has been represented in German fiction films from 1989 until 2010. The focus is on the formal features of the inclusion of the event in filmic narratives and on the reactions by film critics to the representations. By studying the aesthetics of representation and the reactions and expectations expressed by critics, it is possible to trace the ways in which the event has changed from a sacrosanct experience, vividly remembered, to a historical affair of little controversy. At the same time, the article also depicts a change in the representations themselves. Starting with gritty realism, the films turn to ironic hyperbole in their depictions of the fall from around 1999. After 2003, however, the unreal representations give way to generic dramas that adhere to strictly conventional narratives and aesthetics. This, the article concludes, coincided with the transformation of the memories of the event from communicative to cultural.
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Koka, Enkelejda, and Denard Veshi. "Irregular Migration by Sea: Interception and Rescue Interventions in Light of International Law and the EU Sea Borders Regulation." European Journal of Migration and Law 21, no. 1 (2019): 26–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718166-12340041.
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Abstract Since 2011, due to the Syrian civil war, Libya’s institutional breakdown and Eritrea’s political unrest, record high numbers of irregular migrants have been arriving at the EU’s south-eastern external borders, publicly known as the ‘Europe’s refugee crisis’. The most pressurised borders have been those of Greece and Italy. The human smuggler’s ‘organised refugee’ strategy has identified various legal issues resulting from the application of parallel legal frameworks both at regional and at international level. The EU Member States’ policy-making response to human smuggling has created loopholes through conflicting interpretations of the international legal framework on search and rescue and the inconsistent application of human rights law. Hence, this article will argue that although the International Convention on Maritime Search and Rescue (SAR) and the EU Sea Borders Regulation purportedly adopted to set out clear rules on when to initiate search and rescue, have not addressed the issue of responsibility for and the consequences of failed rescue scenarios by inactive SAR States; thereby creating a gap in the legal framework on State responsibility for negligent or intentional failed rescues.
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Davis, Catherine. "REVIEW: Delving into the complexity of NZ documentary." Pacific Journalism Review 18, no. 1 (2012): 222. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v18i1.299.
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Review of: Observations: Studies in New Zealand documentary, by Russell Campbell. Wellington: Victoria University Press, 2011, 260 pp. ISBN 978-0864736567Russell CampbellL, author of Observations: Studies in New Zealand Documentary has been described as a ‘partisan reporter’, the book as a ‘series of dispatches from the front’. Aligning the author on a series of borders between intellectual and practical, the book has been divided into three appropriate sections; Workers and Stirrers, State of the Nation and Kiwi Culture that support the author’s commitment to the latter. Woven in, topics such as industrial unrest, feminist movements and Māori resurgence capture a sense of the contested versions of New Zealand depicted in these documentaries.
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Khamidov, Alisher. "What It Takes to Avert a Regional Crisis: Understanding the Uzbek Government’s Responses to the June 2010 Violence in South Kyrgyzstan." Central Asian Affairs 2, no. 2 (2015): 168–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22142290-00202003.
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Uzbekistan played an important role during the June 2010 interethnic violence in South Kyrgyzstan by tightly controlling borders, allowing thousands of Kyrgyzstani refugees to cross into Uzbek territory, assisting in the shipment of international humanitarian assistance to Kyrgyzstan, and collaborating with the osce in the investigation of the causes of the violence. What explains Uzbekistan’s approach to the unrest in South Kyrgyzstan? Some scholars suggest that Uzbekistan’s response was shaped largely by external actors such as Russia. Others posit that domestic pressures account for the response. This article advances an alternative explanation: Tashkent’s response was largely a result of a consensus achieved at two levels: international and domestic. In explaining the impact of domestic level, the article emphasizes the role of bureaucratic politics—competition among various government agencies.
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Kumar, Priya. "Transnational Tamil networks: Mapping engagement opportunities on the Web." Social Science Information 51, no. 4 (2012): 578–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0539018412456770.
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This article focuses on the Tamil diaspora in the context of virtual networks. Contemporary linkages stem from decades of civil unrest within Sri Lanka. The Tamil community has found much unity in perceived injustices and marginalization following a violent mass exodus during the 1980s. Quests for political validation and statehood in North-East Sri Lanka have transferred to virtual platforms. Subsequent networks are both sophisticated and dynamic, proactively transcending borders, propelling transnational linkages forward. Between the virtual and physical, the article investigates how respective communities network and expand online. This includes mapping online activities, which characteristically focus on current affairs and ground realities. Indeed, the Web provides a platform of engagement, which in a quest for legitimacy has expanded the networked opportunities available for the greater Tamil diaspora.
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Shafiq, Qasim, Sardar Ahmad Farooq, and Asim Aqeel. "Magical Realism Revisited in Erdrich's Tracks: An Interactional Thick Inscription." Global Social Sciences Review IV, no. IV (2019): 487–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2019(iv-iv).59.
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This study revisits Louise Erdrich's practice of 'magic realism' to explain how the realistic presentation of unreal elements in Erdrich's writings differs from the western expression of magic realism. With the interactional thick inscription of Erdrich's magic realism, this study argues that the unreal events in Tracks are not based on Erdrich's imagination but the spiritual facts of her inheritance. Her description of naturalcum-supernatural elements cohesively achieves a synthesis of the Chippewa Anishinaabe magic-realistic world and, simultaneously, derives the social and cultural hierarchy of the Native American world. She appropriates the western concept of 'magic realism' to enlighten her oral tradition in 20th-century non-native societies. This appropriation explores the individuality of Native American traditional ways of being that have been considered cultural nonsense in modern academia. This interactional thick inscription of delimited text systematically inscribes the pre-Columbian context of 20th century Chippewa Anishinaabe, the Canadian border, and defines Erdrich's quest for her native identity.
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GÜÇLÜTEN, Çağrı, and Sedat CERECİ. "MEDIA AT MIGRATION CRIME AND LAW TRIANGLE: MIGRATION CITIES." IEDSR Association 6, no. 11 (2021): 319–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.46872/pj.244.
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In this study, based on some striking examples, migration, which is one of the biggest problems of the modern age, and the relationship of crime in expanding cities have been investigated and the impact of immigration on crime, the legal regulations in this context and the media reflections of migration and crime relations, and the legal regulations in the expanding cities via migration have been evaluated. Increasing tension, conflicts, wars, hunger, poverty, economic imbalance, oppression, inequality and unrest based on religion, sects, and culture in the world have increased migration and caused many more problems. The borders that states have determined regarding their sovereign rights over their countries have brought along problems related to the issue of immigration, although they exist throughout history. The severe violations of human rights caused by the torture and deaths experienced during the Second World War caused population mobility all over the world and as a result, the issue of migration has become an important agenda item in our recent history. While international organizations and states try to solve the problems arising from immigration with legal regulations, they cannot keep up with the pace of the problems caused by migration and the increase in crime rates. In this context, the problems faced by immigrants who take their cultural luggage with them to the destination country, especially xenophobia, make the lives of immigrants difficult and at the same time position them in the world of others. From this point of view, cities that grow with migration reach a cosmopolitan structure, if not metropolitan, and transform into places of necessary living, dissatisfaction and chaos. Unemployment, incompatibility, unrest, conflict and problems are experienced to a great extent in overgrown cities. Legal regulations have been insufficient.
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Landen, Laura. "BIOTIC COMMUNITY—REAL OR UNREAL: A PHILOSOPHICAL DILEMMA." Worldviews: Global Religions, Culture, and Ecology 7, no. 1-2 (2003): 58–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853503321916219.
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AbstractAs defined over time, biotic community has meant anything from superorganism to ecosystem. Some ecologists entirely reject any such holistic concept. This spectrum of positions—from holism to reductionism—reflects a divide among ecologists. Ordinarily, such battles pass with little notice beyond the confines of science. Ecology, however, has impact well outside its borders. In the popular arena the expression "biotic community" is widely, albeit sometimes uncritically, accepted. Even though both scientists and philosophers disagree about the validity of the concept, arguments for or against rely upon a common principle: novel properties signify a new reality. Conclusions divide based upon what may count as real. Must the new entity be a material object or is it merely conceptual? I review the evolution of meanings for biotic community and examine representative objections to either the reality or the utility of the concept. I argue that what is lacking in all discussions of biotic community is attention to the mode of existence of community, and conclude that biotic community is real, although its mode of existence is relational, not material.
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Gebbie, Kristine M., Alison Hutton, and Virginia Plummer. "Update on Competencies and Education." Annual Review of Nursing Research 30, no. 1 (2012): 169–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0739-6686.30.169.
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The beginning of the 21st century has been marked by an increase in attention to the quality of emergency and disaster response, particularly the preparedness of health workers of all kinds. The increase in natural disasters, civil unrest, and dislocation of populations has seen health workers mobilized. These workers are moving, both within countries and across borders, as members of long- organized teams such as the National Disaster Medical System (NDMS), volunteers joining through a nongovernmental organization (NGO) such as a Red Cross/Red Crescent unit, or individuals self-deploying to the scene of the emergency. Postevent evaluations have consistently identified the need for those responding to be able to join in an organized response that includes taking on assigned roles, communication through established channels and minimization of the number of “SUVs” or “spontaneous unrequested volunteers.” Although bystanders and self-deployed helpers (some with professional qualifications) are the first at any disastrous event, the subsequent response efforts are expected to be organized, efficient, and effective. This requires advance training of the responders.
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Msokwe, David. "The Challenges Facing the Management of Immigration in Tanzania and Zambia: A case of Tunduma and Nakonde." Mkwawa Journal of Education and Development 2, no. 1 (2018): 72–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.37759/mjed.2018.2.1.5.
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Immigration is a global development issue impacting on the development trajectories of all countries. Tanzania, for instance, has seen large numbers of illegal immigrants from Burundi, Zambia, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Somalia who flee their countries because of political unrest and economic difficulties. Consequently, illegal immigration has been increasing from time to time in Tanzania. This study examined the challenges facing the management of immigration in Tanzania. Specifically, the paper used both qualitative and quantitative approaches to explore the existence and flow of illegal immigrants, causes and the challenges facing the management of illegal immigration in Tanzania and Zambia. The study found the existence of illegal immigration between Zambia and Tanzania. The patterns of flow of illegal immigrants are mainly of Zambia to Tanzania. Such pattern is caused by sharing common and related languages, colonial legacies and trade. The challenges to controlling of illegal immigration include inadequate immigration personnel and immigration control equipment, poor cooperation between coercive apparatus and the civilians and the influx of large population of immigrants. The study concludes that addressing illegal immigration requires collaboration and cooperation between Tanzania and Zambia coercive apparatus and integrating the citizens who are living along the borders.
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Ramírez, Margaret M. "City as borderland: Gentrification and the policing of Black and Latinx geographies in Oakland." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 38, no. 1 (2019): 147–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263775819843924.
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From the foreclosure crisis of 2008, to the tech boom-provoked housing crisis currently engulfing the San Francisco Bay Area, low-income residents of Oakland, California have been displaced from their homes at an alarming rate over the past decade. In this piece I draw from Gloria Anzaldúa’s Borderlands and engage with Black geographic thought, urban and sound studies to build a borderlands analytic. I consider how the “tension, ambivalence and unrest” of the borderlands provides a lens to understand the volatility of cities gripped by rapid gentrification. Using a borderlands analytic to make sense of the borders that are produced and policed in gentrifying cities, I consider how Black and Latinx life has been criminalized spatially and sonically so as to be displaced by forces of racial capitalist extraction. To do this, I look to the implementation of gang injunction zones in Oakland in 2010, and then to two moments in 2015 when the city’s soundscapes were policed and criminalized. This piece centers the Black and Latinx geographies experiencing dispossession in Oakland, and considers how residents are imagining and fighting for their city’s future.
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Houser, Nathan. "Thinking at the Edges." American Journal of Semiotics 36, no. 1 (2020): 95–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ajs202082762.
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The field of semiotic studies requires borders to function as a discipline but as a living science it is essential that those borders be unheeded. When Charles Peirce opened the modern field of semiotic studies he understood that he was an intellectual pioneer preparing the way for future semioticians. Peirce’s decision to equate semiotics with logic would likely seem bizarre to most professional logicians today yet his decision followed naturally from his view that all mental operations are sign actions and that semiosis is inferential. Peirce’s life-long study of sign types eventually led to a detailed, though provisional, classification of sixty-six distinct varieties of semiosis, many of which generate emotions or reactions rather than thoughts. Only twenty-one classes of signs yield interpretants that carry truth values or purport to be truth-preserving; the sign actions associated with these signs constitute the sphere of intellectual semiosis. The remaining forty-five non-intellectual sign classes drive perception and dominate the often unconscious mental operations that support and enrich day-to-day life. But this is also the realm of semiosis where memes flourish, where emoji function, and where propaganda first strikes a chord. This is the semiotic sphere where communal feeling can be engendered, but it is also the sphere of mob psychology. We are in troubled times during which signs are being used strategically to create dissension and social unrest and to generate disrespect for the very institutions that maintain the intelligence and practices that are fundamental for the survival of our way of life. It is time for semioticians to join forces against the weaponization of signs and I believe an investigation of the more primitive non-intellectual sign classes that Peirce identified will help lay the groundwork for the coming battle.
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Babelyuk, Oksana, Olena Koliasa, Lidiia Matsevko-Bekerska, Olena Matuzkova, and Nina Pavlenko. "The Interaction of Possible Worlds through the Prism of Cognitive Narratology." Arab World English Journal 12, no. 2 (2021): 364–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.24093/awej/vol12no2.25.
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The article deals with the analysis of literary narrative where a possible unreal fictional world and a possible real fictional world usually coexist. When the norms of life plausibility are consciously violated, the real and the unreal possible worlds are emphatically opposed. Hence, their certain aspects are depicted in a fantastically exaggerated form. The interaction of possible worlds in a literary narrative destroys the stereotypes of the reader’s perception. It can occur in different planes: structural (a shift of plot elements of the story, transformation, unusual, sharp turns of the borrowed plot, violations of a plotline); fictional (a combination of real and fantastic features in one image); temporal (violations of the chronological flow of time, a shift of time flow); spatial (expansion or contraction of space, magical spatial formations, displacements, deformations). By their nature, the interaction of different possible worlds can be continuous, partial, and fragmentary; resulting from their boundaries may overlap or be violated (entirely or partially). The continuous interaction of different possible worlds, destruction of their borders, although they do not disappear completely, make them largely blurred, interpenetrating each other. In the case of partial interaction of possible worlds, their boundaries intersect. In the case of fragmentary interaction of possible worlds, their common points are slightly visible, for example, only the borrowed title of a literary work or a character’s name, or a fantastic concrete event or a place of the event.
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Krylov, A. V. "THE RELIGIOUS FACTOR IN THE «ARAB SPRING»." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(31) (August 28, 2013): 43–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-4-31-43-51.
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A huge wave of mass protests for the last years has lead to a collapse of many longstanding traditional regimes in some Arab states (Egypt, Tunisia, Libya and Yemen). In other states (Syria, Bahrain, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Algeria and Morocco) a serious aggravation of political situation occurred. Many experts in Russia as well as abroad share an opinion that the phenomenon of the “Arab revolution" or the so cold "Arab Spring" has the same basic pattern: after the beginning of unrest in North Africa and the Middle East the Islamist political parties, organizations and groups are gaining strength, popularity and influence. The main content of the article is focused on the analysis of religious, political, socio-economic and other aspects of the contemporary ideology and practice of the radical Islam, its threats and challenges. The current situation in the region has favored the creation of a new political alliance in the Greater Middle East. Now the US administration's policy in the Middle East is aimed at the advancement of the of the radical Islam front to Iran, North Caucasus region and Central Asia. This policy corresponds to the global strategic interests of the U.S. regional partners including Petro-Islamic States, Turkey and even Israel. Analyzing the situation around Syria the author notes that the steps undertaken by the members of the new regional alliance to eliminate B. Assad - another victim of the "Arab Spring" – can, first of all, aggravate an extremely unstable situation in Syria, and, secondly, create a real perspective of the radical Islam advancement right up to the borders of the Russian Federation.
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Crummey, Donald. "Society, State and Nationality in the Recent Historiography of Ethiopia." Journal of African History 31, no. 1 (1990): 103–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700024804.
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Events since 1974 have challenged fundamental assumptions about Ethiopian history, calling in question the country's borders and internal coherence, the nature of its social order, the centrality of its monarchy and Zionist ideology to the maintenance of the polity, and the viability of the peasant way of life. In so doing they challenge a young, but vigorous, historiography, one founded in the 1960s with the creation of a History Department at what is now Addis Ababa University and of an international coterie of scholars. Its early stages were marked by archivally-based studies of Ethiopia‘s international emergence in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and of trade and politics. Its later stages were marked by a steady growth in the number of contributors and in the emergence of major new themes many of which depend on the use of indigenous sources, both oral and written. Class and class relations; economy, state, and society; the Kushitic- and Omotic-speaking peoples; the use of social anthropology—such are the concerns of contemporary historians of Ethiopia. These concerns inform new work on agrarian issues and on the roots of famine, on urbanization, on the nature of the twentieth-century state, on the revolution itself and on the roots of resistance and social unrest, and on ethnicity. Meanwhile, more traditional work continues to glean insights from the manuscript tradition and to bring to light major new texts both Ethiopian and foreign. The article surveys this material and concludes by noting the persistence of certain limitations—the lack of work on women or on pastoralism, the scarcity of it on Islam, the heavy emphasis on that part of the country lying west of the Rift Valley, and the absence of an integrating synthesis—and the prospective integration of work on Ethiopia into the mainstream of African historiography.
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Muraleedharan, Vishnu. "Immigrant Integration: the Role of NGO’s in Lithuania for Upholding Immigrant Assimilation." European Integration Studies 1, no. 14 (2020): 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5755/j01.eis.1.14.26371.
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Migration and migrant movement are one of the most contested phenomena in the contemporary world due to the large-scale displacement of the people across the globe due to socio-political unrest in the form of wars, internal rebellions, and political upheaval. It led to the scenario of people’s movement across the borders in search of better living conditions and safety. However, the aspect of immigration and immigrant integration and assimilation is not a conducive process, and the immigrants must overcome a lot of socio-political hurdles and hardships for the assimilation and integration into the host society. Regarding the actors facilitating immigrant integration, one of the significant actors is the NGOs, which facilitates the integration of the immigrants into society. These facilitate through the mechanisms of advocacy measures. In this scenario, this article tries to find out how the NGO’s facilitates immigrant integration and assimilation in Lithuania and what are the mechanisms they employ for immigrant integration and assimilation. The task includes analyzing the qualitative interview conducted with NGO Europos Namai, who are voicing for the rights of immigrants and envisaging measures for migrant integration through their lobbying, education, awareness, cultural integration, and media mechanisms. By analyzing the interview and data sets on immigration in Lithuania, this paper aims to find out how does the NGOs act as a facilitating force for political debates, communication, political decision making, and to create a favourable environment for immigration integration into the Lithuanian society. The primary interpretation is that the third sector organizations play a significant role in the migrant integration into the society, and these possible findings could be made useful for other regions and countries where they are migrant influx and still lack conducive mechanisms for immigrant integration.
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Elkina, Ekaterina A. "Egypt’s tourism industry facing global challenges: from the Arab spring to the pandemic." Asia and Africa Today, no. 9 (2021): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750016588-8.
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In the article, the author examines the status of Egypt&apos;s tourism industry in 2011-2021. The critical importance of tourism is that this industry is one of the two main sources of foreign exchange in the country, along with income from the Suez Canal. A downturn in the tourism industry automatically threatens the existence of several million as jobs. The author identifies 3 critical points from which a sharp drop begins. The first point is the winter of 2010-2011. The unrest of the &quot;Arab Spring&quot; was accompanied by the leakage of large funds from the country, social chaos, and a decrease in the general level of security, which could not but frighten potential tourists. The next key point of the fall of the tourism industry in Egypt is the death of all passengers in the crash over the Sinai Peninsula of a Russian plane flying on the Sharm el-Sheikh - St. Petersburg route, and the subsequent complete ban on flights between Russia and Egypt. The third critical point was the beginning of the pandemic caused by COVID-19, officially announced by WHO on March 11, 2020, and, as a result, the almost complete closure of borders. Based on the analysis of statistical data from Egyptian and Western European sources, it is concluded that the indicators of the Egyptian tourism industry reflect both the trajectory of the country&apos;s political state and its almost complete dependence on the global health situation. It also concludes that the industry is extremely fragile, and the decision to partially reorient the industry towards domestic tourism, as well as receiving guests from neighboring Arab states, made in the period between the Arab Spring and the pandemic, was correct.
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Lim, Jongmyeong. "Post-colonial South Korean Discursive Space(August 1945-May 1950) and the Representations of the National Border of Coast, Island and Sea as a Romantic, Unreal and Imaginary Space." Journal of School Social Work 69 (February 28, 2018): 335–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.37924/jssw.69.11.
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Ilčin, Michal, Martin Michalík, Klára Kováčiková, Lenka Káziková, and Vladimír Lukeš. "Water liquid-vapor equilibrium by molecular dynamics: Alternative equilibrium pressure estimation." Acta Chimica Slovaca 9, no. 1 (2016): 36–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/acs-2016-0007.
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Abstract The molecular dynamics simulations of the liquid-vapor equilibrium of water including both water phases — liquid and vapor — in one simulation are presented. Such approach is preferred if equilibrium curve data are to be collected instead of the two distinct simulations for each phase separately. Then the liquid phase is not restricted, e.g. by insufficient volume resulting in too high pressures, and can spread into its natural volume ruled by chosen force field and by the contact with vapor phase as vaporized molecules are colliding with phase interface. Averaged strongly fluctuating virial pressure values gave untrustworthy or even unreal results, so need for an alternative method arisen. The idea was inspired with the presence of vapor phase and by previous experiences in gaseous phase simulations with small fluctuations of pressure, almost matching the ideal gas value. In presented simulations, the first idea how to calculate pressure only from the vapor phase part of simulation box were applied. This resulted into very simple method based only on averaging molecules count in the vapor phase subspace of known volume. Such simple approach provided more reliable pressure estimation than statistical output of the simulation program. Contrary, also drawbacks are present in longer initial thermostatization time or more laborious estimation of the vaporization heat. What more, such heat of vaporization suffers with border effect inaccuracy slowly decreasing with the thickness of liquid phase. For more efficient and more accurate vaporization heat estimation the two distinct simulations for each phase separately should be preferred.
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Briuchowecka, Łarysa. "Nie zmieniając poglądów. Przedstawianie okrucieństwa i zła w filmach Andrzeja Wajdy." Studia Filmoznawcze 39 (July 17, 2018): 79–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0860-116x.39.6.
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NOT CHANGING LOOKS. PRESENTATION OF CRUELTY AND EVIL IN THE FILMS OF ANDRZEJ WAJDAAmong Andrzej Wajda’s legacy, the image of the totalitarian regime and its repercussions for people, countries, and humanity holds a significant place. Films of Andrzej Wajda, who was a liaison officer in the anti-Hitler Polish underground, are a kind of chronicle of the survivors of twentieth century. The article is dedicated to study the various forms of evil and its effects on real people. The study is applicable for our time because the world again deals with the recidivism of evil which the Soviet government spread in its own country and beyond its own borders. In the USRR, the perception of Andrzej Wajda’s films was dependent on the political play in action: when the relations between two countries were friendly, he received awards, however after the Solidarity was established, no one ever mentioned Wajda. The epic work Danton, about the French revolution, made in France during times difficult for Poland because of the martial law imposed on Poland, reveals the effects of revolution that paradoxically destroyed its most dedicated revolutionists, including Danton. Wajda’s refusal to American producers to direct a motion picture based on a screen play of Aleksander Slozenicyn had se-rious reasons, primarily commitment to his homeland. He made up for the missed opportunity to show Stalin’s evil empire when he shot the film Katyń. This word echoes deep tragedy in the heart of every Pole and the director succeeded in portraying the cruelty of mechanism of punishment in totalitarian USRR. The second most important aspect was the discovery of the lies of this regime, which tried to place the responsibility for the execution of Polish officers on the Nazis. After a premiere of Katyń in Ukraine, Andrzej Wajda was awarded the medal of Jaroslaw Madry. The article also includes the theme of influence of Fyodor Dostoyevsky’s novels on Andrzej Wajda’s work — the director not only used Dostoyevsky’s work for his filmmaking and staging, but as well he was inspired by Dostoyevsky’s deep analysis of dangerous social phenomena and the courage in discovering the evil. In Wajda’s films, which belongs to the so-called “cinema of moral unrest”, the tragic fate of a talented journalist Jerzy Michalowski, the hero of film Bez znieczulenia who personalizes the characteristics of a professional and a good man, simply horrifies. In his last film Powidoki, the director masterfully shows circles of hell survived by avant-garde artist Wladyslaw Strzeminski, the lecturer of Fine Arts Academy. All the films mentioned above are deemed necessary warning for future generations, they cannot put up with the aggression — on a political and private levels. Wajda’s lessons are universal, timeless, and everla-sting, like an eternal battle of good against evil.
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Marushiakova, Elena, and Veselin Popov. "Central Asian Gypsies: identities and migrations." Sprawy Narodowościowe, no. 46 (December 4, 2015): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2015.031.
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Central Asian Gypsies: identities and migrationsDuring recent years the topic of Gypsy/Roma migration and identities became burning topic of pan-EUropean public discourse. Much less attention is paid to the Gypsy migrations outside the borders of European Union. The present article has ambitious goal to fulfill this gap and to present contemporary Gypsy migrations in Post-soviet Central Asian in order to see how this “burning” topic looks outside European space. After breakdown of Soviet Union and establishing of new independent republics in Central Asia and in connection to economical difficulties, wars and social unrest, in order to make their living, the communities of Central Asian ‘Gypsies’ revitalised their former nomadic traditions and migrate towards Russian Federation and in frames of Central Asia towards Kazakhstan. There they are earning their living through begging and sporadic work in construction and scrap collection.A central point of this article is the impact of these contemporary migrations on the development of identities and well being of Central Asian ‘Gypsies’. The multilevel, hierarchically structured identities of Central-Asian ‘Gypsies' are analysed as demonstrated in different historical contexts – as former “Soviet people”, member of former ruling class of agricultural proletariat, and as declassed community today; as Central-Asian ‘Gypsies’ or as citizens of respective Central Asian Republics during migrations in Russian Federation in front of Russian majority society and in front of Roma; and in context of the Central Asian region during the migrations to Kazakhstan and in their home countries. Cyganie środkowoazjatyccy – tożsamości i migracje W ostatnich latach tematyka migracji i tożsamości Cyganów (Romów) stała się tematem palącym w unijnoeuropejskim dyskursie publicznym. O wiele mniej uwagi poświęca się w nim migracjom Cyganów, które mają miejsce poza granicami Unii Europejskiej. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest wypełnienie tej luki i ukazanie współczesnych migracji Cyganów w posowieckiej Azji Środkowej, po to by móc spojrzeć, jak ów „palący” problem przedstawia się poza obszarem europejskim. Po rozpadzie Związku Sowieckiego i ustanowieniu w Azji Środkowej nowych niepodległych republik, a także wobec trudności gospodarczych, wojen i niepokojów społecznych, w dążeniu do uzyskania środków do życia, wspólnoty „Cyganów” środkowoazjatyckich powróciły do swych dawnych tradycji nomadycznych i migrują na teren Federacji Rosyjskiej jak też w obrębie Azji Środowej do Kazachstanu. Zarabiają tu na życie żebraniem, okazjonalnie podejmują pracę na budowach, zajmują się też zbieraniem surowców wtórnych.Zasadniczą kwestią rozpatrywaną w niniejszym artykule jest ukazanie, jak te współczesne migracje wpływają na budowanie tożsamości i dobrobytu środkowoazjatyckich „Cyganów”. Przedstawiona została analiza wielopoziomowych hierarchicznie ustrukturyzowanych tożsamości „Cyganów” środkowoazjatyckich, przejawiających się w różnych kontekstach historycznych: jako „ludzi sowieckich”, członków dawnej klasy przewodniej – wiejskiego proletariatu, i jako zdeklasowanej dziś wspólnoty; jako „Cyganie” środkowoazjatyccy lub jako obywatele odnośnych republik środkowoazjatyckich podczas migracji na terenie Federacji Rosyjskiej vis a vis dominującej wspólnoty społeczeństwa rosyjskiego, jak też vis a vis Romów; a także w kontekście regionu środkowoazjatyckiego podczas migracji do Kazachstanu oraz w ich krajach ojczystych.