Dissertations / Theses: 'Bosnia and Herzegovina. Armija'

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Arnautovic, Aida. "Bosnia and Herzegovina : A multinational state." Thesis, Jönköping University, JIBS, Political Science, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-8052.

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This bachelor thesis in political science investigates whether the ethnic groupings in Bosnia and Herzegovina will lead to a separation of the country or if the country has potentials to develop and unify. The purpose of the thesis is to see what the underlying problems to this ethnic mentality are. Bosnia and Herzegovina was known for its multiethnic characteristics with three ethnic groups living side by side, the Muslims, the Croats and the Serbs. However, in the beginning of the 1990’s everything changed. New nationalistically oriented politicians made their names known and opinions based on ethnic belongings became important within every ethnic group.

The aim with this thesis is to introduce the reader to the problems Bosnia and Herzegovina experienced in late twentieth century. Several international actors were involved in the conflict and after a lot of pressure on the native politicians the Dayton Peace Agreement which put an end to the war was signed. Unfortunately, as in many cases before, the outcome shows that the people are the ones left with the consequences from the decisions the politicians make.

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Keil, Soeren. "Multinational federalism in Bosnia and Herzegovina." Thesis, University of Kent, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.528279.

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Ritter, Caleb Thomas Vachudová Milada Anna. "The Europeanization of Bosnia and Herzegovina." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,2054.

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008.
Title from electronic title page (viewed Feb. 17, 2009). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts in the Department of Political Science." Discipline: Political Science; Department/School: Political Science.

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Methadzovic, Almir, and Almir Methadzovic. "Segregated Education in Bosnia and Herzegovina." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/12452.

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Education in post-Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina suffers from the serious consequences of ongoing ethno-national conflict. My focus is segregated education in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina generally, particularly the "two schools under one roof" phenomenon. This social abnormality is present almost exclusively in the "Bosniak - Croat" administrative entity. Segregated education, by being an object of political struggle, seriously blocks the society from the necessary path of ethnic reconciliation. In describing and analyzing segregated education, I address the post-Dayton political administrative structure, political tensions, and ethno-national conflict including controversies over language and religion. I describe my involvement with two ethnically divided universities in the city of Mostar as well as two examples - one successful and one unsuccessful - of school integration in Herzegovina-Neretva Canton.

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Barbirotto, Patricio Ignacio <1984&gt. "Bosnia and Herzegovina: Nationality and Constitutionalism." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/2581.

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Il lavoro verte sulla questione dello sviluppo dell'idea di nazionalità in Bosnia ed Erzegovina e su come questa sia stata trattata (o non trattata) in sede costituzionale, creando i presupposti per la guerra di Bosnia e per la successiva di fatto ingovernabilità dello stato sorto dalla guerra stessa. Partendo dai primi stati medievali, il lavoro esamina la storia della regione concentrandosi sul XIX e il XX secolo quando il concetto moderno di nazione ed il nazionalismo si sono sviluppati ed affermati. Nello specifico, si osserva come le carte costituzionali alla base dell'organizzazione dello stato abbiano favorito la divisione dei bosniaci in tre nazionalità, due delle quali sono legate a stati esteri (nella fattispecie Croazia e Serbia) con i soli bosgnacchi (evoluzione della comunità bosniaca di religione musulmana)legati unicamente al suolo bosniaco-erzegovese o comunque a nessuna entità statale esterna. In conclusione si evidenzia come la ripartizione del paese in tre nazionalità, riconosciute dall'attuale carta costituzionale come le tre nazioni costituenti, abbia reso lo stato di fatto ingovernabile dal 1995 ad oggi.

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Blavicki, Slaven. "Islamist terrorist networks in Bosnia and Herzegovina." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/Sep/09Sep%5FBlavicki.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Stabilization and Reconstruction))--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2009.
Thesis Advisor(s): M. Hafez, Mohammed ; Shore, Zachary. "September 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on November 05, 2009. Author(s) subject terms: Bosnia and Herzegovina, Islamist terrorism, Islamic radicals, Wahhabism, Alija Izetbegovic, Bosniaks, Active Islamic Youth. Includes bibliographical references (p. 79-86). Also available in print.

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Spajic, Darko. "Muslim-Croat relations in Bosnia-Herzegovina, 1987-1997." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1998. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA359051.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, December 1998.
"December 1998." Thesis advisor(s): Daniel J. Moran. Includes bibliographical references (p. 135-138). Also available online.

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Andjelic, Neven. "Bosnia-Herzegovina : politics at the end of Yugoslavia." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.311330.

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Peres, Andréa Carolina Schvartz. "Contando histórias = fixers em Saravejo." [s.n.], 2010. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280792.

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Orientador: Omar Ribeiro Thomaz
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-17T09:53:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Peres_AndreaCarolinaSchvartz_D.pdf: 10660559 bytes, checksum: 71a38dbde9e434ec7f46703f12dcfb11 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010
Resumo: A partir de pesquisa de campo em Sarajevo sobre fixers e outros que trabalharam para os jornalistas estrangeiros durante a guerra na Bósnia-Herzegóvina, pretendo pensar o lugar desses sujeitos na constituição de uma fala sobre o conflito. Paralelamente, penso a guerra enquanto um contexto de elaboração de discursos e identidades, que se revelaria de modo especial por meio destes sujeitos que procuro analisar. Os fixers são os intérpretes, os guias que tornaram possível o fazer jornalístico durante a guerra - em um lugar estrangeiro e de língua estrangeira para os grandes veículos internacionais de imprensa, predominantemente norte-americanos e europeus, que realizaram a cobertura do conflito e a transmitiram para todo o globo. Penso os fixers, portanto, como reveladores dos processos elencados acima e, também, como emblemáticos para se pensar o próprio fazer antropológico e o lugar do intermediário, sempre presente no campo, mas, na maioria das vezes, ausente nas etnografias. Esse trabalho é sobre eles, e como contam e entendem a sua história e a construção do estado na Bósnia
Abstract: Considering the field research in Sarajevo about fixers and those people ho worked for foreign journalists during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, I analyze their role in the making of the history about the conflict. Besides that, I consider the war as a context of elaboration of discourses and identities that can be noticed through the subjects I analyze. Fixers are the translators, the guides who made the work of journalists during the war possible - in a foreign country, a strange language - for the great Media Corporations, mainly American and European, who covered the conflict and broadcasted it worldwide. I think that the research about fixers shed light on the processes quoted before, and eventually, on the anthropological work itself, concerning the role of the "intermediary", always present on the field, but mostly absent in the ethnographies. Hence, this thesis is about those people and about how they are telling history and thinking the building of the State
Doutorado
Antropologia Social
Doutor em Antropologia Social

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Blaustein, Jarrett. "Translators : negotiating the contours of glocal policing in Bosnia and Herzegovina." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/7783.

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In Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), a paradigmatic example of a transitional post-conflict society governed by an externally-driven process of neo-liberal state-building, police reforms have played an important role in supporting the transposition of a particular variant of liberal order through security governance at the national and sub-national levels. This order is primarily constructed to reflect the interests of BiH’s supranational architect and benefactor since 2003: the European Union. It is less responsive to the interests or the needs of BiH citizens or constitutionally established governing institutions (Chandler 1999). Historically, prescriptions for police reform in BiH have been defined by various representatives of the international community in BiH rather than domestic policy makers or practitioners. They have also been glocally-responsive in their design. In other words, they have been introduced to generate policy alignment and to support the harmonisation of local policing mentalities and practices with the EU’s security interests in the Western Balkans as well as dominant ‘European’ approaches to controlling crime (Juncos 2011; Ryan 2011). In practice, however, it is evident that the outputs and outcomes generated by police reforms in BiH regularly deviate from their initial design. This is particularly evident in relation to a handful of community policing initiatives introduced in BiH over the past decade (e.g. Deljkic and Lučić‐Ćatić 2011). Using a meso-level analysis of two community-oriented policing projects implemented in 2011, this research draws on the conceptual framework of ‘policy translation’ (Lendvai and Stubbs 2006) to illuminate the agentive capacities of international development workers and local police practitioners and their role in shaping the conceptual and programmatic contours of glocally-responsive policing reforms in BiH. My first case study examines the translational capacity of international development workers at a major multi-lateral international development agency in BiH using an ethnographic account of my three-month placement with the United Nations Development Programme’s (UNDP) ‘Safer Communities’ project in BiH in 2011. My second case study is used to illustrate the translational capacities of police practitioners working to implement an externally-initiated community policing project in Sarajevo Canton. Drawing from these case studies, I determine that the international political economy of global liberal governance and the interests of powerful global actors play only a limited role in affecting outputs and outcomes generated by internationally-driven police reforms. Rather, I argue that the concept of policy translation demonstrates that relatively disempowered actors like international development workers and local police practitioners can draw upon their agency and institutional resources to shape these policy making processes and in doing so, potentially contribute to more democratically responsive policing outputs and structures. My findings further suggest that important opportunities do exist for motivated reformers to foster deliberative forms of security governance in weak and structurally dependent societies like BiH and recognising and enhancing these can help to alleviate the potential consequences of introducing contextually or culturally inappropriate Western policing models to these societies. This is significant because it highlights the prospect of addressing the structural inequalities associated with global and transnational policing (Bowling and Sheptycki 2012), police reforms pursued in the context of liberal state-building projects (Ryan 2011) and donor-driven international police development assistance projects (Ellison and Pino 2012).

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Boyce, Brian M. "Political soldiers and democratic institution-building in Bosnia-Herzegovina." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Sep%5FBoyce.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2006.
Thesis Advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Richard Hoffman. "September 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 81). Also available in print.

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Kahvedzic, Nedim, and Samir Losic. "Corruption in Bosnia and Herzegovina : Causes, Consequences and Cures." Thesis, Linköping University, Economics, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-54790.

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The state of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), a developing country that once was a part of thecommunist Yugoslavia, is struggling to move from wartime to peacetime, to shift from acentrally controlled economy to a free market economy, and to stir from a socialist stylegovernment to a democracy. All of these processes lend themselves to great corruption. Theaim with this paper, thus, is to provide a frame of reference that can be used when writing andimplementing policies against corruption in BiH. This paper tries to identify the sectors inBiH that are most affected by corruption and to discuss possible causes of corruption in thecountry. The paper also discusses possible effects that corruption in BiH has on the country’seconomic growth, how corruption can be fought in the country and how a successfulreduction in corruption affects BiH’s economic growth.This work finds several flaws and weaknesses in the society of BiH. BiH faces today weakpolicies, weak institutions and weak penalty systems. There are strong regulations and noinstitutional controls. The economy is weak and leads to poverty. This paper argues that it isthrough these weaknesses in the society that corruption in BiH has arisen, and hasconsequently affected all major sectors and institutions in the country; it can be seen in thepolitical parties, the Police and other Enforcement Structures, the Judiciary, public utilities,the Health System and the Education System. Corruption has furthermore slowed down theprivatization process and is used by employers during recruitment processes to exploitcitizens in need of a job.This paper also finds that corruption in BiH brings with it its own distortions as it underminessocial capital by creating mistrust between various actors in the country, hinders bothdomestic and foreign investment, increases poverty and encourages growth of the blackmarket. All of these distortions lead to a slowdown in the economic growth.Furthermore, this paper asserts that BiH needs help from the European Union, the Office ofhigh Representative and possibly other international actors in the fight against corruption.They must help BiH to implement strategies that will give the leading politicians incentives tofight corruption. The paper stresses the lack of politicians’ will to fight corruption in BiHtoday as the biggest and most central problem in the fight against corruption. The anticorruptionprogram in this paper therefore emphasizes the importance of anti-corruptionmeasures that first and foremost deal with this problem. Only when this issue is resolved canBiH move to anti-corruption strategies on national level. The anti-corruption strategies onnational level themselves should contain effective government anti-corruption strategies.They should also promote anti-corruption education and secure free access to information.Finally, this work identifies probable positive effects on BiH’s economic growth if corruptionis successfully fought; the country will experience higher domestic and foreign investment,the mistrust will decrease and result in higher social capital, and both poverty and the blackmarketactivity will be reduced.

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Jonsson, Åsa. "Environmental training for municipality officers in Bosnia and Herzegovina." Thesis, KTH, Skolan för teknikvetenskap (SCI), 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kth:diva-31757.

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This is a study that aims to help create a better world. As big as it sounds, it is the truth. Every day municipality officers in Bosnia and Herzegovina work for a better environment, a better world. Despite their efforts the work they do is not as efficient as it could be and the support available for them is meagre. For this reason a programme called Municipality Environmental Infrastructure is under development in cooperation between the University of Sarajevo (Bosnia and Herzegovina) and the Royal Institute of Technology (Sweden) with financing from the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida). This thesis is a part of the work to make the programme successful. Competence needs for municipality officers will be identified through a needs analysis based on interviews with different stakeholders. The answers provided will create a picture of the needs that is both univocal and diverse with competences in identifying and handling environmental threats as well as managing infrastructure projects. The thesis will also look at what pedagogical methods the teachers at the programme plan to use and how this affects the programme. Since the programme is held in a formal setting but intends practical use of the knowledge this leads to high demands on the pedagogical methods. The programme syllabus will be fount to not entirely encompass all competence needs but suggestions will be made as to how to include the identified needs.

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Vanderwerf, Mark. "A missiological examination of national identity in Bosnia-Herzegovina." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 2008. http://www.tren.com/search.cfm?p002-0820.

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Hlivnjak, Sandra. "Current account sustainability : the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina." Thesis, Staffordshire University, 2010. http://eprints.staffs.ac.uk/1867/.

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This research investigates whether the persistent current account deficit in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BH) is sustainable. Initially current account sustainability is investigated by using the concept of a stationary condition and the mean reversion proposition. It is argued that stationarity of the current account presents a minimum requirement for current account sustainability assessment based on less strict intertemporal solvency conditions. It was found that four out of the five Western Balkan countries investigated have a stationary current account to GDP ratio and therefore met this minimum requirement for sustainability. In order to develop an empirical model to assess current account sustainability in BH, next the Fundamental Equilibrium Exchange Rate is estimated. The conclusion drawn from this analysis was that BH‟s high and persistent current account deficit was not caused by exchange rate misalignment, thus there is no need to adjust the peg. The main reason behind the BH current account deficit is its trade deficit. In the absence of previous analyses of trade deficit sustainability in the WB the next question assessed was whether forming an free trade agreement is a helpful policy for BH utilising an ex post empirical analysis. The analysis of the new Central European Free Trade Agreement concentrates upon three effects: on trade flows using gravity equations; on Bosnia and Herzegovina‟s trade potential and on future deficit sustainability in BH. It was found that although BH trade flows were affected by the CEFTA agreement, the net effect was to contribute to a further widening of the trade deficit in BH. Given the finding that BH‟s current account deficit cannot be attributed to (real) exchange rate misalignment the main conclusion is that current account sustainability analysis must be based on understanding the reasons why BH has a persistent trade deficit. The main reason behind BH current account deficit is its trade deficit. The main factor underlying trade deficit in BH is strong demand for imported goods and also BH‟s supply side weaknesses. Policy-makers need to create an environment for the private sector to develop. Hence both micro and macroeconomic conditions would have to be considered by BH policy-makers in order for this country to improve its export competitiveness and its trade position, which could reduce high BH current account deficit.

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Coward, Martin. "Urbicide and the question of community in Bosnia-Herzegovina." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/1759.

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This thesis seeks to answer the question of the meaning of the destruction of the urban environment in the 1992-95 Bosnian war. The inquiry begins with the destruction of the Old Bridge in Mostar, Bosnia-Herzegovina. This event constitutes an exemplary instance of the destruction of urban environments. The destruction of the Old Bridge is not, however, an isolated event: urban destruction was widespread during the Bosnian war. It is argued that a clue to the meaning of this destruction lies in the fact that it is shared spaces that are destroyed. The `logics' of urban destruction are then considered. Such destruction cannot be properly Accounted for by either the traditional notion of military necessity or the regimes established to protect cultural heritage. Rather, it is argued that the destruction of urban environment comprises `urbicide'. Urbicide is defined as the destruction of that which characterises the urban: heterogeneityI.t is argued that destroying buildings represents the destruction of the conditions of possibility of heterogeneity. The thesis then addresses the relation between shared spatiality and heterogeneity. Drawing on Heidegger's account of Being-in-the-world, it is argued that existence is both spatial and shared. The fundamental sharing of existential spatiality constitutes existence as a heterogeneous Being-with-others. The Heideggerian notion of Mitsein (Being-with) is proposed as an initial account of the nature of this heterogeneity. This account of Mitsein is developed through a consideration of the work of Jean-Luc Nancy. In particular the implication of Being in community is noted. An account is given of the politics of Being-with at stake in urbicide. In conclusion it is argued that urbicide comprises an ethno-nationalist attempt to cover over the Heterogeneous nature of existence. The proper starting point for a response to ethno-nationalist violence must be a recognition of the heterogeneity and community at stake in urbicide.

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Tošić, Mladen. "State-building processes in post-1995 Bosnia and Herzegovina." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609479.

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Katica, Jasmin. "NATO membership for Bosnia and Herzegovina obstacles and challenges." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2008/Dec/08Dec%5FKatica.pdf.

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Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2008.
Thesis Advisor(s): Yost, David S. "December 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 29, 2009. Includes bibliographical references (p. 103-116). Also available in print.

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Welty, Laura Jane Boatsman. "Preventing and Countering Salafist Radicalisation in Bosnia and Herzegovina." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2022. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/28068.

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Salafist mujahideen arrived in Bosnia and Herzegovina during the Bosnian War (1992-1995). The presence of mujahideen, coupled with the increased scrutiny on the Islamic World post-9/11, led to the narrative of Bosnia being primed for the proliferation of jihadi takfiri Salafi ideology. This prediction was supported by the existence of villages that adhered to shari’a law and parajamaats, parallel mosques, which operated outside of the control of the formal Bosnian Islamic Community (BIC). In the mid-2010s, Bosnian-born foreign fighters travelled to foreign theatres of conflict, mainly Syria and Iraq, to support and fight for terrorist groups, including ISIS. According to radicalisation theories often applied to European case studies, Bosniaks were expected to accept and proliferate Salafism. This assumption is based on Bosnia’s history of ethnic violence and trauma, socio-economic challenges, and a dramatic unpreparedness to counter the presence of foreign entities promoting the ideology domestically. However, as of 2016, the flow of Bosnian-born foreign fighters had halted, as has the presence of Salafist radicals willing to break the threshold of violence. This thesis proposes reasons why a vast majority Bosnian Muslims did not radicalise as expected by exploring the actions taken by civil society, the Bosnian Islamic Community, and the central government to combat Salafist radicalisation in Bosnia. The thesis evaluate how actions and policies were perceived and critiqued by those with localised knowledge and lived experience. This thesis uses an interpretive framework and employs insights from political anthropology and political ethnography, drawing on interviews to present a ‘from within’ analysis. The analysis of Bosnia's historical and cultural complexities and radicalisation literature reveal significant gaps regarding the interplay of the different segments of Bosnian society in countering and preventing Salafist radicalisation.

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Lay, Rachel E. "Linguistic Landscape of Main Streets in Bosnia and Herzegovina." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2015. https://dc.etsu.edu/honors/302.

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After the breakup of Yugoslavia in 1991, Bosnia and Herzegovina erupted into ethnic conflict and ultimately genocide. Nearly 100,000 people, mainly Bosniaks, died in the Bosnian War. Two decades later, the violence has ended but the conflict is still present in Bosnia; the societal segregation of the 1995 Dayton Accords, intended only as an immediate solution to the violence, still stands. Population and language distribution are evidence of this segregation. Bosnia’s two entities are home to two different ethnic majorities: Serbs in the Republika Srpska and Bosniaks in the Federation of BiH. In an environment so sensitive that the government recently feared that merely releasing statistics on ethnic populations might cause violence, the languages that represent these populations are important indicators of social presence and power. In order to evaluate the presence of the Serbian and Bosnian languages, as well as the English language, in Bosnia, signage on the main streets in the country’s capitals were photographed in great detail. It was hypothesized that linguistic majority would match ethnic majority on both main streets, and that English would appear frequently in advertisements. The number of photographs in which each language appeared was tallied up in order to determine how often the languages are typically used. Analyses of these results demonstrated that the English language is the second-most ubiquitous on both streets, after Bosnian, and the comparatively small presence of the Serbian language on both streets indicated that the linguistic environment in Bosnia is not conducive to peace and reconciliation.

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Ramovic, Armin. "Political Democracy in Bosnia and Herzegovina : A Case Study about Bosnia and Herzegovina's Democratic Progress." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-67891.

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Integrating into a political democratic regime has not been a simple task for post-communisitc states such as Bosnia and Herzegovina. The signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement in 1995 marked the end of the catastrophic war that took place in the region, and was the start for the democratic developments that would now fully integrate Bosnia and Herzegovina into a consolidated democratic regime. However, the history after the signing of the agreement has not been as idealistic. Corruption, ethnic limitations and restrictions, disagreement between the various governmental bodies, and the lack of accountability between the political authorities are just some of the factors which have hindered Bosnia and Herzegovina from reaching any major democratic progress for the past years. This essay will examine if Bosnia and Herzegovina can be regarded as a political democratic regime in accordance to Robert Dahl’s eight institutional guarantees. It will also investigate the democratic development that has taken place before and after the elections in 2014.

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Villeneuve, Michelle. "Occupational therapy education in Bosnia and Herzegovina, an implementation evaluation." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape4/PQDD_0019/MQ52960.pdf.

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Kochenderfer, Mary Anne. "Music after war : therapeutic music programmes in Bosnia and Herzegovina." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/1956.

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This thesis is a study of therapeutic music programmes in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina. This study focuses on how different participant groups perceive programme aims and benefits and what these different perceptions reveal about the programmes as well as ways in which the local context impacts the programmes. Analysis is based on data gathered through interviews, observation, participant observation, and questionnaires obtained during five fieldwork visits undertaken between November 2003 and November 2004. While all participant groups agree that the programmes are beneficial, there are important differences in the ways different participant groups perceive programme benefits and the different ways in which the programmes approach sessions. Constructions of therapy appear to differ both between programmes and between international and local staff. All participant groups identified improved client communication and social skills as primary session outcomes. Clients appear to be largely unaware of the therapeutic aims of their sessions. Parents appear to have little influence and are not always notified that their children are involved with the programmes. International staff members appear to be intolerant of parents who do not heed their advice or reinforce progress made during sessions. In addition to running therapeutic sessions, these programmes work to increase inter-ethnic tolerance and to improve the skills of other local professionals. Programme success appears to be hindered by uncertainties inherent in working in a post-war environment. Developed and largely influenced by internationals, the programmes also face uncertainty as to whether they possess the necessary local leadership and ownership for long-term sustainability. There is evidence that tensions within, between, and outwith the programmes limit programme potential. Many of these tensions appear to be tied to local-international relations within programmes, which are exacerbated by national local-international tensions. A funding shortage has contributed to a competitive rather than a cooperative relationship between programmes. As the first detailed study of post-war therapeutic music programmes, this study has the potential to impact similar work in other regions and provides a more informed backdrop against which judgements can be made regarding the role and appropriateness of music as a form of therapy in post-war regions.

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Peter, Mateja. "Constructing international authority : the international administration of Bosnia and Herzegovina." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648359.

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Vest, Emily Kate. "The war of positions : football in post-conflict Bosnia-Herzegovina." Thesis, Brunel University, 2014. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/10250.

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Research on the role sport might or can play in a post-conflict environment has tended to focus upon sport’s ability to deliver wider development objectives through that known as Sport-for-Development and Peace (SDP) interventions. Such programmes are somewhat notorious for over-looking the wider influence of the pre-established domestic sporting milieus. An ethnographic study of the role sport – and in this case specifically football - plays in what is known as a ‘returnee’ village within the Bosnian Serb Entity of Bosnia-Herzegovina is herein presented in an attempt to understand the complex interplay of power between the village, their neighbours, the state and those who perform and deliver football. The relationships that are established across and within such entities and the negotiations required for co-existence are significant; in a variety of ways they influence the post-conflict processes. The interplay of the varied social and cultural groups that constitute post-conflict Bosnia requires a multi-disciplinary approach to elucidate the post-conflict processes. Utilising a neo-Gramscian approach what follows makes it possible to envisage the International Community, namely the supra-national institutions, international NGOs and funders, in the role of the dominant political group working to create its vision of a hegemony of peace. Concurrently the ethno-political indigenous elite are endeavouring to retain the status quo and have managed to create a period of permanent liminality, preventing Bosnia from creating a post-conflict hegemony. With historic links to nationalist impulses and intricate connections to the current political milieu, football provides a window through which the post-conflict processes of a community may be observed. As what we might best term the War of Position for the establishment of a post-conflict hegemony ensues, the research illustrates that whilst domestic football may be understood as a focal point for the promotion of civil society and carries many capabilities of political capital, there remains a tension between the ethno-political elite and the International Community. Both utilise the game for their own ambitions, but neither of their visions are accepted by the wider Bosnian population.

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Pobric, Alma. "Fertility and the status of women in Bosnia and Herzegovina." Thesis, Kingston University, 2009. http://eprints.kingston.ac.uk/20408/.

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This thesis examines the fertility and women's status in Bosnia and Herzegovina. It reviews the differences in population growth rates among the world's major areas during the 1950-2000 and the fertility characteristics and family policy in Europe. The fertility transition across Europe is highlighted. All European countries have experienced considerable decline of fertility and by the end of the 20th century the rates were far below replacement levels in almost every country. The demographic change and fall in fertility in Bosnia and Herzegovina and in neighbouring states is marked. In so doing, it applies the demographic period analysis of fertility rates in the second half of the 20th century and in recent years and the examination of total fertility and age specific fertility rates shows that there was variation in the declining dependent upon the extent of female education and occupation. The historical aspect of female positions in Bosnia-Herzegovina's society is illustrates that fertility transitions are initiated by the improved status of women and their increased ability to determine own fertility. The correlation between fertility and urbanization and income per capita suggests that as income or the level of urbanization rises then the fertility rate falls. Ethnic affiliation to some extent corresponds with other socio-economic factors impacting on fertility level. Total fertility rates vary across urban and rural place of residence generally, but higher fertility rates are found in more urban then in rural areas. The greater involvement in the impersonal market sector and better professional position, the lower are the fertility preferences and lower actual fertility. The large body of evidence showing how high fertility levels is related to economically less developed municipalities helps to elucidate the relationship between a women's occupation and total fertility rate. The post-war period is characterized by new women's activism but participation of women in different sphere of public life and their general status are still not satisfactory. The more emphasized decline in natality and fertility rates in recent years is the consequence of unenvious socio-economic and political environment in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

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Thauby, Cortés Yury Francisco. "Sacralización de valores y limpieza étnica: Bosnia-Herzegovina (1991-1995)." Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2006. http://repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/110374.

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El vocabulario étnico es frecuentemente solicitado en los medios de comunicación para informar sobre masacres y violencia, en que los actores se opondrían por “su lengua”, “su religión”, “su cultura”. El sentido común tiende a considerar los grupos étnicos como naturales en la existencia humana, como una realidad primordial e inefable. El hecho de pertenecer a tal o cual grupo se relacionaría entonces con la herencia biológica de cada individuo. En cuanto a la oposición entre esos grupos, sería igualmente casi natural. El hombre estaría llevado a un comportamiento inhumano y bárbaro en presencia de una demasiado grande diversidad cultural y religiosa. En definitiva, las diferencias étnicas concluirían indefectiblemente en conflicto. Con esta lógica, los diferentes grupos nacionales, por norma, deberían ser gobernados en Estados separados, esto siendo la línea evolutiva de las relaciones entre los grupos humanos. Por ende, cabe problematizar este tema a través de concepciones etnográficas. En efecto, ésta apunta a poner de relieve el rol que pueden jugar las representaciones sociales en la construcción de la alteridad. A este respecto, uno de los conflictos que sacudió la ex-Yugoslavia ha sido generalmente pensado en las categorías: Serbios contra Croatas (ortodoxos contra católicos); Serbios contra Bosniacos (ortodoxos contra musulmanes). La elección de las categorías nacionales o religiosas parece indicar que la diferencia constituye el motor del conflicto.

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Trifunović, Stefan. "Dayton Agreement and democracy to come in Bosnia and Herzegovina." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2017. http://repositorio.unb.br/handle/10482/23733.

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Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Direito, Curso de Pós-Graduação em Direito, 2017.
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Jacques Derrida tem sido um dos mais controvertidos filósofos do final do século XX e começo do século XXI. Ele foi assim rotulado não só por conta das suas ideias sobre os vários tópicos com os quais tem lidado em seu trabalho, mas também devido a sua abordagem geral face à filosofia. Sua abordagem crítica desenvolvida a partir da desconstrução tem sido tanto aclamada quanto criticada. Nesse sentido, algumas dessas críticas tem feito referência à incapacidade da teoria de Derrida de ser aplicada a problemas concretos. Contudo, essas alegações têm sido instigantes. A fim de confrontá-las, a presente pesquisa se baseou na ideia de aplicar o pensamento de Derrida a problemas concretos. Para esse fim, o contexto jurídico-político da Bósnia e Herzegovina foi escolhido como estudo de caso. Essa escolha se deu em função de diversos fatores, concernentes à complexidade dos temas, sua universalidade e atualidade. Ao longo do presente trabalho, a teoria foi associada a problemas concretos, tendo, em muitos casos, dado ensejo a questionamentos e hipóteses ainda mais profundos no que concerne a essa temática. No entanto, a principal contribuição deste trabalho foi demonstrar que as ideias e conceitos desenvolvidos por Jacques Derrida tem sido mais que úteis quando aplicados em questões relativas ao atual cenário jurídico-político da Bósnia e Herzegovina.
Jacques Derrida is one of the most controversial philosophers of late 20th and beginning of 21st century. He earned this title not only because of his views upon the various topics he dealt with in his work, but also due his general approach toward philosophy. Derrida’s critical approach developed within deconstruction, ideas which have been both praised and criticized. Some of various critical positions refer to the inability of Derrida’s theory to be applied upon concrete problems. These standings have been inspirational. In order to question them, this research is based upon idea of applying Derrida’s idea on concrete problems. Therefore, the politico-legal context of Bosnia and Herzegovina is chosen as a case study. This is done due to several factors, including the complexity of the issues, their universality and actuality. Throughout this work, theory is intertwined with concrete problems. In many cases it highlights some deeper issues and it is able to give some deeper inside upon the problems. However, the main characteristic this work is able to show is that ideas and concepts developed by Jacques Derrida are more than useful when they are applied upon the issues existing in Bosnia and Herzegovina’s political and legal reality.

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29

Günen, Berna. "The European press coverage of the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011IEPP0023.

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La thèse porte sur la guerre en Bosnie (avril 1992-décembre 1995) et la diffusion de cette guerre par la presse européenne. Le travail consiste à analyser les commentaires et les éditoriaux publiés dans les presses britannique, française et allemande entre 1991 et 1995. Les journaux consultés sont les suivants: The Guardian, The Times, Le Figaro, Le Monde, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung et Süddeutsche Zeitung. L’ambition est de prouver que l’intense couverture de la guerre en Bosnie ne montre pas nécessairement une bonne compréhension de celle-ci par les commentateurs. Au contraire, ces derniers se furent montrés arrogants sinon ignorants. La presse européenne réagit aux symptômes de la guerre tandis qu’elle ignora et/ou déforma ses causes et ses dynamiques. Les vieux préjugés sur les Balkans firent que les commentaires soient pleins d’erreurs factuelles et d’incohérences. Cette approche eurocentrique initiale des commentateurs les mena à se réfugier dans une interprétation eurocentrique de la guerre en Bosnie (cercle vicieux). Puisque la Bosnie était ethniquement trop hétérogène pour survivre à la désintégration yougoslave et qu’elle était donc vouée à la guerre civile, ce qui était en jeu n’était plus d’assurer une paix juste et durable en Bosnie, mais d’arrêter la guerre de sorte que les organisations occidentales et internationales puissent sauver la face. En dernière analyse, la couverture intense mais confuse de la presse européenne aboutirent à la caricaturisation du conflit, ce qui renforça les vieux préjugés parmi les lecteurs. La thèse ainsi confirme que le danger ne réside pas dans la médiatisation des événements, mais dans la caricaturisation de ceux-ci
The dissertation focuses on the war in Bosnia (April 1992-December 1995) and its coverage by the European press. Its scope has been limited to the commentaries and the editorials published in the British, French and German press between 1991 and 1995. The newspapers which have been analysed are The Guardian, The Times, Le Figaro, Le Monde, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung and Süddeutsche Zeitung. The aim of this dissertation is to prove that the European press’ intense coverage of the Bosnian war did not necessarily mean that it fully understood this conflict. On the contrary, the commentators’ approach was arrogant, if not ignorant. The European press responded to the symptoms of the war while it ignored and/or distorted its causes and dynamics. The commentaries written under the influence of old prejudices on the Balkans included many factual errors and inconsistencies. The commentators’ initial Eurocentric approach led them to adopt an equally Eurocentric interpretation of the Bosnian war as a defence mechanism (vicious circle). Since Bosnia was ethnically too heterogeneous to survive the disintegration of Yugoslavia and therefore doomed to civil war, so the argument went, what was at stake was not to broker a just and durable peace in Bosnia, but to stop the war somehow so that Western/international organisations could save face. In the final analysis, the press’ intense yet chaotic coverage led to the caricaturisation of the Bosnian war, which in turn reinforced the existing prejudices among the readers. The dissertation thus confirms that the real danger lies not in mediatisation as such, but in caricaturisation of world events

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30

Laketa, Sunčana. "The Geopolitics Of Daily Life In Mostar, Bosnia And Herzegovina." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/556443.

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Nearly twenty years after the brutal conflict that occurred in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), ethnosectarian ideology continues to permeate all structures and institutions of Bosnian society, from political and educational institutions to religious and cultural ones; most of all, it is significantly embodied in the everyday life of people in Bosnia. It is these everyday practices that I investigate in order to unravel how ethnicity is (re)produced, performed and experienced through mundane practices of moving through space. Specifically, this dissertation asks: What socio-spatial practices and emotional experiences are involved in the processes of solidifying, as well as dissolving, ethnic identity in BiH? The study is a primarily qualitative investigation of daily life, based on deployment of multiple methods such as participant observation, interviews and a photography project. The site of the study is the town of Mostar in southwestern BiH. It has been formally and informally divided between "Croat/Catholic" west Mostar and "Bosniak/Muslim" east Mostar for over 15 years. The findings point to the ways identity and space emerge as performative effects of practice, as well as how different processes of bordering (between "us" and "them"; between "our" and "their" side) are materialized through different affective intensities.

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31

Hrnjic, Irma <1988&gt. "“Workers rights in Bosnia and Herzegovina: problems and new challenges"." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/6284.

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“Workers rights in Bosnia and Herzegovina: problems and new challenges" aims to be a dissertation which analyzes the labour law situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the first part of the dissertation will be analyzed the country profile, war crisis, post war situation and then the role of international organisation and the international context. In the second chapter will be described gender discrimination with particular focus to the women condition and different types of discrimination. The goals will focus on the new challenges and solutions for better work condition.

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32

Latif, Dilek. "Peace Building After Humanitarian Intervention: The Case Of Bosnia And Herzegovina." Phd thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12606504/index.pdf.

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ABSTRACT PEACE BUILDING AFTER HUMANITARIAN INTERVENTION: THE CASE OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA Latif, Dilek Ph.D., Department of International Relations Supervisor: Prof. Dr. ihsan D. Dagi August 2005, 379 pages. This dissertation analyzes peace building process after humanitarian intervention. It conceptualizes peace building through questioning the feasibility of peace building following a humanitarian intervention. Addressing the deficiency of contemporary peace building approach, this thesis indicates the shortcomings of the various instruments of peace building in contributing peace and reconciliation on the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). Besides, it shows the drawbacks of the current practice that peace building is a learning process, which employs the lessons learnt to advance the efficiency of peace building process. There is a lack of comprehensive approach to peace building, based on case studies, evaluating the shortcomings and merits of all the instruments of peace building that provides a general strategy. Despite abundancy of policy oriented research to contribute policy making, academic work to analyze such a complicated phenomena has been frail. Within this context, contribution of the dissertation is to demonstrate the entire picture and question viability of the peace building process in war-torn societies. Therefore, it is enriching the study on the peace building operations. Failure of institutionalization of peace in BiH after almost a decade of rigorous peace building efforts of the international community shows the fault of the mainstream understanding of peace building. The dissertation also unveils that engagement in Kosovo is the product of a similar strategy, which in practice either repeated the same fruitless methods or tried to build on the experience obtained in Bosnia but failed to heal up the troubles and challenges faced in Kosovo. Overall, the study points out the inevitability of a novel approach and an alternative peace building strategy beyond the policy-related focus.

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Bogdanić, Danijela. "Society and organizational culture and leadership expectations in Bosnia and Herzegovina." Doctoral thesis, Universitätsbibliothek Chemnitz, 2013. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:ch1-qucosa-108385.

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In this thesis I explore the relationship between characteristics of the society culture in Bosnia, the organizational culture of Bosnian enterprises and characteristics of the expected leadership in Bosnian companies of three branches of industry (food processing, telecommunications, and financial services). Much of the inspiration for this thesis comes from the Global Leadership and Organizational Behaviour Effectiveness (GLOBE) project. The main idea of GLOBE is to advance an empirically established theory, to comprehend and envisage the effect of particular cultural variables on leadership and organizational processes and the effectiveness of these processes. The research instruments build up on both quantitative and selected qualitative GLOBE research methods in order to supply descriptive and scientifically valid data of cultural influences on leadership expectations and organizational practices in Bosnian society. The background theory guiding this thesis is the culturally endorsed implicit theory of leadership (CLT) developed for the GLOBE project. Empirical findings reveal that historically, religiously and politically impacted models of thinking are still predominant features of Bosnian society. Even though internationalization opens Bosnian market for business interactions, various conventional patterns of behaviour seem to be maintained. On the other hand, Bosnian managers expect positive change in the Bosnian society. The existing cultural profiles of organizations in three sectors are rather divergent and shaped under the influence of the industry in which they function. In contrast, organizational culture value profiles of the industries investigated have equalizing effects, which indicates the impact of Bosnian societal culture on the desired cultural profile of Bosnian organizations. Charismatic/value based, team oriented and participative leadership dimensions are accounted to be the most significant dimensions for effective leadership in Bosnia. Furthermore, empirical findings suggest that leadership dimensions are connected with culture in a unique way. It was found that society and organizational culture influence the way people perceive effective leaders, as well as status, influence and privileges granted to leaders. Individual perceptions of effective leadership in Bosnian society and organizations are dependent of society and organizational culture. Furthermore, it was found that organizational culture values were more frequently predictive of leadership dimensions than societal cultural values.

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Ahonen, Sirkka. "Post-Conflict History Education in Finland, South Africa and Bosnia-Herzegovina." University of Helsinki, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-27402.

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A post-conflict society tends to get locked in a history war. As the practice of history in its broad sense is a moral craft, representations of guilt and victimhood prevail in social memory. The representations are often bolstered by mythical references, wherefore deconstruction of myths is expected from history education for the purposes of post-conflict reconciliation. This article deals with the post-conflict uses of history in Finland, South Africa and Bosnia-Herzegovina. The three cases constitute examples of a class war, a race conflict and an ethno-religious armed clash. The memory politics and history curricula differ between the cases. Their comparison indicates, how far an imposition of one ´truth´, a dialogue of two ´truths´ and segregation of different memory communities are feasible strategies of post-conflict history education. The article suggests that history lessons can be an asset instead of a liability in the pursuit of reconciliation.

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Mihaljevic, Stipo. "Breaking the Walls : The First Pride March in Bosnia and Herzegovina." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-172045.

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Pride Marches are usually considered as the most important manifestations of LGBTI activism and politics, either as festive and commercial celebrations or protests against violations of human rights of the LGBTI population. The first BiH Pride March from September 2019 successfully took the form of the latter, under heavy security measures and without any incidents in Sarajevo. Bosnia is regarded as a highly patriarchal country with strong homophobia and structural discrimination towards its minorities and marginalized groups. In that context, the Pride March is the most visible expression of LGBTI struggles for social recognition and acceptance. It also illustrates the status of human rights in BiH and represents a form of symbolic politics concerning the EU. This study aims to examine how the event was organized, how it indicated the human rights of LGBTI persons in the country, and what was the influence of Western Embassies and international organizations in BiH on its preparation and staging. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with the organizers, the attendees, activists, and members of the LGBTI community in the country; 11 in total. The analysis shows a connection between the egalitarian Organizing Committee (activists/individuals) and the March´s claim for equality of LGBTI people in BiH society, including a correlation between the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and discrimination of LGBTI persons in BiH. The analysis also shows strong cooperation between the organizers and the international community in the country. The study concludes the March being organized as a collaborative and a multi-level project, indicating the discrimination and homophobia through additional security costs imposed on the organizers. Finally, the study finds the international community´s efforts as co-decisive for March´s success.

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Elzarka, Mohamed. "Mental Health in Bosnia and Herzegovina: Situational Assessment and Policy Recommendations." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1554214413881192.

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37

Denti, Davide. "The European Union and Member State Building in Bosnia and Herzegovina." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trento, 2018. https://hdl.handle.net/11572/368563.

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The EU enlargement policy aims to transform applicant countries into fully-fledged member states, committed to abiding by the EU acquis and able to take part in the EU decisionmaking and policy implementation processes. However, the contestation of the state, or contested statehood, has been identified as the key variable hindering Europeanisation in the Western Balkans. This has led the European Union (EU) to fall into cycles of mismanaged conditionality, such as in the police reform process and the constitutional reform process in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Yet, the EU has learned to adapt, enacting practices of state building to cope with contested statehood. By bridging the literature on European integration, state building, and Europeanisation, this study traces the transformations of sovereignty and of the state throughout European integration, and identifies the polity ideas that underpin EU practices of â€˜member state buildingâ€™ in the notion of sovereignty as participation. Member state building is interested in reinforcing administrative capacities with the aim of participation in EU processes, while also enhancing the legitimacy of institutions via the export of consensus-generating mechanisms. Two case studies, exemplifying the two statehood dimensions of legitimacy and capacity, allow examining how the EU interacts with Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the framework of the Structured Dialogue on Justice and of the Instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance, the EU introduced in Bosnia and Herzegovina consensus-generating mechanisms, aimed at restoring both administrative capacities and domestic legitimacy of institutions. The role of the EU as an interested mediator and the emancipatory potential of the accession perspective set member state building apart from â€˜liberal peaceâ€™ international state building. Member state building thus emerges as an enlargement-specific form of EU-led state building, allowing the EU to cope with contested statehood in its candidate countries and potential candidates and to build member states while integrating them.

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38

Denti, Davide. "The European Union and Member State Building in Bosnia and Herzegovina." Doctoral thesis, University of Trento, 2018. http://eprints-phd.biblio.unitn.it/3084/1/Davide_Denti_-_PhD_thesis_-_The_European_Union_and_Member_State_Building_in_Bosnia_and_Herzegovina.pdf.

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The EU enlargement policy aims to transform applicant countries into fully-fledged member states, committed to abiding by the EU acquis and able to take part in the EU decisionmaking and policy implementation processes. However, the contestation of the state, or contested statehood, has been identified as the key variable hindering Europeanisation in the Western Balkans. This has led the European Union (EU) to fall into cycles of mismanaged conditionality, such as in the police reform process and the constitutional reform process in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Yet, the EU has learned to adapt, enacting practices of state building to cope with contested statehood. By bridging the literature on European integration, state building, and Europeanisation, this study traces the transformations of sovereignty and of the state throughout European integration, and identifies the polity ideas that underpin EU practices of ‘member state building’ in the notion of sovereignty as participation. Member state building is interested in reinforcing administrative capacities with the aim of participation in EU processes, while also enhancing the legitimacy of institutions via the export of consensus-generating mechanisms. Two case studies, exemplifying the two statehood dimensions of legitimacy and capacity, allow examining how the EU interacts with Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the framework of the Structured Dialogue on Justice and of the Instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance, the EU introduced in Bosnia and Herzegovina consensus-generating mechanisms, aimed at restoring both administrative capacities and domestic legitimacy of institutions. The role of the EU as an interested mediator and the emancipatory potential of the accession perspective set member state building apart from ‘liberal peace’ international state building. Member state building thus emerges as an enlargement-specific form of EU-led state building, allowing the EU to cope with contested statehood in its candidate countries and potential candidates and to build member states while integrating them.

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Tomic, Aleksandra. "The media in Bosnia and Herzegovina : a case study of international intervention in media democratization." Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33937.

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The thesis examines the work of the media in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the post-war period and efforts to restructure its institutions and change journalistic practices. The main focus is placed the effort of the Organization of Security and Cooperation in Europe to facilitate "free and fair elections" in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the creation of the Media Experts Commission, which was to regulate the work of the media during this period. The difficulty that this Commission met during its work pointed to inadequacy of its mandate, as well as complexity of the issue of media transformation.
The case of restructuring the media in Bosnia and Herzegovina is compared to Poland, which was successful in success in creating more democratic media system, more adequate for a new political environment.

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40

Sheftel, Anna. "The construction of formal and informal historical narratives of violence in north-western Bosnia, World War II until present." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669877.

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41

Evans-Kent, Bronwyn. "Transformative peacebuilding in post-conflict reconstruction : the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina /." St. Lucia, Qld, 2003. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe17381.pdf.

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42

Bilski, Artur O. "War and peacekeeping mission of the Nordic-Polish Brigade in Bosnia-Herzegovina." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2001. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA389550.

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43

Gultekin, Volkan. "Neoliberal Recipies To The Post- Conflict Bosnia- Herzegovina: The Case Of Privatizations." Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613084/index.pdf.

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The thesis analyzes the effects of post-war reconstruction on Bosnian politics, economy and society by focusing on the privatization process. To this end, the strategies followed by local and international actors are examined critically within the context of the globally dominant neoliberal paradigm. This thesis argues that the privatization process has made the realization of the Dayton vision for Bosnian peace- and state-building difficult by strengthening nationalist-extremist local elites, contributing to the creation of pseudo-feudal structures at the local level, and helping accelerate ethnic homogenization on territorial basis. For the international actors, these have been considered to be acceptable risks as long as privatization of strategic sectors is kept insulated and the non-interrupted implementation of the neoliberal programme is ensured.

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Parker, Sarah F. "Post-conflict social-civil rehabilitation in Bosnia Herzegovina, current trends and practices." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape3/PQDD_0018/MQ57318.pdf.

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45

Jeffrey, Alexander Sam. "Democratization, civil society and NGOs : the case of Brčko district, Bosnia-Herzegovina." Thesis, Durham University, 2004. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/3103/.

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This thesis explores the impact of the process of democratization on the development of civil society organisations in Brčko District, Bosnia and Herzegovina. This study aims to advance existing debates concerning democratization within contemporary political geography by reflecting on the plural and conflicting nature of civil society organisations. In the shadow of the fall of Communism across east and central Europe, analysts have focussed on the role of civil society in legitimising democratic transitions. This has led to the notion of 'civil society building' entering the 'tool kit' of intergovernmental organisations and multilateral donors, as the term has become part of a global discourse of development and democratization. Increasingly, the constitution of civil society has been questioned, as the globalisation of development discourse has coincided with a narrowing of the term to focus almost exclusively on non-governmental organisations (NGOs). This thesis critically examines these processes within Brčko District, an area of north-east Bosnia and Herzegovina that suffered brutal ethnic cleansing during the conflict of the 1990s. As a result of its strategic significance to all warring parties it did not comprise part of the Dayton Peace Agreement. Instead, it was decided to establish the area as a 'special district', with a unique commitment to multiethnic institutions such as schools, judiciary and the police. This decision led to a significant increase in international funding, coupled with the escalation of the executive and legislative powers of the internationally-led Office of the High Representative (OHR). This thesis assesses the influence of this supervision and intervention on the ability of NGOs to set the agenda and represent the concerns of the local citizenry. As such, it forms part of a wider effort to provide ethnographic perspectives on the relationship between civil society and democratization.

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Everly, Rebecca. "The regulation of international territorial administration in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.612368.

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Gillingham, Snježana. "The dynamics of statebuilding in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina, 1995-2005." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.551279.

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This thesis analyses the discrepancy between the objectives and outcomes of internationally-led state-building in Bosnia and Herzegovina between 1995 and 2005. It centres on the phenomenon of ethnic territorialisation: the construction and/or consolidation of one ethnic group's demographic and political predominance in a given territory. This phenomenon was the product of complex interactions between international and domestic actors, and the analysis consequently stretches from the structures and policies of the international intervention to the responses and initiatives of Bosnians. Particular attention is paid to the hitherto undervalued inputs of Bosnians at the lowest level of the state, the municipality. To do so a typology of municipalities according to pre-war ethnic composition and entity location was established, and six research sites were selected: Bosanski Petrovac, Pale, Prijedor; Tesan], Travnik and Visegrad. A structured and focused comparative study of the four principle areas of statebuilding, namely security, elections, municipal politics and refugee return, was then conducted. This drew on international, national and municipal archives and a comprehensive interview program. On this basis it is argued that the Dayton Peace Agreement's inherent flaws were not the sole variable in statebuilding, and that the agreement ceded international and Bosnian actors substantial agency to shape the post-war state. The dynamics of their interaction centred on a powerful yet strategically uncertain international administration meeting systematic covert resistance from nationalist politicians at all levels. Consequently police reform was halting and incomplete, elections favoured nationalists over moderates, and international aims were thwarted by lacunae in their cognitive capacity, particularly in complex local political ecologies. The thesis revises official estimates of refugee return to demonstrate the intensity of the resulting ethnic territorialisation. The deep heterogeneity of pre-war Bosnia was not restored; instead, persistent ethnic territorialisation made the post-war state unviable and cemented its dependence on a continued international presence.

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White, Jenifer Lorraine. "Capturing a Phenomenon| A Photo-Voice among Intergenerational Narratives in Bosnia-Herzegovina." Thesis, The Chicago School of Professional Psychology, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3715021.

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As communities in Bosnia have experienced genocide, the global community is in need of understanding a way toward justice by recognizing crimes against humanity to further gain insight into reconciliation and healing lives across the lifespan. Understanding intergenerational trauma among Bosnian young adults, who have experienced narratives of crimes against humanity throughout childhood and adolescence, is important for future generations in order to leave the world a better place in which to grow. Photo-voice involved the participant capturing a photo as a means for story elicitation, representation, and reflection of the Bosnian community. This visual medium provided psycho-dynamic insight into a photo-voice where participants reflected upon social needs, promoted critical dialogue, and expressed feeling empowered. As a result of the study, findings indicated from capturing photographs stimulated through narratives between Bosnian young adults shed light in understanding toward healing and communal reconciliation. The present study explored the outcomes through which trauma of one-generation impacts on subsequent generations. The study captured a visual phenomenon, a photo-voice and further examined subjective experiences, beliefs, and perceptions of Bosnian young adults in a post-war society.

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Hamourtziadou, Drosili. "National truths : justifications and self-justifications of three nationalisms in Bosnia-Herzegovina." Thesis, Keele University, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.327637.

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Parramore, Sean. "Changing land governance in quadruple transition : cases from Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2018. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/44048.

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Why and how do societies change institutions governing access to land after experiencing collectivism and conflict, and what form of economic governance emerges as a result? This empirically-focussed thesis examines changes in land governance in two successor states of Yugoslavia transitioning from inter-ethnic war to fragile peace, and from a command- to a more market-driven economy: Bosnia and Kosovo. The subject of analysis is explaining what drives processes of land governance change; how these occur; who engages in them; and the form of economic governance that appears to emerge. The thesis contributes to knowledge on international state-building in contexts where after conflict and collectivism, liberal state-builders are positioned to influence land governance alongside informal networks and domestic governing elites. Using process tracing and extensive field work data from semi-structured elite interviews and primary documentation, it investigates and compares six case studies of institutional change in land registration, use and alienation governance. It applies Ostrom's rational choice institutionalist analytical framework to identify the situational rules that created status quos of unregulated land access and enduring opportunities for rent-seeking in post-conflict Bosnia and Kosovo, as well as commonalities and differences between the cases. The framework suits taking a long-term perspective on change, from the end of conflict to 2015, and helps consider how structural influences, like Yugoslav and post-conflict legacies and liberal state-building agendas, may have (re)shaped enduring problems of unregulated land access. Finally, it permits using three different theories to explain why, how and with what outcome domestic and external actors change such status quos in land governance. All case study findings show that in quadruple transition contexts, land governance change processes emerge when domestic leaders learn and recognize the economic problems of unregulated land access. In particular, the lack of reliable information about land rights was seen to scare (foreign) real estate investors. This recognition was helped along by liberal state-builders that pressured for land governance change in both countries. However, in Bosnia,their pressure was short-term, and persistent only in land registration reform. Institutionalizing this liberalizing reform proved sufficient to attract foreign investors. Yet to access other land rents, like building permits, personal and political connections remained crucial for land investment. Having clearer land records thus appeared to consolidate rather than undermine more impersonal forms of economic governance. By contrast, Kosovo's land registration, use and alienation governance changed in far-reaching ways. Yet institutional changes often failed to resolve uncertainty about land rights. As such situations endured, elites recognized that Kosovo's economic problems grew. This motivated continued external, national and local-level support for land governance change. The concluding analysis gives reason to explain Bosnian land governance change as Limited Access Order Consolidation, while Kosovo's as Problem- Driven Iterative Adaptation. That suggests, on the one hand, that Bosnian and Kosovar elites tend to change situational rules in land governance differently: the former by only aligning them with narrow elite interests to consolidate their control over rent-seeking opportunities; the latter with a more inclusive, trial and error processes that have more fragile, open-ended outcomes. The difference seems to arise from Kosovo's economic predicament in land governance: it more strongly incentivizes local and national-level elites to cooperate and institutionalize changes that makes accessing land rents both easier and more impersonal. Yet on the other hand, the analysis shows commonality. The possibility of increasing land rents more powerfully explains land governance change than the introduction of a new external agenda, best practice or standard (Solution and Leadership Driven Change). I.e. observed over a longer period, it appears that post-conflict societies have strong endogenous reasons to rise above situations of unregulated resource access, and to collaborate and overcome collective action problems. Liberal state builders still have a potential role to play. They may help liberalize land governance to some extent, yet only so long as they commit with long-term support and a readiness to adapt to the interests of local governing elites. The thesis therefore underscores earlier findings that contest that liberal state-building agendas, including European integration, are principal drivers of institutional change in quadruple transition contexts. Simultaneously, it challenges findings that overemphasize the domestic constraints on (externallysupported) attempts at liberalizing economic governance. The thesis thus adds to debates between new institutionalists highlighting domestic 'deep structures' and those stressing external incentives and agency.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Bosnia and Herzegovina. Armija'

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