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Journal articles on the topic 'Bosnian and Hungarian'
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Talam, Jasmina, and Lana Paćuka. "Echoes of Forgotten Time: Professional Folk Musical Ensembles in Cafes of Bosnia and Herzegovina (1878–1918)." Musicological Annual 54, no. 1 (June 29, 2018): 75–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/mz.54.1.75-87.
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Traditional folk music of Bosnia and Herzegovina can be best understood in light of the multicultural heritage of Bosniaks, Serbs and Croats, as well as many ethnic minority groups. But in the period 1878–1918, traditional music became open to Western European influences. Openness, as well as exposure, to the “new” becomes one of the characteristic signs of the Austro-Hungarian empire, whose new system of governance brought the unknown Western European cultural spirit to the population of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the mentioned period, new musical instruments appeared, which were previously unknown (e.g. clarinet, accordion), as well as professional musical ensembles which were not common in Bosnian tradition. These and similar appearances made the period of Austro-Hungarian empire a unique turning point in the development of urban traditional music which was developed within the Bosnian and Herzegovinian cafes.
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Fejzić, Elvis. "Political Thought in Bosnia and Herzegovina During Austro-Hungarian Rule, 1878–1918." East Central Europe 39, no. 2-3 (2012): 204–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-03903011.
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Political thought in Bosnia and Herzegovina during Austro-Hungarian rule can be researched by a thorough analysis of the engagement of local political elites with pressing contemporary issues. There were four distinct political clusters in Bosnia and Herzegovina at the time: the Bosniak Muslim, Serbian, and Croatian ones were crystallized around an ethnoreligious principle; while Social Democrats as a coherent group were based on the principle of civic and working class identity, and were consequently indifferent towards ethnicity and religion. Members of the four groups markedly differed in their views on nation and nationalism, Austrian rule and the future of the Bosnian polity, social and economic development, and religion. However, within the three ethnic clusters it is possible to make further distinctions between moderates and radicals, modernists and traditionalists, conformists and revolutionaries, and liberals and conservatives. Along these lines, the article maps this complex field and introduces the reader to the main lines of Bosnian political thought in this eventful period.
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Balta, Ivan. "Care for people in diaspora up to a latent conflict with the domicile nation – updating the past to the present of Bosnia and Herzegovina." Historijski pogledi 2, no. 2 (October 28, 2019): 85–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2019.2.2.85.
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The beginning of the 19th and the 20th century marked the period of nations’ constitution in southeastern Europe and greater care for nations’ oases living out of their parent nations. Sometimes that care turned into intended or unintended hegemony over other nations. This phenomenon is actual even today in various nations, especially in the Balkans, so it is interesting how "the care of the people out of their home country" (nowadays people would say "diaspora"), implemented various "actions" that were sometimes politically conducted from the Austro-Hungarian centres of power to the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Slavonia, especially in the case of the Hungarian government's pro-government project "Julian Action".So-called Julian Action was not unique at that time, neither it was the only, nor the first or special, but it can be somewhat comparable to the same work methodology in the same regions, for example, with the similar German project Schulvereine, the Italian action by Dante Alighieri, and even to not so significant Slavic action of the Cyril and Methodius societies, as well as to some other less-known "actions" that operated abroad, i.e. mainly outside the home countries, on the territory of Austria-Hungary. The opposite views were mostly manifested in the interpretation of justification, e. g. of Julian Action (which got the prosaic name). For instance, the Hungarian side (similar to German, Italian ... through their associations), justified the action of the association "Julian" by the care of its own people outside the borders of the home state (in order to preserve identity, culture and language). On the contrary, the Croatian (and also Bosnian-Herzegovinian,…) side in the activity of the "Julian" organization recognized a sort of political alienation and Hungarization (or Germanization, Italianization, ...) of the majority of domicile population. The Hungarian Julian campaign was conducted on the basis of: A) Statute of the Julian Society, (voted in 1903), and B) Hungarian, Bosnian-Herzegovinian and Croatian-Slavonic-Dalmatian laws. For example, the Hungarian Julian Schools in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Slavonia could be founded, organized and act not only on the basis of the applicable Hungarian laws, but also on the basis of the school laws of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Slavonia and Dalmatia, which allowed and even encouraged the organization of public and private schools, rural and wilderness schools (e. g. through Hungarian Julian schools), factory schools (e. g. Hungarian state railway schools), confessional schools (e. g. Hungarian reformatory schools), which opened a wide area of the Hungarian Julian Action operation from 1904 in Croatia and Slavonia, and from the 1908 occupation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. A vast majority of pupils were of non-German nationality, and they were enrolled there because of better conditions, employment opportunities in enterprises, state and public services, as well as because of future education. Hungarian schools and Hungarian railways, as well as Hungarian churches and societies in Croatia and Slavonia, existed in the second half of the 19th century. They had the purpose of implementing the so-called Hungarian State Thought (Magyar Állami eszme), which had been politically instrumentalized. Since 1904 until the end of the First World War they put the so-called Julian action into their systems and programmes. Almost identical relationship had existed in Bosnia and Herzegovina since 1908. There were constant conflicts between the state of Hungary and Julian campaign with the majority of Slavic population outside of Hungary, for example, in Bosnia and Herzegovina. When the Julian campaign was politically instrumentalized because of “taking care of its people in diaspora", and in some parts crossed the boundaries of "preserving" them, it began with "unintentional" assimilation through schools, railways and cultural societies. So it necessarily had to come into conflict with other nations. From the Hungarian point of view, the so-called "Bosnian Action" and "Slavonic Action" of the Hungarian Government were directed towards the care of Hungarians in the so-called "affiliated" and annexed province, as well as to strengthening and expansion of Hungarian influence in the countries where the majority of population were Muslims-Bosnians, Serbs and Croats. The same action ranged from the accusation of "Hungarianization” to the theory of the Hungarians threatened by assimilation; however, the action did not achieve a long-term goal and did not prove permanent because, after the end of the First World War, a small group of Hungarians in the newly established countries did not have any legal guarantees, and new authorities did not ensure its survival.
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Kodrić, Sanjin. "Traumatični susret s Evropom: „Austrougarska tema" i počeci novije bošnjačke književnosti." Slavia Meridionalis 12 (August 31, 2015): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2012.005.
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Traumatic encounter with Europe: ‘Austro-Hungarian theme’ and beginnings of modern Bosniak literature Initiated by the crucial historical event of the end of the centuries long Ottoman rule in Bosnia (1878) and extremely complex subsequent processes of ‘emancipation’, ‘modernisation’ and ‘europeisation’ of post-Ottoman Bosnia, the ‘Austro-Hungarian theme’ is a common, or even obsessive, literary topic of Bosniak and the entire Bosnian-Herzegovinian literature from the 19th century onwards, mostly realized as ‘an account of Austro‑Hungarian occupation, in a range of images of disintegration of Muslim ethnic and social environment’ ‘to which the end of the Turkish Empire [...] is the end of what they were’. As such, the ‘Austro-Hungarian theme’ is a particular mnemonic phenomenon – a theme of a specific historical trauma, as well as a theme of a radical and comprehensive cultural transition or a theme of a complex and dramatic cultural transcoding, crucially important in the construction of identity and alterity policies of modern Bosniak and Bosnian‑Herzegovinian literature and culture as a whole. It is not surprising, then, that in the scope of the ‘Austro-Hungarian theme’ – along with other literary pieces – there appears the first Bosniak novel, Zeleno busenje [‘The Green Sods’] (1898) by Edhem Mulabdić (1862–1954), after whom the theme will later be addressed, especially in Bosniak literature, by a whole range of different authors, representing in various ways the late-19th century traumatic Bosnia’s encounter with Europe. Traumatyczne spotkanie z Europą: „Temat austro-węgierski” i początki nowszej literatury boszniackiej W artykule omówiono zagadnienia związane z problematyką podejmowaną w literaturze boszniackiej i bośniacko-hercegowińskiej od końca XIX wieku po czasy współczesne. Autor dowodzi, iż podstawowym tematem w tych literaturach jest „temat austro-węgierski”, który po raz pierwszy pojawił się w 1878 roku, kiedy na skutek decyzji kongresu berlińskiego zakończyło się panowanie osmańskie w Bośni i nastąpiły złożone procesy „emancypacji”, „modernizacji” i „europeizacji”. W czasach postosmańskich wykorzystywano go szeroko, a nawet „obsesyjnie”, uważając „okupację austro-węgierską” za przyczynę rozwarstwiania narodowego i społecznego środowisk muzułmańskich.„Temat austro-węgierski” reprezentuje szczególny fenomen pamięci. Ujmowany w kategoriach traumy historycznej, stał się głównym motywem ukazującym przejście kulturowe jako złożony i dramatyczny proces przekodowania kulturowego. Odegrał też wyjątkową rolę w konstruowaniu polityki tożsamościowej w nowszej literaturze i kulturze boszniackiej oraz bośniacko-hercegowińskiej. Nic zatem dziwnego, że znalazł się w pierwszej powieści boszniackiej Zeleno busenje (1898) Edhema Mulabdicia, a także w twórczości innych pisarzy, zwłaszcza przedstawicieli literatury boszniackiej, ukazujących w różnorodny sposób traumatyczne spotkanie Bośni z Europą pod koniec XIX wieku.
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Hagan, Margaret Darin. "The Transnational Ethnic Activism of Vojvodina Hungarians." Nationalities Papers 37, no. 5 (September 2009): 613–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990903122867.
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Serbia's ethnic Hungarian minority, concentrated in the northern province of Vojvodina, is little known compared to other ethnic minorities in the Balkans. Unlike Kosovo Albanians, Bosnian Muslims, Bosnian Serbs, and Croatian Serbs, the Vojvodina Hungarians were not involved in violent conflict during Yugoslavia's disintegration of the 1990s. The Hungarian minority is not without its grievances or its political demands, however. Over the past two decades, Vojvodina Hungarians have organized a campaign for greater cultural accommodation and political autonomy for their community. They argue that the province as a whole has lost most of its meaningful autonomous powers, that the Hungarian minority does not have adequate political representation and cultural institutions, and that the state does not fully protect the minority from growing threats of ethnic violence and discrimination. The minority's campaign directs most of its appeals to the Belgrade authorities, but increasingly it looks beyond Serbia's borders for support as well. Especially when the Serbian government appears hostile or indifferent to their appeals, the Vojvodina Hungarians look to make alliances with foreign actors, including the Hungarian government, the US government, EU institutions, and assorted other media outlets and NGOs. The minority leaders expect that by sending these foreign actors accounts of the human rights abuses that Vojvodina Hungarians suffer, they will ally themselves with the campaign and pressure the Serbian authorities to compromise with its demands.
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Bašović, Almir. "Bosnian Drama and Theater: Some Literary and Theatrical Aspects." Društvene i humanističke studije (Online) 6, no. 3(16) (July 27, 2021): 15–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.51558/2490-3647.2021.6.3.15.
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This text is an introduction to the thematic block of the journal Social Sciences and Humanities Studies on the literary and theatrical aspects of Bosnian drama and theater. It recalls the presence of theatrical and sub-theatrical phenomena on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina in antiquity, and then lists the specifics of Bosnian culture in the Middle Ages, from which arises a specific relationship to drama and theater. The attitude of Islamic culture towards theater and drama significantly influenced the status that drama has even after the departure of the Ottoman Empire from Bosnia and Herzegovina. With the arrival of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, there are significant differences concerning European civic theater. Through the most important conclusions from the individual texts that make up this block, the status that Bosnian drama has in our theatrical culture is pointed out.
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Palairet, Michael. "The Habsburg Industrial Achievement in Bosnia-Hercegovina, 1878–1914: An Economic Spurt That Succeeded?" Austrian History Yearbook 24 (January 1993): 133–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800005294.
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In 1878 The Habsburgs exercised their rights under the Treaty of Berlin and marched an army of occupation into the former Ottoman provinces of Bosnia and Hercegovina. Between then and their expulsion in 1918, the Habsburg authorities attempted to weld their new province into the Austro-Hungarian polity and economy. Responsibility for governing Bosnia-Hercegovina was entrusted to the Common Finance Ministry. Its officials, especially during the administration of Count Benjamin Kalláy (1882–1903), saw their task as a “civilizing mission” and the Bosnian economy as clay to be worked according to their prescriptions. The developmental outcome of their endeavors forms the subject of this paper.
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Okey, Robin. "The Catholic Church and Bosnian Muslims under Austro-Hungarian Occupation." Römische Historische Mitteilungen 1 (2014): 433–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/rhm54s433.
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Jacek Lis, Tomasz. "Emancipation of Women in Bosnia and Herzegovina during the austro-hungarian administration (1878-1918)." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 5 (May 31, 2021): 70–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.5.70.
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After the Congress of Berlin in 1878, in Bosnia and Hercegovina we saw big changes. The Austrian government was building roads, and railroad tracks. In the Austro-Hungarian period, also they changed their architectural style; from the prevailing ottoman one to more like in Vienna or Prague. This situation was a short time, in live only one generation. These changes affected to life and behavior of Bosnia and Hercegovinas’ citizens. Was changed several people, because after the Austrian arrive, a lot of Muslims Bosniacs, and Turks, were left this part. There were elites in this place. Their positions, how “new elites” take people which they came from different part of the Habsburg Monarchy; Hungarians, Germans, Poles, Czechs, etc. They were taking new ideas, how feminism. The emancipation of women was something new in these places. The first woman, which was proclaiming the slogans, as teachers. On the article we can show two examples; Jelica Belović-Bernadzikowska, and Jagoda Truhelka. They were born in Osijek, from giving Bosnian part ideas, that girl needs to will independent and need to have good graduated. These modern ideas, supported, in a way, the government because in the country was a school program for girls. Austro-Hungarian politics was building a school for girls, and take some scholarship went girl studied in University, how Marija Bergman, born in Bosnia, daughter of some Jews officials. However teachers not only modern women, similar roles had women-doctors. Girls who graduated Faculty of Medicine, arrive in Bosnia and Hercegovina and help Muslim women. Poles Teodora Krajewska and Czechs Anna Bayerova also take ideas of feminism, but, most important that she was great respect between patience. Propagating the feministic ideas was thinking which affect all women. Most important was not only slogans but also changes in everyday life normal family in Bosnia and Hercegovina. The other day only men can work on the farmland or work. After the Congress of Berlin situations was changed. On the consequences, women must be going to work, often how a worker in fabric. Work was hard, but women first time have their cash. Automatically her position in society was better. These situations have consequences for the city, as like villages. We sow this situation in the book Vere Ehrlich, which researched this topic in the interwar period. In the article, we went to show, that this changing was things also women, which life to margin, how prostitutes. Naturally, their life was always difficult, but the new government also got assistance. Habsburg's administration knew, that better control of specific profession, because this is the way how deal with the epidemic of syphilis, and something like this. In this work, we use scientific literature and documents from archives, mainly the Archive of Federation Bosnia and Hercegovina, and Historical Archive from city Sarajevo, when was document fo Jelica Belović-Bernadzikowska. How method we use case study and analyzing to literature and historical sources.
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Đozić, Adib. "Identity and shame – How it seems from Bosniaks perspective. A contribution to the understanding of some characteristics of the national consciousness among Bosniaks." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 5 (May 31, 2021): 258–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.5.258.
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The relationship between identity and national consciousness is one of the important issues, not only, of the sociology of identity but of the overall opinion of the social sciences. This scientific question has been insufficiently researched in the sociological thought of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and with this paper we are trying to actualize it. Aware of theoretical-methodological and conceptual-logical difficulties related to the research problem, we considered that in the first part of the paper we make some theoretical-methodological notes on the problems in studying this phenomenon, in order to, above all, eliminate conceptual-logical dilemmas. The use of terms and their meaning in sociology and other social sciences is a very important theoretical and methodological issue. The question justifiably arises whether we can adequately name and explain some of the “character traits” of the contemporary national identity of the Bosniak nation that we want to talk about in this paper with classical, generally accepted terms, identity, consciousness, self-awareness, shame or shame, self-shame. Another important theoretical issue of the relationship between identity and consciousness in our case, the relationship between the national consciousness of Bosniaks and their overall socio-historical identity is the dialectical relationship between individual and collective consciousness, ie. the extent to which the national consciousness of an individual or a particular national group, political, cultural, educational, age, etc., is contrary to generally accepted national values and norms. One of the important factors of national consciousness is the culture of remembrance. What does it look like for Bosniaks? More specifically, in this paper we problematize the influence of “prejudicial historiography” on the development of the culture of memory in the direction of oblivion or memory. What to remember, and why to remember. Memory is part of our identity. The phrase, not to deal with the past but to turn to the future, is impossible. How to project the future and not analyze the past. On the basis of what, what social facts? Why the world remembers the crimes of the Nazis, why the memory of the Holocaust and the suffering of the Jews is being renewed. Which is why Bosniaks would not remember and renew the memory of the genocides committed against them. Due to the Bosniak memory of genocide, it is possible that the perpetrators of genocide are celebrated as national heroes and their atrocities as a national liberation struggle. Why is the history of literature and art, political history and all other histories studied in all nations and nations. Why don't European kingdoms give up their own, queens and kings, princesses and princes. These and other theoretical-methodological questions have served us to use comparative analysis to show specific forms of self-esteem among Bosniaks today. The concrete socio-historical examples we cite fully confirm our hypothesis. Here are a few of these examples. Our eastern neighbors invented their epic hero Marko Kraljevic (Ottoman vassal and soldier, killed as a “Turkish” soldier in the fight against Christian soldiers in Bulgaria) who killed the fictional Musa Kesedzija, invented victory on the field of Kosovo, and Bosniaks forgot the real Bosniak epic heroes , brothers Mujo and Halil Hrnjic, Tala od Orašac, Mustaj-beg Lički and others, who defended Bosniaks from persecution and ethnic cleansing in the Bosnian Krajina. Dozens of schools in Bosnia and Herzegovina have been named after the Serbian language reformer, the Serb Vuk Stefanović Karađić (1787-1864), who was born in the village of Tršić near Loznica, Republic of Serbia. Uskufije (1601 / 1602.-?), Born in Dobrinja near Tuzla. Two important guslars and narrators of epic folk songs, Filip Višnjić (1767-1834) and Avdo Medjedović (1875-1953), are unequally present in the memory and symbolic content of the national groups to which they belong, even if the difference in quality is on the side of the almost forgotten. Avdo Medjedovic, the “Balkan Homer”, is known at Harvard University, but very little is known in Bosnia and Herzegovina. And while we learned everything about the murderer Gavril Princip, enlightened by the “logic of an idea” (Hannah Arendt) symbolizing him as a “national hero”, we knew nothing, nor should we have known, about Muhamed Hadžijamaković, a Bosnian patriot and legal soldier, he did not kill a single pregnant woman , a fighter in the Bosnian Army who fought against the Austro-Hungarian occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1878. When it comes to World War II and the fight against fascism are full of hero stories. For one example, we will take Srebrenica, the place of genocidal suffering of Bosniaks. Before the war against Bosnian society and the state 1992-1995. in Srebrenica, the elementary school was called Mihajlo Bjelakovic, a partisan, born in Vidrići near Sokolac. Died in Srebrenica in 1944. The high school in Srebrenica was named Midhat Hacam, a partisan born in the vicinity of Vares. It is not a problem that these two educational institutions were named after two anti-fascists, whose individual work is not known except that they died. None of them were from Srebrenica. That's not a problem either. Then what is it. In the collective memory of Bosniaks. Until recently, the name of the two Srebrenica benefactors and heroes who saved 3,500 Srebrenica Serbs from the Ustasha massacre in 1942, who were imprisoned by the Ustashas in the camp, has not been recorded. These are Ali (Jusuf) efendi Klančević (1888-1952) and his son Nazif Klančević (1910-1975). Nothing was said about them as anti-fascists, most likely that Alija eff. Klančević was an imam-hodža, his work is valued according to Andrić's “logic” as a work that cannot “be the subject of our work” In charity, humanitarian work, but also courage, sacrifice, direct participation in the fight for defense, the strongest Bosniaks do not lag behind Bosniaks, but just like Bosniaks, they are not symbolically represented in the public space of Bosnia and Herzegovina. We had the opportunity to learn about the partisan Marija Bursać and many others, but why the name Ifaket-hanuma Tuzlić-Salihagić (1908-1942), the daughter of Bakir-beg Tulić, was forgotten. In order to feed the muhadjers from eastern Bosnia, Ifaket-hanum, despite the warning not to go for food to Bosanska Dubica, she left. She bravely stood in front of the Ustashas who arrested her and took her to Jasenovac. She was tortured in the camp and eventually died in the greatest agony, watered and fried with hot oil. Nothing was known about that victim of Ustasha crimes. Is it because she is the daughter of Bakir-beg Tuzlić. Bey's children were not desirable in public as benefactors because they were “remnants of rotten feudalism”, belonging to the “sphere of another culture”. In this paper, we have mentioned other, concrete, examples of Bosniak monasticism, from the symbolic content of the entire public space to naming children.
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Velagić, Adnan. "In the land of Hum." Historijski pogledi 1, no. 1 (October 30, 2018): 11–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2018.1.1.11.
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The paper deals with the position of Herzegovina in the Middle Ages. Although the significance and role of the surrounding causes and phenomena have been elaborated, which have undoubtedly influenced the situation of this area in certain periods, the main focus of the paper was placed on the position of Herzegovina within the Bosnian state, to which it belonged during the Middle Ages. However, the pronounced animosity among the Bosnian authorities and the inability of the central authorities to put the situation under control were often the main cause of the struggle against Hum. The foreign forces, especially the Hungarian Empire and the Ottoman Empire, contributed to this, as they supported their state interests for their interests.
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Falski, Maciej. "Likwidacja modelu osmańskiego w Bośni po 1995 roku a kryzys państwa." Slavia Meridionalis 11 (August 31, 2015): 205–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2011.012.
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Abolition of the Ottoman model in Bosnia after the 1995 and the crisis of the stateIn this paper is analyzed the dis/continuity of the Ottoman tradition in Bosnia, treated not in the ethnographical or superficial perspective, but in its deeper, cultural and social aspect. The so-called Ottoman model, continued in Austro-Hungarian and Yugoslav period, was characterized by multiplicity of social actors and the lack of the obsession of national territory. The boundaries of an autonomous territory (i.e. Bosnia under Ottoman, or Habsburg and Yugoslav rule) delimitated the sphere of shared practices, and its condition depended on relations between different ethnical agents. After the 1995 predominates the tendency toward territorial and national homogenization which leads to division, and liquidation of the Bosnian state. Nonetheless, the Ottoman model is described here as ambiguous, for its inability to shape the public sphere as a space of civic subjects, not only communities. A lack of the positive idea of the state, and the lack of any legitimization of the power other than nationalism, are seen as the major sources of political and social instability in Bosnia.
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Mujadžević, Dino. "The Consolidation of the Islamic Community in Modern Croatia: A Unique Path to the Acceptance of Islam in a Traditionally Catholic European Country." Journal of Muslims in Europe 3, no. 1 (April 16, 2014): 66–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22117954-12341276.
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Abstract Although relations between Catholic Croatia and Islam were burdened historically by more than three centuries of Ottoman/Bosnian-Habsburg/Croatian warfare on Croatian soil, creating an extremely negative image of Muslims in the Croatian culture and collective memory, during most of the 20th century, with exception of early 1990s, attitudes towards Islam and Muslims in Croatian society were surprisingly mostly positive. The legal status of the sole Muslim representative organisation, the Islamic Community in Croatia, was confirmed by special agreement with the state in 2002. The author argues that besides the obvious cultural and linguistic proximity of Bosnian Muslims and Croats, several factors contributed to this positive environment: the remoteness of Ottoman wars in time, a fear of a common political enemy (Serbia), and the Austro-Hungarian tradition of early legal recognition of Islam.
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Fuchs, Brigitte, and Husref Tahirović. "Gisela Januszewska (née Rosenfeld), an Austro- Hungarian ‘Woman Doctor for Women’ in Banjaluka, 1899–1912." Acta Medica Academica 49, no. 1 (August 1, 2020): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.5644/ama2006-124.287.
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<p>The focus of this article is on the biography and medical activity of Gisela Januszewska (nee Rosenfeld) in Austro-Hungarian (AH) occupied Bosnia and Herzegovina (BH) between 1899 and 1912. Rosenfeld, later Januszewska and then Kuhn(ova) by marriage, was the fifth of a total of nine official female physicians who were employed by the AH administration to improve the health and hygienic conditions among Bosnian and Bosnian Muslim women. In 1893, Gisela Kuhn moved from Brno, Moravia to Switzerland to pursue her medical studies; she was awarded her Doctorate in Medicine (MD) from the University of Zurich in 1898. In the same year, she took up her first position as a local health insurance doctor for women and children in Remscheid but was prohibited from practising in the German Empire. In 1899, she successfully applied to the AH authorities for the newly established position of a female health officer in Banjaluka and began working there in July 1899. She lost her civil service status upon marrying her colleague, Dr Wladislaw Januszewski, in 1900 but carried out her previously officially assigned tasks as a private physician. In 1903, she was employed as a ‘woman doctor for women’ at the newly established municipal outpatient clinic in Banjaluka. Upon her husband’s retirement in 1912, the couple left BH and settled in Graz, Styria. After, World War I Januszewska ran a general medical practice in Graz until 1935 and worked as a health insurance-gynaecologist until 1933. She received several AH and Austrian awards and medals for her merits as a physician and a volunteer for humanitarian organisations. Upon Austria’s annexation to Nazi Germany 1938, however, she was classified a Jew and was deported to Theresienstadt concentration camp (Terezin, Bohemia), where she died in 1943.</p><p><strong>Conclusion. </strong>Gisela Januszewska, nee Rosenfeld (1867–1943) viewed her medical practice as a social medicine mission which she put into practice as a ‘woman doctor for woman’ in Banjaluka, BH (1899–1912) and Graz, Austria (1919–1935).</p>
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Tahirović, Husref, and Brigitte Fuchs. "Bogusławą Keckova: An Official Female Doctor in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 1893–1911." Acta Medica Academica 48, no. 2 (October 24, 2019): 232. http://dx.doi.org/10.5644/ama2006-124.263.
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<p>The purpose of this paper is to bring to light the biographical details, the professional work and the publishing activities of Bogusławą Keckovą (Bohuslava Keckova in Czech and Keck in German), who functioned as an Austro-Hungarian health officer in Mostar from 1893 to 1911 during the period of the Austro-Hungarian occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BH). Keckovą, who came from Prague, was the second of nine female physicians to be employed by the Austro-Hungarian authorities between 1892 and 1918. Keckovą contributed significantly to the improvement of public health and hygiene in BH, especially by organising the medical treatment of Muslim women. She published a series of popular medical articles, both in Czech and in Bosnian. Her medical articles in the Mostar newspaper, ‘Osvit’, were among the first in BH to promote public health education and aimed at improving the health of the population. In the Czech Republic, ‘Bohuslava Kecková’ is renowned for being the first Czech female physician to graduate, who, due to Austria’s conservativism and anti-feminism, had been forced to study and practise abroad. After Keckovą’s efforts to have her Swiss MD degree (1880) recognised in Austria failed in 1882, she acquired an Austrian midwife’s diploma and established a maternity home in Prague. In 1892, she accepted the invitation to serve as an Austro-Hungarian female health officer in Mostar, where she initialised and popularised the utilisation of public health among (Muslim) women. Conclusion. Bogusławą Keckovą’s work as a physician, medical writer and health educator, which she continued tirelessly until her death in 1911, was based on gender-specific socialmedical concepts, which were at the core of the contemporary Czech feminist movement.</p>
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Voloder, Lejla, and Petra Andits. "The value of culturedness: Bosnian and Hungarian migrants' experiences of belonging in Australia." Australian Journal of Anthropology 27, no. 3 (September 2, 2015): 298–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/taja.12164.
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Wenzel, Marian. "Bosnian history and Austro‐Hungarian policy: The Zemaljski Muzej, Sarajevo, and the Bogomil romance." Museum Management and Curatorship 12, no. 2 (June 1993): 127–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09647779309515352.
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Wenzel, M. "Bosnian history and Austro-Hungarian policy: The Zemaljski Muzej, Sarajevo, and the Bogomil romance." Museum Management and Curatorship 12, no. 2 (June 1993): 127–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0964-7775(93)90017-d.
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Babić, Marko. "The Names of the Language - Croatian, Land's Language, Bosnian - in the First Decade of Austro-Hungarian Rule in Bosnia and Herzegovina." Journal of Croatian Studies 41 (2000): 113–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jcroatstud2000415.
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Lozic, Vanja. "(Re)Shaping History in Bosnian and Herzegovinian Museums." Culture Unbound 7, no. 2 (June 11, 2015): 307–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/cu.2000.1525.1572307.
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The current article explores how political changes in the past 130 years have shaped and reshaped three major museums in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). The overall aim is to describe structural processes of national museum building in BiH and the ways the museological representation of history is connected to state and nation making and to political transitions and crises. The analysed museums are the National Museum of BiH, the History Museum of BiH, and the Museum of the Republic of Srpska. The source material analysed consists of the directories and the titles of exhibitions; secondary material, which describes previous exhibitions; and virtual museum tours. The article illustrates that during the Austrian-Hungarian Empire, which established the National Museum in 1888, the museum played an important part in the representation of Bosnian identity (bosnjastvo). After World War II, in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, all three analysed museums were summoned to interpret the past in accordance with the guidelines of the communist regime. Since the 1990s, a highly ethnicized process of identity building and of the musealization of heritage, and history permeates all three museums analysed here. When it comes to the central exhibition-themes following the 1990s war, one could conclude that whereas the National Museum and the History Museum highlight the recent creation of an independent BiH and ostracize BIH-Serbs, the Museum of the Republic of Srpska asserts the ostensible distinctiveness of the Republic of Srpska and excludes the narratives about BiH as a unified and independent nation-state. If an agreement about the future of BiH and its history is to be reached, a step towards multi-vocal historical narratives has to be made from both sides.
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Radic, Radivoj. "Bosnia in the work of Kritoboulos of Imbros." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 43 (2006): 140–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi0643140r.
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Most of the data Kritoboulos of Imbros, a Byzantine historian of the fifteenth century, gives about Bosnia, pertain to the last years of existence of the medieval Bosnian state. Apart from two short side notes on other issues, the bulk of evidence on Bosnia in Kritoboulos' work bears on the events of the year 1463, describing the occupation of Bosnia by Mehmed II the Conqueror and the counteroffensive launched by the Hungarian King Matthias Corvinus, as well as the final return of the Ottoman Sultan in 1464. Kritoboulos was obviously well informed about the events, so that his report even though it does not offer spectacular new insights, certainly represents a valuable supplement to other sources. The space Kritoboulos devotes to the fall of Bosnia, taken together with the data from other Byzantine sources such as Laonikos Chalkokondyles' History, Byzantine Short Chronicles and Chronicle of the Turkish Sultans, unequivocally shows that this was one of the most important events in the second half of the fifteenth century. Viewed as a hole, the body of evidence on Bosnia from Byzantine sources, covering the time span of the tenth to the fifteenth centuries, bears witness to how the Byzantine perspective on Bosnia changed over centuries. Originally, e.g. in Constantine Porphyrogennetos' De administrando imperio (tenth century) Bosnia was simply considered a part of Serbia. Later, although still treated as a part of Serbia, it assumes a somewhat different position, as witnessed by John Kinnamos in twelfth century, who notes that "the river Drina which takes its origin somewhat higher up and divides Bosnia from the rest of Serbia", but also that "Bosnia itself is not subjected to the Serbs' grand zupan, but is a tribe which lives and ruled separately". Finally, in the 15th century, Bosnia is an independent state like, for instance, Serbia or Hungary. .
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Jevremović, Petar. "Sigmund Freud and Martin Pappenheim." History of Psychiatry 31, no. 1 (October 29, 2019): 83–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957154x19884284.
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During World War I, Martin Pappenheim, as a young doctor in the field of neurology and psychiatry, studied various possible consequences of war traumas, perhaps as part of a wider project of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy’s army. He visited military hospitals, sanatoriums and prisons, and between February and June 1916, while residing in Terezin, he had several opportunities to talk with Gavrilo Princip, who was imprisoned there. Princip was a young Bosnian Serb who had assassinated Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria and his wife, Sophie, in Sarajevo on 28 June 1914. There is written evidence of Pappenheim’s conversations with Princip; they were first published in Vienna 1926. My article is concerned with the possibility of Pappenheim’s influence on the later development of Freud’s theory.
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Huseinspahić, Ajdin, and Sedad Dedić. "Continuity of Unconstitutional and Illegal Action on the Political Scene in Bosnia and Herzegovina from the End of the Xix Century to the Present Day – Reality or Imagination." Društvene i humanističke studije (Online) 6, no. 3(16) (July 27, 2021): 351–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.51558/2490-3647.2021.6.3.351.
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From the time of the Austro-Hungarian occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) until today, there have been occasional but continuous attacks on the territory, the population, and sovereignty of Bosnia and Herzegovina. No matter how the agreements of the Novi Pazar Convention, the Sangermen Peace Treaty, the Vidovdan Constitution, or the Zavnobih principles were violated and circumvented, the attack on the independent, sovereign, and complete BiH, a country of equal peoples and others, ie citizens, continued with equal intensity after the 1990s. XX century until today. The paper presents the continuity of fraud in terms of legal regulations, ie the legal order of Bosnia and Herzegovina. We are witnessing continuous unconstitutional and illegal activities in BiH, and whose political mentors and tutors almost always came from outside BiH, while the concrete action was carried out and is still carried out by certain Bosnian Serb and Croat political entities who often behave completely servilely concerning the national policies of neighboring countries: Croatia and Serbia, but also certain international factors due to the consequences of Islamophobia are often willing to ignore the rule of law and human rights in Bosnia and Herzegovina, what they jealously protect in their countries. The example of promoting the unconstitutional Day of the Republika Srpska entity and the overall state of legal unfoundedness and political hysteria created around it testifies to the claim that the political destiny of this country is still largely conditioned by local servility, and not by correct political-partnership relations with Serbia and Croatia. Given this, it is quite certain that the constitutional consistency and consociational model of democracy as well as the principle of the constituency of the people, although a big noose around the neck of this country on the path to a civil state and full realization of human rights, is extremely important legal and political support in Bosniak and all other patriotic forces in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which should be used properly in an insincere and ill-intentioned environment. The work in front of you contains two interrelated parts, the first part which refers to several historically important legal documents, from the end of the 19th century, which are mala fide the activity of different subjects, who initially proclaimed them and even stood behind them, played or derogated fraus legis, and the second part indicates the continuity of these actions, both domestically and internationally when it comes to the current time and recent history of political and legal relations in BiH.
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Zulić, Omer. "Serbian national ideology and projects in the field of culture in Bosnia and Herzegovina, with reference to the wider area of Tuzla in the Austro-Hungarian period (1878-1918)." Historijski pogledi 3, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 47–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2020.3.4.47.
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Since the middle of the 19th century, Croatian and Serbian national ideas have been systematically and purposefully imposed on Bosnian Orthodox and Catholics in Bosnia. In this way, the Serb and Croat nations are formed on a religious basis in Bosnia. "Serbs" and "Croats" as national-political determinants are introduced into Bosnia from Serbia and Croatia. Their goal is to nationalize the Catholic population in the Croatian, and the Orthodox in the Serbian national sense. In the Austro-Hungarian period, activities in the field of strengthening national identities were also noticeable in the field of culture. Then there is a more massive organization of the population through various forms of cultural, educational, sports, economic and other societies. These associations, formally non-governmental and non-political, operated politically, with the task of executing national movements and strengthening the national consciousness of Orthodox and Catholics. In this way, a religious and ethnic mosaic was formed in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the mentioned period, which created a kind of forms of national movements. This was especially pronounced among the Orthodox population, which in symbiosis and cooperation of cultural, educational, business associations, and church communities, achieved significant progress and results in terms of national awareness and strengthening national and cultural identity. The goal of founding Serbian singing societies is to nurture and strengthen the Serbian national consciousness through nurturing the church song, through books (enlightenment), song and presentation of Serbian theatrical, and especially historical contents. In this way, the singing societies were the bearers of the national and educational-cultural revival of the Orthodox population. The press played a significant role in political action and the spread of national ideas and aspirations. Namely, the press was the most suitable form in terms of spreading ideas and strengthening the national-religious identity, primarily among the Orthodox, but also the rest of the population. Therefore, the occupation authorities strictly controlled and approved the establishment of printing houses with strict checks. Nevertheless, this was not an obstacle for certain newspapers to emphasize their political views and commitments through columns, which is why some were banned, as is the case with the Tuzla newspaper, called "Serbian Movement", which was banned in 1914. Theaters in this period were also very suitable for action on the national-political level. The primary goal of the theater's activities was not cultural uplifting, but agitation in order to develop national consciousness, primarily among the Orthodox population, and in that sense of action against the occupying authorities, but also Bosnia and Herzegovina. Traveling theaters primarily gave performances of historical themes, with the aim of igniting national consciousness, among the Orthodox. Therefore, this paper aims to point out the reflections, primarily of Serbian national-political aspirations in the field of culture in Bosnia and Herzegovina, with reference to Tuzla, in the Austro-Hungarian period.
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Šabotić, Izet. "Destruction and usurpation of Bakir-beg Tuzlic`s property." Historijski pogledi 3, no. 3 (May 28, 2020): 48–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2020.3.3.48.
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The paper discusses the probate and the procedure of liquidation of debts, and the usurpation of peasant settlements of deceased Bakir-beg Tuzlic. The process of liquidation of debts was conducted before the District Sharia Court in Tuzla. Bakir-beg Tuzlic was the last descendant of the captain and bey family Tuzlic, who as a landowner played a significant role in the economic and political life of Bosnia and Herzegovina during the Austro-Hungarian rule. This is a time with many temptations for the entire population of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and especially for Bosniaks, who did not accept the fact that they fell under the rule of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. For this reason, a number of other problems arose. Bosniak landowners were particularly dissatisfied with their status, although they were politically privileged to some extent by the Austro-Hungarian authorities. The biggest problem, however, was the constant attack on their estates by the peasants, who sought the opportunity to occupy peasants and bay’s lands, to which the bey's landowners opposed. Nevertheless, the process of buying and usurping the lands took place throughout the Austro-Hungarian administration, which greatly weakened the bey's class economically. The attempt to economically stabilize the beys required taking loans that were unfavorable from the aspect of high interest rates, which additionally brought this class into an unenviable economic and political position. Such was the case with Bakir-beg Tuzlic, one of the largest landowners in Bosnia and Herzegovina and a representative of Bosniaks in political life during that period. Such a situation was especially visible, after his death in 1910, and the conduct of the procedure of liquidation of debts and redemption of the cift (land) of the deceased Bakir-beg Tuzlic. The stated debts and the decline of the property of Bakir-beg Tuzlic are a confirmation of the economic weakening and unsustainability of the landowner, bey class in the Austro-Hungarian period. After the death of Bakir-beg Tuzlic, his property and lands were decimated, which brought his heirs to an unenviable economic position and status.
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Sijacic-Nikolic, Mirjana, Jelena Milovanovic, Marina Nonic, Radmila Knezevic, and Dragica Stankovic. "Leaf morphometric characteristics variability of different beech provenances in juvenile development stage." Genetika 45, no. 2 (2013): 369–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/gensr1302369s.
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The taxonomic status of beech from the Balkan Peninsula is not yet clearly defined. There is no agreement among different authors about the morphological characteristics discriminating between the Balkan and European and/or Eastern beech. For most characteristics, the mean values are different but the ranges of variation overlap considerably. Provenance trial of beech established in Serbia, at the locality Debeli Lug, has provided an opportunity for research of interprovenance variability at the level of leaf morphometric characteristics in juvenile development stage. Research included 10 provenances originating from the Western Balkans (Serbian provenance 36 and 38; Croatian provenance 24 and 25; Bosnian provenance 30 and 32) and from Central Europe (German provenance 47 and 49; Austrian provenance 56 and Hungarian provenance 42), where following morphometric characteristics were analyzed: leaf length (Ll), leaf width (Lw), petiole lenght (Pl), leaf base width on 1 cm (Blw), number of veins - left (Vl), number of veins - right (Vr), distance between 3rd and 4th vein - left (Dv 3-4). The results of this research show existence of clear differentiation among provenances from the Western Balkan and from Central Europe, from the point of leaf dimensions, number of veins and leaf base width.
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Ahmetović, Amir. "Elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina for the Constitution assembly of the Kingdoms of Serb, Croats and Slovenes and the transformation of social splits into political divisions." Historijski pogledi 3, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 66–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2020.3.4.66.
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Based on the available literature, social division is defined as a measure that separates community members into groups. When it comes to Bosnia and Herzegovina and its population who spoke the same language and shared the same territory, the confessional (millet) division from the time of Turkish rule, as a fundamental social fact on the basis of which the Serbian and Croatian national identity of the Bosnian Catholic and the Orthodox population remained in Bosnia and Herzegovina even after the departure of the Austro-Hungarian administration in 1918. Historical confessional and ethnic divisions that developed in the Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian periods became the key and only basis for political and party gatherings and are important for today's Bosnia and Herzegovina segmented society. The paper attempts to examine the applicability of the analytical framework (theory) of Lipset and Rokan (formulated in the 1960s) on social divisions in the case of the elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina for the Constituent Assembly of the Kingdom of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs in 1920? Elements for the answer can be offered by the analysis of the relationship between the ethno-confessional affiliation of citizens, on the one hand, party affiliation, on the other and their acceptance of certain political attitudes and values on the third side. If there is a significant interrelation, it could be concluded that at least indirectly the lines of social divisions condition the party-political division. The political system, of course, is not just a simple reflex of social divisions. One should first try to find the answer to the initial questions: what are the key lines of social divisions? How do they overlap and intersect? How and under what conditions does the transformation of social divisions into a party system take place? The previously stated social divisions passed through the filter of political entrepreneurs and returned as a political offer in which the specific interests and motives of (ethnic) political entrepreneurs were included and incorporated. After the end of the First World War, ethnic, confessional and cultural divisions were (and still are) very present in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The key lines of division in the ethnic, confessional and cultural spheres, their development and predominantly multipolar (four-polar) character through changes in the forms and breadth of interest and political organization have influenced political options (divisions) and further complicating and strengthening B&H political splits. The concept of cleavage is a mediating concept between the concept of social stratification and its impact on political grouping and political institutions and the political concept that emphasizes the reciprocal influence of political institutions and decisions on changes in social structure. Thanks to political mobilization in ethno-confessional, cultural and class divisions, then the "history of collective memory" and inherited ethno-confessional conflicts, mass political party movements were formed very quickly in Bosnia and Herzegovina as an integral part of the Kingdom of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs ( Yugoslav Muslim organization, Communist Party of Yugoslavia, Yugoslav Democratic Party, Croatian Farmers' Party, Croatian People's Party, Farmers' Union, People's Radical Party ...). The lines of social divisions overlap with ethnic divisions (Yugoslav Muslim Organization, Croatian Farmers' Party, Croatian People's Party, Farmers' Union, People's Radical Party ...) but also intersect them so that several ethnic groups can coexist within the same party-political framework (Communist Party of Yugoslavia). The significant, even crucial influence of party affiliation and identification on the adoption of certain attitudes speaks of the strong feedback of the parties and even of some kind of created party identity. The paper discusses the first elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina organized during the Kingdom of SCS and the formation of Bosnia and Herzegovina's political spectrum on the basic lines of social divisions.
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Veladžić, Edin. "Written words of Bosniak religious inteligentsia in Austro-Hungarian period and its enlightening role." Historijski pogledi 2, no. 2 (October 28, 2019): 153–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2019.2.2.153.
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The paper provides a brief overview of the significance and role of religious intelligence of Bosniaks in the field of affirmation of written texts in the Austro-Hungarian period. An overview of this kind of activity of Bosniak religious intelligence in the Austro-Hungarian period offers us a clearer picture of one important dimension in the process of development of the Bosniak people and challenges of adaptation to the new circumstances in a very turbulent transition period. The "heralds" of the new era, when speaking of the written words of Bosniaks at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, played a significant enlightening role that the previous historical science did not emphasize sufficiently.
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Antonio, Pehar. "The significance and influence of religions and confessions on the formation of nations in Bosnia and Herzegovina." Academicus International Scientific Journal 24 (July 2021): 109–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.7336/academicus.2021.24.07.
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The article deals with the religious and confessional identity of the population in Bosnia and Herzegovina at the time of Ottoman and then the Austro-Hungarian authorities, and it is trying to define the elements of nationality in their identity. The reasons for initiating the rounding-up of three national identities in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Muslim/Bosniak, Croatian and Serbian) and not a common one are also highlighted. It identifies the external factors as well as the circumstances of the internal dynamics of society that have influenced the formation of the nation on the dominant principle of religious/confessional affiliation of the population.
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Halimatusa’diah, Halimatusa’diah. "PERANAN MODAL KULTURAL DAN STRUKTURAL DALAM MENCIPTAKAN KERUKUNAN ANTARUMAT BERAGAMA DI BALI." Harmoni 17, no. 1 (June 30, 2018): 41–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.32488/harmoni.v17i1.207.
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Ahmadiyah events in Cikeusik, Shia in Sampang, until the case of Tanjung Balai, are various events of intolerance that often color the reality of our plural society. However, in some other areas with its diverse community, as in Bali, we can find a society that is able to maintain harmony among its diverse peoples and live side by side. This study aims to describe various factors that support inter-religious harmony in Bali. This review is important to overcome the various religious conflicts that occurred in Indonesia, as well as how to create harmony among religious followers. Using a qualitative approach, this study found that the creation of tolerance and harmony among religious believers in Bali, in addition influenced by historical model, also because Bali has a strong cultural capital and structural capital. Cultural capital in the form of local wisdom that is still maintained and also the harmony agents such as guardians of tradition and FKUB also play a major role in maintaining and creating harmony among religious followers in Bali
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Исаиловић, Невен. "ПРИЛОГ О ДЕЛОВАЊУ КНЕЗА И ВОЈВОДЕ ПЕТРА ПАВЛОВИЋА У БОСАНСКО-УГАРСКО-ТУРСКИМ СУКОБИМА ПОЧЕТКОМ XV ВЕКА A CONTRIBUTION ABOUT THE ACTIVITY OF KNEZ AND VOIVODE PETAR PAVLOVIĆ IN THE BOSNIAN-HUNGARIAN-TURKISH CONFLICTS AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 15TH CENTURY." Историјски часопис, no. 66/2017 (December 31, 2017): 173–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.34298/ic1766173i.
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Апстракт: Два новооткривена извора из Мађарског државног архива указују на активан ангажман Петра Павловића, сина кнеза Павла Радиновића, у борбама које је Босна водила против Угарске почетком XV века. У оба документа се експлицитно наводи његово име – у једном се славонски нижи племић Павле Татар од Млаке оптужује за сарадњу са њим, док се у другом наглашава да је Павловић заробио угледног властелина Бартоломеја (Бартола) Фанчија Грђевачког и тражио откуп од 8.000 дуката. Петар је, изгледа, учествовао у сукобима не само када је цела Босна деловала јединствено, већ и када је дошло до поделе међу великашима, подржавајући Хрвоја Вукчића и његову политику сарадње са Турцима. То његово опредељење било је један од узрока убиства његовог оца, кнеза Павла. Кључне речи: Петар Павловић, Павле Татар од Млаке, Бартоломеј (Бартол) Фанчи Грђевачки, кнез Павле Радиновић, битка у Лашви, Босна, Угарска, Турци, XV век, 1415. година. Abstract: Two newly found sources from the National Archives of Hungary suggest active engagement of Petar Pavlović, the son of knez Pavle Radinović, in the battles waged by Bosnia against Hungary in the early 15th century. Both documents explicitly state his name – in one, the Slavonian petty noble Pavle Tatar of Mlaka is accused of cooperating with him, and the other highlights that Pavlović captured the reputable noble Bartholemew (Bartol) Fancsy of Gordova (Grđevac) and sought ransom of 8,000 ducats. It seems that Petar took part in conflicts not only when entire Bosnia acted in unison, but also when discord arose among magnates – he supported Hrvoje Vukčić and his policy of cooperation with the Turks, which was one of the reasons for the murder of his father, knez Pavle. Keywords: Petar Pavlović, Bartholemew (Bartol) Fancsy of Gordova (Grđevac), knez Pavle Radinović, Battle of Lašva, Bosnia, Hungary, Turks, 15th century, year 1415.
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Fundic, Dusan. "The Austro-Hungarian occupation of Serbia as a "civilizing mission" (1915-1918)." Balcanica, no. 49 (2018): 57–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1849057f.
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This paper analyses the Austro-Hungarian occupation of Serbia during the First World War and the activity of the occupation administration of the Military Governorate in the context of its ?civilizing mission?. It points to the aspects of the occupation that reveal the Austro-Hungarians? self-perception as bringers of culture and civilization as conducive to creating an ideological basis for a war against Serbia. The paper also presents their outlook on the world in the age of empires and their idea of establishing what they saw as a more acceptable cultural basis of Serbian national identity shaped primarily by loyalty to the Austro-Hungarian Emperor and King and the ideals of order and discipline. The process is studied through analysing the occupation policies aimed at depoliticizing the public sphere by closing the pre-war institutions of culture and education and introducing educational patterns primarily based on the Austro-Hungarian experience in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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Irvine, Ann, and Chris Callison-Burch. "A Comprehensive Analysis of Bilingual Lexicon Induction." Computational Linguistics 43, no. 2 (June 2017): 273–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/coli_a_00284.
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Bilingual lexicon induction is the task of inducing word translations from monolingual corpora in two languages. In this article we present the most comprehensive analysis of bilingual lexicon induction to date. We present experiments on a wide range of languages and data sizes. We examine translation into English from 25 foreign languages: Albanian, Azeri, Bengali, Bosnian, Bulgarian, Cebuano, Gujarati, Hindi, Hungarian, Indonesian, Latvian, Nepali, Romanian, Serbian, Slovak, Somali, Spanish, Swedish, Tamil, Telugu, Turkish, Ukrainian, Uzbek, Vietnamese, and Welsh. We analyze the behavior of bilingual lexicon induction on low-frequency words, rather than testing solely on high-frequency words, as previous research has done. Low-frequency words are more relevant to statistical machine translation, where systems typically lack translations of rare words that fall outside of their training data. We systematically explore a wide range of features and phenomena that affect the quality of the translations discovered by bilingual lexicon induction. We provide illustrative examples of the highest ranking translations for orthogonal signals of translation equivalence like contextual similarity and temporal similarity. We analyze the effects of frequency and burstiness, and the sizes of the seed bilingual dictionaries and the monolingual training corpora. Additionally, we introduce a novel discriminative approach to bilingual lexicon induction. Our discriminative model is capable of combining a wide variety of features that individually provide only weak indications of translation equivalence. When feature weights are discriminatively set, these signals produce dramatically higher translation quality than previous approaches that combined signals in an unsupervised fashion (e.g., using minimum reciprocal rank). We also directly compare our model's performance against a sophisticated generative approach, the matching canonical correlation analysis (MCCA) algorithm used by Haghighi et al. ( 2008 ). Our algorithm achieves an accuracy of 42% versus MCCA's 15%.
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Kasumović, Amila. "Ideja o osnivanju Univerziteta u Sarajevu početkom 20. stoljeća: austrougarska vlast u Bosni i Hercegovini između kulturne misije i političke realnosti." BOSNIACA 25, no. 25 (December 14, 2020): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.37083/bosn.2020.25.157.
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Početkom 20. stoljeća brojne krize potresale su Balkan; a one poput Aneksione (1908–1909) i Balkanskih ratova (1912–1913) snažno su utjecale na gibanja u bosanskohercegovačkom društvu. Suočena s vrlo kompleksnom političkom situacijom na Balkanu; Austro-Ugarska je morala izgraditi strategiju jačanja svog utjecaja na ovom području. U tom smislu; Sarajevo je trebalo odigrati vrlo važnu ulogu. U ovom radu se želi pokazati kako je austrougarska vlast u Bosni i Hercegovini; plasirajući ideju da bi se u Sarajevu mogao osnovati univerzitet; lavirala između davno zacrtane kulturne misije u datom području i političkih mahinacija kojima se trebao anulirati rastući utjecaj Srbije. Reakcija javnosti; kako one u Bosni i Hercegovini; tako i one u Monarhiji; na ideju o osnivanju sarajevskog univerziteta; primorala je njene glavne zagovornike na propitivanje vlastitih političkih rezona.------------------------------------------- The idea of establishing the University of Sarajevo at the beginning of 20th century: Austro-Hungarian authority in Bosnia and Herzegovina between cultural mission and political realityAt the beginning of the 20th century; the Balkans was the epicentre of numerous crises and some of them (the Annexation Crisis 1908–1909 and the Balkan Wars 1912–1913) had a major effect on social activities in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Therefore; faced with a very complex political situation in the Balkans; Austro-Hungary was about to develop a strategy of increasing its own influence in the mentioned area. Consequently; Sarajevo was bound to play an important role in these plans. This paper argues that; by promoting the idea of establishing a university in Sarajevo; the Austro-Hungarian authorities were actually oscillating between their previous plan of conducting a cultural mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina and political machinations aimed at the annihilation of Serbian influence. The public reactions in Bosnia; as well as in the remainder of the Monarchy; forced the solicitors of this idea to re-examine their own political considerations.
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Zivkovic, Tibor. "Rama in the royal title of the Hungarian kings." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 41 (2004): 153–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi0441153z.
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The region (zupa) of Rama was enlisted in the official title of the Hungarian kings around 1138, as it is known from an official document. The exact answer to the question under which circumstances it happened has never been reached. It is most probable that Rama was not just other name for Bosnia as it was proposed in historiography, neither was a part of Bosnia conquered by military action of the Hungarian king around 1135. Having in mind that Rama was a part of the principality of Raska during the Early Middle Ages, it is quite possible that Rama became part of the official title of the Hungarian kings through some direct connections between ruling families of Hungary and Raska. The most probable answer could be reached through the examination of these relations. Namely, a daughter of Raska's zupan, Uros I, Helena, was married to the Hungarian crown prince Bela in 1129, when Rama was, most probably, part of Helena's dowry. When the crown prince became king of Hungary in 1131, Rama was included in his royal title. Later on during the Middle Ages Rama became part of Bosnia giving ground to the Hungarian kings to claim whole Bosnia as their heritage. .
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Ramčilović, Zećir. "Demographic changes after Berlin congress (1878) in Bosnia and Herzegovina." Historijski pogledi 2, no. 2 (October 28, 2019): 72–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2019.2.2.72.
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The Berlin Congress in 1878 ended the war between Russia and the Ottoman Empire, but above all the revision of the San Stefano peace treaty in order to prevent the spread of Russian influence in the Balkans. Austria - Hungary has been given the mandate to occupy and manage Bosnia and Herzegovina. The planned peaceful occupation was oppressed by the people, and the Austro-Hungarian army was given fierce resistance. Nevertheless, Bosnia is occupied with a large number of forces, but also civilian casualties. Official reports state that Austro-Hungary fulfilled the conditions that it bargained in Berlin, but the reality after the occupation was different from that which was found on the paper. The new administration in Bosnia and Herzegovina has made deep and radical changes in the socio - political system, but above all in the lives of ordinary people. The transition of a society that was going on very slowly and complicated had far-reaching consequences, especially on demographic trends in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Demographic changes after 1878 were the result of several factors, primarily the establishment of a new government, a new legal order, a cultural and social transition, and the reorganization of religious life. The centuries-old and, to the greatest extent, the privileged position of Bosnia in the Ottoman Empire was changed to the province of the dual monarchy with the supreme military administrator. The nation was not given the right to participate in the governance of its own country. Every change was pronounced and most often at the expense of the domicile majority Bosniak population. The fact that this period, as in the past, today has a great interest in studying from different points of view, I would like to give a brief review of the demographic changes that took place in Bosnia and Herzegovina after its occupation.
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Spornberger, Andreas. ""Die Provinzen Bosnien und Herzegowina sollen von Österreich besetzt und verwaltet werden." - Der österreichisch-ungarische Einfluss auf das okkupierte/annektierte Bosnien-Herzegowina." historia.scribere, no. 9 (June 9, 2017): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.15203/historia.scribere.9.558.
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The Austrian–Hungarian Influence on Bosnia–Herzegovina After the Occupation 1878 This paper is about the Austrian–Hungarian influence on the occupied lands of Bosnia–Herzegovina from 1878 until the end of the Habsburgian rule in 1918. It examines exemplarily the innovation set in action in terms of economy, the educational system and - as it is a multicultural region - the life of the jewish minority. As it will be shown, there were general changes in these fields and they differ depending on the examined issue.
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Younis, Hana. "(Pre)štampa(va)nje djela i autorska prava početkom 20. stoljeća u Bosni i Hercegovini." BOSNIACA 25, no. 25 (December 14, 2020): 88. http://dx.doi.org/10.37083/bosn.2020.25.88.
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Ovaj rad na primjeru slučaja Walny protiv Kajona zbog autorskih prava prikazuje stanje u Bosni i Hercegovini na ovom polju u periodu austrougarske uprave. Kako je regulisano zakonski pravo autora i kako se to pravo moglo otuđiti, autorica kroz (pre)štampa(va)nje djela Plan von Sarajevo und Umgebung – Plan Sarajeva i okolice jasno oslikava. Akteri ove parnice su poznati javnosti kao književnici, vlasnici i urednici uglednih časopisa i štamparija, zbog čega ovaj slučaj zavrjeđuje posebnu pažnju.------------------------------------------ (Re)printing and copyright in the beginning of the 20th century in Bosnia and HerzegovinaThis work focuses on the Walny vs. Kajon copyright infringement case, showing the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina within this field during the Austro-Hungarian rule. The author shows how copyright was legally regulated and how it could have led to infringement, through methods of (re)printing of Plan von Sarajevo und Umgebung. Participants of this legal case are well known to public, as writers, owners and editors of respectable journals and printing houses. For this reason, this case deserves some special attention.
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Paćuka, Lana. "Aspects of Slovenian musicians’ activity in the musical life of Austro-Hungarian Sarajevo (1878–1918)." Musicological Annual 52, no. 1 (June 27, 2016): 11–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/mz.52.1.11-26.
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The paper provides a concise insight into the activity of Slovenian musicians residing in Sarajevo during the Austro-Hungarian administration. Besides the Slovenian musicians’ activities at the collective level, the paper discusses their individual endeavours and also endeavours from perspective of guest artists. Guest Slovenian artists such as Slovenian opera, was one of the most renowned ensemble that visited Austro-Hungarian Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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Fuchs, Brigitte, and Husref Tahirović. "Dr. Anna Bayerová: The First Official Female Doctor in Bosnia and Herzegovina." Acta Medica Academica 48, no. 1 (June 26, 2019): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.5644/ama2006-124.249.
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<p>This biographical note details Anna Bayerová’s (1853–1924) activities as the first female Austro-Hungarian health officer in 1878 to1918 occupied Bosnia and Herzegovina (BH). Anna Bayerová is known as a heroine of Czech feminism and the ‘first Czech female physician’, though she only practised in the Czech lands from 1913 to 1916. In 1891, Bayerová was enrolled as the first Austro-Hungarian female health officer and assigned to treat Muslim women in the district of Tuzla, Bosnia. She pursued this mission for the first three months of 1892, had herself transferred to Sarajevo in the summer, and soon thereafter quitted the service. Her biographers point to a series of political and personal motivations to abandon her mission in Bosnia, which, from the viewpoint of Czech feminists, included fulfilling her professional duties in an exemplary way. She spent most of her professional life as a physician in Switzerland and did not request Austrian recognition of her medical degree until 1913. Bayerová died in Prague in 1924.</p><p><strong>Conclusion. </strong>Bayerová, partly for political reasons and partly due to her panic-fuelled fear of catching tuberculosis, quitted her role as the first Austro-Hungarian female health officer in BH soon after her arrival in 1892.</p>
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Palavestra, Aleksandar. "Archaeological Excursion into Proximal Colony." Issues in Ethnology and Anthropology 9, no. 3 (February 26, 2016): 669. http://dx.doi.org/10.21301/eap.v9i3.7.
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Austro-Hungarian rule in Bosnia-Herzegovina by the end of the 19th century, presided by Benjamin Kallay, the Empire’s Minister of Finance and governor of Bosnia and Herzegovina, strived to gain wider international justification for its years’ long project of “civilizing” Bosnia and Herzegovina, or particular “historizing” of this proximal colony. In the summer of 1894 the Austro-Hungarian government in Bosnia and Herzegovina organized the Congress of Archaeologists and Anthropologists in the Landesmuseum in Sarajevo. The aim of the Congress was to inform archaeologists and anthropologists about the results of archaeological investigations in the country, and to seek their advice in directing further work. The wider ideological, political, as well as theoretical context of this congress, however, was much more complex and layered, with the aim to present the constructed image of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a country of tamed and civilized European Orient of rich past and luxurious folklore. The participants of the Congress discussed the archaeological and anthropological data presented to them by the hosts, including the specially organized excavations at Butmir and Glasinac. It is interesting to analyze, from the point of view of the history of archaeological ideas, the endeavours of the participants to adapt the archaeological finds before them to the wishes of the hosts, and, on the other hand, to their favoured archaeological paradigms dominant at the time.
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Lis, Tomasz Jacek. "Próba utworzenia sojuszu muzułmańsko-serbskiego w trakcie walk o autonomię religijno-szkolną w Bośni i Hercegowinie w latach 1899–1902." Prace Historyczne 147, no. 2 (2020): 417–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844069ph.20.023.12477.
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Attempt to create a Muslim-Serbian alliance during the struggle for the religious and educational autonomy in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1899–1902 The article explains the reasons why in 1899–1902 the Serbs wanted to form an alliance with the Muslims. During the Austro-Hungarian period, the Orthodox in Bosnia and Herzegovina fought for autonomy and religious schools. They needed an ally in their efforts; that is why they turned to the Muslims with an alliance proposal. They appealed to the Muslims because, since 1897, they had also fought with the ZMF (Zajedničko Ministarstvo Finansija) and governor of Bosnia Benjamin von Kàllay.
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Pakhomova, Lidia. "The Day of Annexion of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the periodicals of Austria Hungary." A day in the calendar. Celebrations and memorial days as an instrument of national consolidation in Central, Eastern and South-Eastern Europe from the nineteenth to the twenty-first century, no. 1 (2019): 185–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2018.1.9.
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The article explores the ways in which the day of annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina was commemorated in the press of the Habsburg Monarchy. The choice of German-language newspapers from various parts of Austro-Hungary was determined by the fact that the German language can be considered one of the key unifying factors within the empire. German-language newspapers and other periodicals were published all over Cisleithania, in the Hungarian part, for instance in Zagreb and Budapest, and in Bosnia itself. The analysis of publications from 1908–1918 shows that while commemoration of the event was relatively widespread during the first two years of the period, after 1911 the annexation of the formerly occupied provinces was largely forgotten. The author suggests the possible reasons why a commemorative event never became a tradition, namely that the annexation itself was not particularly notable for the Austro-Hungarian society since Bosnia and Herzegovina had already been controlled by AustroHungary for nearly 30 years and were de-facto a part of the empire. Other possible reasons include the annexation crisis and the military threat of 1908–1909, the international conflicts of 1911–1913 and also the proximity of the annexation date to a state holiday, that is Francis Joseph’s Name Day, 4 October.
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Kasumović, Amila. "PROMJENA ZATVORSKE PARADIGME? / THE CHANGE OF THE PRISON PARADIGM." Journal of the Faculty of Philosophy in Sarajevo / Radovi Filozofskog fakulteta u Sarajevu, ISSN 2303-6990 on-line, no. 23 (November 10, 2020): 15–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.46352/23036990.2020.15.
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The reform of the legal system that the Ottoman Empire conducted in the 1850s was systematically implemented in the period that followed, with an attempt to introduce new legal provisions concerning prisons in all parts of the Empire, including Bosnia. Displeasure of the western powers who had insisted on changes to the prison practices in the Ottoman Empire, the pace of which had been slow, was used by the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy following the occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Having established that the existing conditions in BiH prisons were “miserable”, the new government promised radical changes. However, the question is if the changes really were ferocious in the decisive years in which the Ottoman administration was replaced by Austro-Hungarian? If so, to what extent was the prison paradigm changed? A more serious investigation of the prison system of a certain administration demands an analysis of a specific group within the prison population. One such group are women that needed a different treatment compared to other prisoners: a separate accommodation, female, not male, supervision, as well as special measures during pregnancy, delivery and breastfeeding. By using the documents from ZVS and ZMF funds, the paper aims to investigate if the Austro-Hungarian administration managed to achieve significant results in the treatment of female inmates in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the first years of the monarchy’s rule. Although the prison system and the treatment of prisoners are an important indicator of the civilizational advancement of a society, the local historiography has not paid significant attention to these issues. This paper is trying to fill that void.
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Videnović, Milan, and Miroslav Pešić. "THE REPORTS OF THE DAILY NEWSPAPER “POLITIKA” ABOUT THE SITUATION IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA PRECEDING THE ANNEXATION CRISIS OF 1908." MEDIA STUDIES AND APPLIED ETHICS 3, no. 1 (March 11, 2021): 7–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.46630/msae.1.2021.01.
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In this paper, the writings of the daily newspaper “Politika” regarding the events preceding the Annexation Crisis were analyzed. The political situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina at the beginning of the XX century was extremely complex and tense. Combined with the already complicated international circumstances, a favorable environment was created for one of the greatest political crises in Europe at the time. The period between the Young Turk Revolution and the Annexation Crisis was characterized by the attempts of Serbs from Bosnia and Herzegovina to resolve legally the question of Bosnia and Herzegovina without changing the state and legal status of the territory, as well as by the attempts by Austria-Hungary to integrate Bosnia and Herzegovina into its state structure. Austria-Hungary annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina and thus abused its mandate for occupying Bosnia and Herzegovina, which was provided by the Treaty of Berlin from 1878. The preparations for the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina were covered by the correspondents of “Politika”, who informed the Serbian public about it. The articles published in “Politika” at the time are invaluable for obtaining an accurate picture of the state of affairs at the time, as well as of a reign of terror that the Austro-Hungarian rule imposed in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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Nikolic, Anja. "Similarities and differences in imperial administration Great Britain in Egypt and Austria-Hungary in Bosnia-Herzegovina 1878-1903." Balcanica, no. 47 (2016): 177–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1647177n.
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This article discusses the similarities and differences of the position of Great Britain in Egypt and Austria-Hungary in Bosnia-Herzegovina in the age of New Imperialism. Comparative approach will allow us to put both situations in their historical context. Austria-Hungary?s absorption of Bosnia-Herzegovina was part of colonial involvement throughout the world. Egypt and Bosnia-Herzegovina were formally parts of the Ottoman Empire, although occupied and administrated by European Powers. Two administrators, Evelyn Baring as consul-general in Egypt and Benjamin von K?llay as civil administrator of Bosnia-Herzegovina, believed that it was their duty to bring ?civilization?, prosperity and western culture to these lands - a classic argumentation found in the New Imperialism discourse. One of the most important tasks for both administrators was fighting the national movements, which led to the suppression of political freedoms and the introduction of a large administrative apparatus to govern the newly-occupied lands. Complete control over political life and the educational system was also one of the major features of both administrations. Both Great Britain in Egypt and Austria-Hungary in Bosnia-Herzegovina never tackled the agrarian question for their own political reasons. British rule in Egypt and Austro-Hungarian in Bosnia-Herzegovina bore striking resemblances.
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Salihović, Davor. "The process of bordering at the late fifteenth-century Hungarian-Ottoman frontier." History in flux 1, no. 1 (December 21, 2019): 93–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.32728/flux.2019.1.5.
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Following the Ottoman conquest of the Despotate of Serbia in 1459 and the Kingdom of Bosnia in 1463, a new phase of Hungarian-Ottoman relations was introduced. With the disappearance of the Hungarian "buffer" towards the Ottoman-held areas, the territories of the two states became adjacent, and their mutual frontier had to be negotiated afresh. By looking into all available material, Latin, Slavonic, and Ottoman, this paper aims to trace negotiations between the two sides in the period of King Matthias Corvinus’ reign and discern their content and application with regard to borders. It tackles the demarcation of the border between the two sides, and highlights the mechanisms employed for its institutional maintenance.
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Tahirović, Husref, and Brigitte Fuchs. "Kornelija Rakić: A Woman Doctor for Women and Children in Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina." Acta Medica Academica 50, no. 1 (May 26, 2021): 221. http://dx.doi.org/10.5644/ama2006-124.338.
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<p>This short biography focuses on the life and medical activities of Kornelija Rakić (1879–1952), a Serbian female pioneer of medicine from the then Hungarian province of Vojvodina, who acquired an MD from the University of Budapest in 1905. Rakić came from a humble background, and a Vojvodina Serbian women’s organization enabled her to become a physician and pursue her social medicine mission. After a futile attempt to open a private practice as a “woman doctor for women” in Novi Sad in 1906, she successfully applied to the Austro-Hungarian provincial government in Sarajevo for the position of an official female physician in occupied Bosnia. Rakić began her career as an Austro-Hungarian (AH) official female physician in Bihać (1908–1912) and was transferred to Banja Luka in 1912 and to Mostar in 1917–1918. Kornelija Rakić stayed in Mostar after the monarchy collapsed in 1918 and continued to work as a public health officer in the service of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, founded in 1918. Subsequently, she served as the head of the “dispensary for mothers and children” at the Public Health Centre in Mostar, founded in 1929, where she practiced until her retirement in 1949. After World War II, Rakić served as Vice President of the Red Cross Society in Mostar. She received numerous awards and medals from the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and the Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia. Kornelija Rakić died in Mostar in 1952 and was buried at the local Orthodox cemetery of Bjelušine.</p><p><strong> Conclusion</strong>. Kornelija Rakić (1879–1952) was the first Serbian female physician in Novi Sad, Vojvodina, and she was employed as an AH official female physician in Bihać (1908–1912), Banja Luka (1912–1917) and Mostar (1917–1918). After World War I, she participated in the establishment and expansion of public health institutions in Mostar and Herzegovina from 1918–1949 against the backdrop of the devastation of the two World Wars.</p>
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Schindler, John. "Defeating Balkan Insurgency: The Austro-Hungarian Army in Bosnia-Hercegovina, 1878-82." Journal of Strategic Studies 27, no. 3 (September 2004): 528–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1362369042000283010.
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TEINOVIĆ, BRATISLAV. "GOLUB BABIĆ AND MILETA DESPOTOVIĆ: SKETCHES FOR BIOGRAPHIES OF 1875–1878 INSURGENCE LEADERS IN BOSNIA." Kultura polisa, no. 45 (July 3, 2021): 221–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.51738/kpolisa2021.18.2r.3.02.
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Golub Babić and Mileta Despotović do not have separate biographies. These are sketches for their biographies, during the time they were at the head of the uprising in southwestern Bosnia from 1875 to 1878. In the 1860s, Golub Babić, still a migrant from Krajina, was involved in the conspiratorial activities of the Serbian government in Bosnia. He came to southwestern Bosnia in August 1875 from Belgrade, although a supporter of the guerrilla way of war, Duke Babić was the first to start forming a military organization according to the modern European model, while Educating the “Head Authority of the Rebellion” on that inaccessible terrain. With Serbiaʼs entry into the war against Turkey on June 28, 1876, the uprising in Bosnia became part of a united Serbian front. Babić was deposed and a native of Šumadija and a former Russian officer, Colonel Mileta Despotović was entrusted the work on further insurgent military organizations. With that change the previous guerrilla way of warfare was replaced by frontal warfare, however the insurgent army in southwestern Bosnia failed to defend itself from the superior Turkish enemy on August 4, 1877. A year later, the Berlin Congress and the Austro–Hungarian occupation found the insurgent army in complete disarray.