Academic literature on the topic 'Borrowing words. eng'

This paper presents the process and mechanism of borrowing from Japanese into Slovene. Japan and Slovenia are geographically and culturally quite distant, and the two languages are genealogically not related. Between such two languages, not many borrowings are expected, but there is a certain amount of borrowed words of Japanese origin in today's Slovene. The focus of this paper is on the words of Japanese origin that are well integrated in today’s Slovene. Firstly, the process of borrowing is analysed: there are three main phases for successful borrowing from Japanese into Slovene, but during the process, some obstacles may hinder the completion of this process, so that further creative use of some borrowed words in the Slovene environment cannot be expected. The second part of this paper will closely look at the loanwords of Japanese origin which are already recorded as headwords in today’s dictionaries of Slovene. The loanwords are analysed in relation to the borrowing process and adjustments, their semantic fields, and wherever possible, their diachronic changes in use, and other specifics. At the end, the image of Japan seen through the borrowing process and consolidated loanwords is summarized, and possible development of borrowing in the near future is predicted.

French has long served English as the donor language par excellence in the field of cookery. A considerable number of culinary terms have been adopted into English down the ages (e.g. Chirol, 1973). Since cuisine is a field where France excels, the strong influx of borrowings from this area is by no means surprising. In the nineteenth century, too, French has been the source of a significant proportion of words and meanings which reflect the refinement of French gastronomy. The focus of this paper is on the culinary vocabulary borrowed from French in the nineteenth century. According to the Oxford English Dictionary (henceforth oed) the term gastronomy itself, the art of preparing fine food, is a nineteenth-century borrowing which was adapted from the French gastronomie. The present study provides an analysis of the sense developments of the various borrowings from their earliest recorded uses in English to the present day in comparison with their equivalents in French. It will be interesting to see whether a) a particular meaning a borrowing assumes after its adoption is taken over from French (due to the continuing impact of French on English) or b) whether it represents an independent semantic change within English. Such a detailed investigation of the semantics of the culinary words of French provenance is missing in existing studies.

The author discusses similes of southern Slavs (Bulgarians and peoples of the former Yugoslavia, i.e. Bosnians, Serbs, Croats, and Montenegrins) with a semantically similar component such as an anthroponym of Oriental origin. The author deals with both outdated similes and those that are actively used nowadays. Orientalisms usually include words belonging to different groups of Turkic as well as Iranian and Arab-Semitic languages. Historical events and language contacts contributed to the borrowing of thematically diverse Orientalisms by South Slavic languages. The result of the five-century domination of the Ottoman Empire in the Balkan Peninsula is borrowing from the Old Ottoman (Old Turkish) language, which became both the source language and (often) the intermediate language through which Arabisms and Persisms entered the South Slavic recipient languages. Therefore, in Bulgaria, the term Turkish-Arabic-Persian words is used to refer to this vocabulary. In addition to the Arab-Persian elements, the old Ottoman language is rich in borrowings from other languages (e.g. Greek). The term Turkish usually refers to the vocabulary of the old Ottoman rather than the modern Turkish language. Due to the vastness of anthroponyms of Oriental origin as a special genetic layer of South Slavic vocabulary, the author analyzes the expressions that denote a person in such aspects as intelligence, gender, and occupation. Oriental vocabulary penetrated into the languages of Southern Slavs mainly through oral spoken language. The degree of penetration of Turkish words into the languages of the peoples of Southern Slavia is different. The outcome of borrowings also varies: they either remained in the recipient languages as exoticism, or have been completely assimilated in them. During semantic adaptation in the language that accepts Oriental vocabulary, there is sometimes an expansion or contraction of the meaning of a word. Many of the Turkish words that make up the comparison became historicisms and entered the passive vocabulary and in the modern language they are not used because of the disappearance of the realities they denote (for example, words associated with the system of administration in the Ottoman era). Another reason for transition into the passive vocabulary in the Balkans is the process of replacing the original words. The paper defines the functional, semantic, and stylistic status of Eastern vocabulary in different social and cultural layers (standard languages and dialects) of South Slavic similes. Due to historical reasons, the greatest number of borrowings from the Turkish language as a part of similes is observed in Bosnia and Herzegovina as well as in Shtokavian dialects of Croatia. In addition to this, the author gives cultural, historical, and etymological comments to similes, analyzing the meaning of units and components that are parts of similes.

This paper focuses on the word monitoring (RU: мониторинг, PL: monitoring), borrowed into both Russian and Polish from English and widely used today. In the author’s opinion, this word reflects one of the key notions of modern reality, that of applying technical means to enable the observation of both material objects and social processes along with their subjects. The meaning of the word мониторинг in the Russian language is not equivalent to the meanings of words com­monly considered its synonyms (e.g., observation, control, forecast, and evaluation). Unlike these other Russian words, мониторинг implies an idea of active influence on the running processes and, in this sense, points to a new notion in Russian culture. Thus, it cannot be concluded that the use of this loanword has superseded native Russian words. The author concentrates on several differences related to this word in the compared languages. In the Polish language, the word monitoring means “a continuous observation and control of processes,” and is used in discourses that advertise security and bodyguard services, whereas in the Russian langu­age, this word is more frequently used in discourses related to the observation of social processes and is connected to the idea of metaphorical tracking.

The author pursues an argument that the Armenian word gom (‘stable, stall, pigsty’)cannot be related to Old Norse gammi (‘Saami hut, dug-out’) for both phonological andsemantic reasons. Rather, the former noun represents an ancient borrowing from anAnatolian source (cf. Hittite ḫūmmaš c. ‘stable, stall, sty’, Luwian ḫūmmaš c. ‘pigsty’< PIE. *h2óu̯mos), whereas the latter one seems to be a Finno-Ugric loanword (via theNorthern Saami appellative gammi, which derives from the Finno-Permic archetype *kȣmɜ‘granary, pantry’). Furthermore, the modern Caucasian languages attest lexical data withtwo different (and easily separable) meanings: ‘stable, stall, sty’ vs. ‘granary, pantry’.The former group, documented e.g. by Georgian gomi ‘pigsty’, is evidently of Anatolianorigin (via Armenian gom). On the other hand, the Caucasian terms for ‘granary, pantry’(e.g. Svan gwem ‘cupboard, pantry, larder’, Kabardian gwän ‘chest for corn, grain-store’,Ad. kon ‘upward widening woven granary, covered on the outside with clay and coveredwith straw’, Ingush ḳe, obl. ḳeno ‘granary’, Chechen čọ̈̄ , obl. čọ̈̄ na- ‘store for grain, granary’etc.), wrongly linked to the aforementioned words for ‘stable, stall, pigsty’ by somelinguists, should be treated as borrowings of Finno-Ugric origin (via Ossetic gom, gon,gondan ‘box for grain, granary’ ← Ostyak kȯ̆m ‘granary, pantry’ vel sim. < Finno-Permic*kȣmɜ ‘id.’).

Cross-linguistic borrowing (overt use of words from the other language) and transfer (use of semantic or syntactic structures from the other language without active switching to that language) were examined during language production in Russian–English bilinguals. Grammatical category (noun/verb) and level of concreteness were found to influence language interaction. More cross-linguistic borrowings were found for nouns than for verbs and more cross-linguistic transfers were found for verbs than for nouns, suggesting that grammatical categories are differentially vulnerable to covert and overt language interaction. Moreover, concrete nouns and verbs were transferred more than abstract nouns and verbs, suggesting that level of concreteness influences lexical access in bilinguals. Overall, bilinguals transferred more when speaking their second and less proficient language and borrowed more when speaking their first and less recent language (especially if the described event took place in the other language). We suggest that language architecture (e.g., semantic representation, lexical access) and language environment influence the nature of cross-linguistic interaction.

Miroslav DavlevičRussian Words in the Sociolect of the Young People of Polish Origin in Vilnius A characteristic feature of the sociolect of the young people of Polish origin in Vilnius is the large number of borrowings from various languages. In the analyzed material different groups of words of foreign origin are distinguished. Borrowings from the Lithuanian, English, German, French and Italian languages are presented. However, the most prominent group - representing over 1/3 of the collected lexical data - are borrowings from the Russian language. This tendency is based on the long-term influence of the Russian language in these areas. Considering the subject of the borrowings as well as the level of adoption the following items are distinguished in this article: 1 Quotes: verbal and phraseological; 2 formal-semantic lexical borrowings (adopted words); 3 Semantic loanwords. In the majority of the cases these borrowings were taken over not from the literary language, but from the colloquial Russian language or Russian environmental dialects (e.g., criminal, youth slang, etc.) known as inter-sociolectic borrowings. Young people of Polish origin in Vilnius use sociolect, which is basically a mixture (mélange) of colloquial Russian, Russian criminal slang and Slavic expressive words (curse words and vulgar language). In a multilingual society the presence of lexical borrowings is an inevitable phenomenon. It is worth pointing out that in Lithuania (as well as on the territory of the former Soviet Union) the Russian language for a long period of time has performed the function of the interdialect.

Icelanders were the subjects of Danish kings for more than five centuries. This article focuses on Icelandic-Danish language contact towards the end of this period, i.e. in the 19th century when Icelandic is assumed to have been heavily influenced by Danish. This assumption is, however, based primarily on metalinguistic evidence and random examples rather than on empirical research. The purpose of the present article is to question this, seeking to evaluate the impact of Danish on Icelandic vo-cabulary based on investigations of 19th century texts. In the spirit of historical socio-linguistics, we examine a variety of published and unpublished texts, and refer both to the external sociohistorical situation and language use as it appears in our texts.In the 19th century, the Danish kingdom was losing territories and changing from a multiethnic and plurilingual empire, into a national state with Danish as the national language. Together with the prevailing 19th century ideology of nationalism in Europe, the changes within the state promoted ideas of national independence for Iceland, and the Icelandic language became a central symbol of nationhood. At the same time, direct contact between Icelandic and Danish, formerly quite limited and mostly confined to a small group of high officials, increased. Travels between the two countries became easier and more frequent, a growing number of Danes sett led in Iceland (and vice versa), and bilingualism became more common among the general Icelandic public. The political struggle for national independence, as well as the growing presence of Danish in Iceland, is reflected in the language discourse of the 19th century, where the impact of Danish was a constant concern. It was seen as a serious threat to Icelandic, most prominent in the speech in Reykjavik, the fastest growing urban centre. This article presents the results of two investigations of lexical borrowings, based on recently compiled corpora of 19th century Icelandic texts: a corpus of printed newspapers and periodicals, and a corpus of unpublished and handwritten private lett ers. The first study included words in both corpora, that contained one of four borrowed affixes, an-, be-, -heit and -era, which were commonly featured in contemporary (negative) comments on foreign influence. The results show that such words were, in fact, rare in the texts, and that their number, relative to the total number of running words, decreased in the course of the century, especially in the newspapers. The second investigation was directed at recent borrowings (including one-word code-switches) in a subcorpus of newspapers from the last quarter of the 19th century. The results show a very moderate number of tokens relative to the total number of running words in the texts as a whole (0.37%). We do, however, see a clear increase between 1875 and 1900, as well as a higher proportion of lexical borrowings in the Reykjavik newspapers than in those published elsewhere. Furthermore, the words in question were particularly prominent in advertisements compared to the rest of the text. The main conclusion of the article is that both the contact situation and the amount and character of the borrowed words found in the texts, place 19th century Icelandic on step 1 of Thomason and Kaufman’s borrowing scale, and that the over-all results show much less influence from Danish than contemporary metalinguistic comments indicated.

On early pseudo-learned orthographic forms: A contribution to the history of English spelling and pronunciation The history of English contains numerous examples of "improved" spellings. English scribes frequently modified spelling to make English words and some popular borrowings look like words of Latin or Greek origin. The typical examples are Eng. island, containing mute <s> taken from Lat. insula or Eng. anchor ‘mooring device’ (< Fr. ancre), with non-etymological <h>. Although such "reformed spellings" became particularly fashionable during the Renaissance, when the influence of the classical languages was at its peak, "classicised" spellings are also found earlier, e.g. in texts from the 14th century. In the present contribution which concentrates on identifying such earliest influences on spellings in Middle English attention is focussed on the regional distribution of reformed spellings, with a sociolinguistic focus on the type of the text. The data for the study come from standard sources like the Middle English Dictionary (2001) and Oxford English Dictionary (2009).

This paper attempts a periodization and dialectal attribution of Iranian loan words found in Tocharian A and B, two Indo-European languages attested in c. 10,000 fragments unearthed in Chinese Turkestan since 1892. More than 100 loan words are scritinized and classified in eight sections, according to their origin: Old Iranian (probably issued from the common ancestry of the ‘Sakan’ languages, Khotanese, Tumshuqese and Waxi), three different stages of Khotanese, ‘Śaka’, (the language of the Iranian invaders of northern India), Parthian, Bactrian and Sogdian. Tocharians had dealings with all neighbouring Iranian peoples, but Khotanese and its ancestors clearly exerted the most durable influence. No loan word from more remote dialects (e.g. Persian and Ossetic) can be evidenced. The predominance of war-related and political vocabulary among the loan words and the direction of borrowing, overwhelmingly from Iranian to Tocharian, both point to a political ascendancy of Sakan-speaking tribes, and later of Bactria, on Tocharians.

Orientador: Maria Helena de Moura Neves
Resumo: O objetivo desta dissertação é a verificação do uso, e principalmente, uma análise de freqüência de anglicismos no português atual, com vista a investigar a existência ou não de processo de adaptação do elemento estrangeiro e verificar o andamento desse processo para resolução da grafia. Constitui corpus da pesquisa o Banco de Dados do Centro de Estudos Lexicográficos da Faculdade de Ciências e Letras da UNESP de Araraquara, que possui cerca de 200 milhões de ocorrências, em textos diversificados. A análise é feita por meio da observação das ocorrências encontradas no corpus, as quais são organizadas em uma tabela dividida em antes e depois de 1950, e os resultados são avaliados com base nas teorias disponíveis sobre os estrangeirismos (Boulanger, 1979; Deroy, 1956; Alves, 1996; Carvalho, 1989; Sandmann, 1989; entre outros). A efetuação da análise quantitativa dos anglicismos encontrados durante o processo de busca mostrou que a maior parte dos empréstimos ocorre apenas em sua grafia original, ou seja, não possui forma adaptada concorrente. Entre os anglicismos que possuem forma adaptada, verificou-se que o item adaptado foi mais utilizado que o original. Após averiguação da escolha dos falantes entre forma gráfica original e adaptada no corpus em que se baseou a pesquisa, passa-se finalmente, a uma tentativa de sistematização dos processos de adaptação ortográfica dos 114 anglicismos que apresentam acomodação na grafia.
Abstract: The goal of this dissertation is to verify the usage, and, mainly, to analyze the frequency of anglicisms in current Portuguese, aiming to investigate the existence of adaptation process of the foreign word and check the development of this process for the resolution of writing. The corpus of this research is the one availabel in the Lexicography Laboratory at "Faculdade de Ciências e Letras" - São Paulo State University - Araraquara (UNESP), that contains more than 200 millions of occurrences, in diversified kinds of texts. The analysis is made by observing he occurrences found in the corpus which are organized in a table divided in before and after 1950, and the results are evaluated basing on the available theory about foreign words (Boulanger, 1979; Deroy, 1956; Alves, 1996; Carvalho, 1989; Sandmann, 1989; and others). The accomplishment of the quantitative analysis of the anglicisms found during the search process showed that the majority of them occurs only in their original graphic form, that is, there ins't an adapter form for them. Among the anglicisms that have an adapted form, the conclusion is that the adapted item is more used than the original one. After the investigation of the speaker's choice between original and adapted graphic form on the corpus in which the research was based an attempt was finally made in order to systematize the processes of spelling adaptation of 114 anglicisms that present accommodation in writing form.
Mestre

An idea of Wittgenstein’s: Given the questions (e.g.) belief ascriptions speak to, there is no reason to expect what they ascribe to correspond in any interesting or significant way with any identifiable intracranial states or happenings. There is a viewpoint from which this seems at best perverse. It is incarnated in something known as the Representational Theory of Mind. After setting out that theory, this chapter works to make Wittgenstein’s idea plausible, or at least reasonable; correspondingly, RTM becomes less plausible, or at least less reasonable. It works in this direction by borrowing, and working out, some ideas of Frege’s—very broadly speaking, ideas on what is, what not, a psychological question; in large part ideas on the generality of thought and the particularity of what thought is about. Later Wittgenstein is generally much indebted to Frege. Here is one area where the debt shows.

This chapter discusses two cases of Modern Greek prefixes whose extensive use in loan translations from foreign languages reveals a complex interplay between borrowing and word formation. The prefixes υπερ‎- and αντι‎- derive from the Ancient Greek prepositions υπέρ‎ (‘over, beyond’) and αντί‎ (‘in front of, instead of’), respectively, but, in the course of their grammaticalization into prefixes, they have also developed some additional non-locational meanings, e.g. ‘excess’ (υπερ‎-εργασία‎ [ipererγ‎asía] ‘overwork’), ‘against, opposing’ (αντι‎-αμερικανικός‎ [andiamerikanikós] ‘anti-american’). Given the extensive use of Greek prefixes in loan translations, two questions are addressed: How does calquing influence word formation processes in contemporary Greek? And does borrowing affect the meaning of Modern Greek prefixes? It is shown that borrowing constitutes a trigger for the expansion of the domain of use and the development of polysemy in Modern Greek prefixation. Furthermore, it is investigated which factors can account for the prevalence of all these loan translations, as opposed to direct borrowings.

In assessing the status of neoclassical compounding, we take into account the generative insight that language is ultimately based in the individual speaker’s competence and the European structuralist insight that new words are a response to naming needs. Two central questions that arise for neoclassical compounding are whether it constitutes a separate system and whether it is productive. We argue that what can be perceived as degrees of productivity and fluctuations in status can in fact be analysed as a consequence of differences between speakers in the same speech community. Speakers that are familiar with a domain in which neoclassical compounding is frequent, e.g. medicine, will be more likely to process new instances as rule-based formations. Considering the origins of neoclassical compounding, we note that borrowing has two different roles. On one hand, it is the reanalysis of borrowings from classical languages that leads to the emergence of a system. On the other hand, new neoclassical formations are borrowed between different languages. Comparing English and Russian, we argue that only for English is there evidence of a substantial set of speakers who have such as system. In Russian, neoclassical compounds are generally borrowings.

• Are computer applications changing our language? • Why do some people reject technology? • Are adults willing to change their language? • Do other cultures want to borrow English computing terms? • Is our knowledge of word meanings out of date? . . . In this chapter on language change, we address these questions first by examining the reasons for change and looking at the various types of change that can occur. We then focus on developments in the language of adults (life-long language learning) and on how language is organized in the minds of speakers. We consider people’s expectations with regard to meanings as well as the process of acquiring new words and meanings. The final part of the chapter deals with the issue of borrowing words from other languages. No one really knows why languages change over time, though a number of possible explanations have been put forward concerning specific instances of change. Historical events can sometimes provide explanations, when new contact or loss of contact between groups of people is eventually reflected in the word stock or sounds of a language. It is interesting to speculate whether electronic contact (e.g., through the Internet) might have the same degree of power to change languages over time. Certainly, in that environment, as in the “real world,” social forces can be observed: Borrowing words from another language and integrating them into one’s own can be part of a process of wanting to imitate another culture—especially one that is seen to be more fashionable or more technologically advanced. If new objects, ideas, and processes have to be named, new words will appear; similarly, old ones will fall out of use. Technological advancements contribute to these needs. They also create new human communication environments, which require new forms of text or speech, which in turn have an effect on the language to be used.

The article examines two versions of the well-known 16th century rhetorical biography of the Baptist of Russia — Praise and Precept, the texts of which reflect the general archetype. The researcher pays special attention to the passages containing the evaluative characteristics of the holy prince. Recognizing, following his scholarly predecessors, their plagiarism, the author establishes that, expanding the lexico-stylistically context of praising Vladimir Sviatoslavich by borrowing, the compiler of the archetype of the two works in an ideological sense was not able to enrich it. Perhaps he laid the foundation for the assertion of the tsarist and autocratic dignity of the ancestor of the Christian Russian rulers: a fact consistent with the changed norms of behavior and speech in Moscow society at the end of the 15th — the first half of the 16th century. At the same time, the unknown Russian literary scholar evidently showed himself as a master of literary compilation and combinatorics. The text he created, and at the same time the variants of the latter, Praise and Precept, is primarily of historical and literary significance, since it was used in the compilation of the biography of Vladimir Sviatoslavich, included in the Book of Degrees of the Royal Genealogy.