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Journal articles on the topic 'Bosnian War, 1992-'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 7 February 2022

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1

Janíčko, Michal. "Misunderstanding the Other and Shy Signs of Openness: Discourse on the 1992-1995 War in the Current Bosniak and Bosnian Serb Media." Středoevropské politické studie Central European Political Studies Review 17, no. 1 (2015): 28–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cepsr.2015.1.28.

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The article deals with how the 1990s civil war in Bosnia and Herzegovina was represented in the media that currently remain influential among Bosniaks and Bosnian Serbs. Critical discourse analysis is used both as a theoretical approach to discourse and as a methodological tool for its study. In the analysis, the civil war discourse in Bosniak and Bosnian Serb media is represented by two daily newspapers on each side. The analysis reveals mutually incompatible representations of the causes and nature of the war, the prevailing absence of dialogue, and the unwillingness of each side to consider

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Mrduljas, Sasa. "Possibilities for a peaceful settlement of disputes in Bosnia and Herzegovina: September 1991 - April 1992." Medjunarodni problemi 60, no. 4 (2008): 456–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0804456m.

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It had undoubtedly been the inadequate political and legal structure of the ethnic status and relations in the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina as well the unwillingness of the political elites to make a compromise that created a rather favorable potential for destructive shaping of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian social conditions. Immediately before the outbreak of war in BH (1992-1995) the preconditions had been created for a comparatively peaceful settlement of the unresolved political issues within the republic. Taking into consideration that the international community had assumed

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3

Sokolić, Ivor. "Denying the Unknown. Everyday Narratives about Croatian Involvement in the 1992-1995 Bosnian Conflict." Südosteuropa 65, no. 4 (2018): 632–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2017-0042.

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Abstract This article, based on the results of focus-group discussions, dyads, and interviews in Croatia, examines how Croatians construct their narrative of the 1992-1995 conflict in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Croatia’s role in it. Despite judgements at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) concluding that the Croatian state intervened in the Bosnian conflict, respondents in this study claimed to be ignorant of any such intervention. What was discussed worked in concert with the dominant Croatian war narrative of Croatian defence, victimhood, and sacrifice in the fa

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Dzihic, Vedran. "Comments on Gerard Toal's ‘“Republika Srpska will have a referendum': The rhetorical politics of Milorad Dodik”." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 1 (2013): 205–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.754746.

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The history of modern Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH) is a history of referenda. The referendum as a tool to shape the political fate and future of a particular society has seemingly always been an integral part of the Bosnian past. The first two referenda in Bosnia-Herzegovina at the beginning of the so-called “democratic era” following the dissolution of the former Yugoslavia marked the beginning of a period of war and violence in the country. The referendum in November 1991, organized by the Serbian Democratic Party (SDS) and asking participants about the status of BiH within the Yugoslav federati

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Attila Hoare, Marko. "Bosnia-Hercegovina and International Justice." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 24, no. 2 (2010): 191–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325409356462.

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Three different international courts have determined that genocide took place in Bosnia-Hercegovina in 1992-1995: the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), the International Court of Justice (ICJ), and the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR). Yet paradoxically, there has been virtually no punishment of this genocide, while the punishment of lesser war crimes of the Bosnian war has been very limited. The ICTY has convicted only one individual, a lowly deputy corps commander, of a genocide-related offence. The ICJ acquitted Serbia, the state that planned and launche

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May, Jonathan. "How Bosnia Changed Paddy." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 27, no. 4 (2013): 593–618. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325413495890.

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As parliamentarian during the Bosnian war, witness at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, and finally as politician with considerable executive power in the role of High Representative, the length and multifaceted nature of Paddy Ashdown’s interaction with Bosnia and Herzegovina is atypical. This rarity provides a unique opportunity to examine the factors that influence a politician’s views and understanding of a foreign country and examine how and why they oscillate and develop over time. By first identifying the preconceptions and misjudgements which Ashdown entere

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Wasiak, Katarzyna. "Pamięć i trauma." Politeja 16, no. 1(58) (2019): 101–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.16.2019.58.07.

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Memory and Trauma: Contemporary Interpretations of the 1992‑1995 War among the Youth of Bosnian‑Muslim For Bosnia and Herzegovina, the 1990s were a period of changes due to war. Transformations occurred not only in the political area, but also in the social one. A multicultural region, Bosnia and Herzegovina was suddenly transformed into isolated enclaves. In fact, this separation is maintained by war trauma, which remains in the social consciousness and regulates ethnic relations in the state.

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Kovacevic, Miladin. "The weak points of statistical and demographic analyses in estimations of war victims in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period 1992-1995." Stanovnistvo 43, no. 1-4 (2005): 13–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/stnv0504013k.

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In the political and war crisis which embraced Bosnia and Herzegovina in the spring of 1992 with an end of war hostilities in the autumn of 1995 when the "Dayton Peace Agreement" emerged (November 1995), a media war occurred. From the very beginning, this war had an international character. The question on the number of war victims (killed and missing) "exploded" in June of 1993 when Haris Silajdzic stated that there had been 200000 dead among the Muslims. This figure uncritically became the basis for all later media and local "empirical truths" on the number of victims. All statistical and de

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9

Meernik, James, and Josue Barron. "Fairness in National Courts Prosecuting International Crimes: The Case of the War Crimes Chamber of Bosnia-Herzegovina." International Criminal Law Review 18, no. 4 (2018): 712–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-01804009.

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The Bosnian War Crimes Chamber was established to adjudicate cases of violations of international law by lower-ranking individuals in Bosnia-Herzegovina, who were not prosecuted by the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY). One of the most critical issues facing this Court, however, is whether its justice is unbiased by the ethnic divisions that characterized the Bosnian War (1992–1995) and the politics of Bosnia-Herzegovina ever since. Using a new database of first instance verdicts from the War Crimes Chamber (WCC), we test for the impact of ethnic bias on verdicts

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Moll, Nicolas. "Fragmented memories in a fragmented country: memory competition and political identity-building in today's Bosnia and Herzegovina." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 6 (2013): 910–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.768220.

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Bosnia and Herzegovina is politically fragmented, and so is the memory landscape within the country. Narratives of the 1992–1995 war, the Second World War, Tito's Yugoslavia, and earlier historical periods form highly disputed patterns in a memory competition involving representatives of the three “constituent peoples” of Bosnia and Herzegovina - Serbs, Croats and Bosniaks – but also non-nationalist actors within BiH, as well as the international community. By looking especially at political declarations and the practices of commemoration and monument building, the article gives an overview of

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11

Çaputlu, Özgenur. "A Feminist Analysis: Sexual Violence in the Bosnian War (1992-1995)." Balkanistic Forum 30, no. 2 (2021): 254–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v30i2.15.

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Throughout history, war violence has disproportionately affected women, especially in patriarchal societies. Wartime rape, which is the most common and destructive type of conflict-related sexual violence, is the clearest example of these effects. This study clarifies the sexual violence experiences of Yugoslavian women during the Bosnian War, which had lasted between the years 1992-1995, with an anti-militarist feminist perspective. The first part of the article includes hypotheses of feminist theory about conflict-related sexual violence. The second part handles types of sexual violence such

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Almeida, Ana Luísa da Rocha. "A posição dos partidos políticos portugueses face à guerra da Bósnia-Herzegovina (1992-1995)." Revista Portuguesa de História, no. 45 (2014): 507–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/0870-4147_45_22.

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Ellis, Burcu Akan. "Repatriation of War Orphans in Bosnia: Narratives of Nationhood and Care in Refugee Crises." Migration Letters 16, no. 2 (2019): 235–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182//ml.v16i2.651.

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This study highlights the plight of children in state orphanages during conditions of war and its aftermath, in order to explore how state narratives trap children between contested notions of the best interests of the child, national belonging, and familial rights. This longitudinal study focuses on international media narratives covering a group of Bosnian orphans who were removed from the Bjelave orphanage in Sarajevo through a controversial German rescue mission in 1992. The orphans were provided temporary protection in Germany for five years but were repatriated to Bosnia in 1997 upon the

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14

Goodby, James E. "When War Won Out: Bosnian Peace Plans Before Dayton." International Negotiation 1, no. 3 (1996): 501–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180696x00197.

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AbstractThe elements bearing on the prospects for a political settlement in Bosnia-Herzegovina came together in 1995 in a way that made peace possible. These included a forceful US lead in the negotiations, a protracted NATO air campaign, a shift in the local balance of power adverse to the Bosnian Serbs, expulsion of the Serbian population from Krajina, and a readiness of Serbian President Milosevic to negotiate a settlement on behalf of the Bosnian Serbs. These elements were not present in 1992-94 when two earlier mediation efforts collapsed before peace plans that had a measure of acceptanc

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15

Simmons, Cynthia. "Women's Work and the Growth of Civil Society in Post-War Bosnia." Nationalities Papers 35, no. 1 (2007): 171–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990601129446.

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Civil society, to the extent that it exists today in Bosnia, has developed alongside the recasting of women's roles in public life. Researchers equate civil society in Bosnia today almost exclusively with non-governmental organizations (NGOs). The early post-war NGOs grew out of the peace movement that took shape before and during the open conflict of 1992–1995. Peace organizations evolved to a large extent from feminist organizing and organizations in the Yugoslav republics of Croatia, Serbia, and Slovenia. Thus, to study the origins of Bosnian civil society, we must begin with the struggle f

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Sarač - Hadžihalilović, Aida, Amela Kulenović, and Abdulah Kučukalić. "Stress, Memory and Bosnian War Veterans." Bosnian Journal of Basic Medical Sciences 8, no. 2 (2008): 135–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.17305/bjbms.2008.2968.

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The aim of this study was to analyze cognitive dysfunction in PTSD. The testing included 79 Bosnian Army veterans, who participated in Bosnian war from 1992 to 1995. Out of 79 tested war veterans, 45 of developed PTSD while 34 did not. The veterans without PTSD where included in the control group. All the war veterans were of the same education level (secondary education) and between 30 and 50 years of age. Rivermead Behavioral Memory Test - RBMT was applied to all the subjects. The test was originally developed for the purpose of everyday memory problems identification. Clear goal of the 10 R

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Kuka, Ermin, and Hamza Memišević. "Visegrads criminal, bloody revels – yesterday, today, tomorrow." Historijski pogledi 3, no. 4 (2020): 267–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2020.3.4.267.

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Main goal of Serbian ideology, policy, practice, starting from the late XVIII until the beginning of XIX century is creation of a clean, pure and ethnic Serbian country so called Great Serbia. In such country idealists also included the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Meanwhile that is achievable only by committing heinous crimes including the Bosnian Genocide. Because of the Visegrads Geostrategic position the city is crucial for Serbian plans, aggressors and criminals tried by any means to form ethnically clean territory, not choosing the means or tools in the attempt of achieving that

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Milatovic-Ovadia, Maja. "Shakespeare's Fools." Critical Survey 31, no. 4 (2019): 29–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/cs.2019.310404.

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In November 2017, Ratko Mladic, a war-time leader and a commander of the Bosnian Serb Army, was sentenced by the United Nations International Criminal Tribunal to life imprisonment for the genocide and crimes against humanity committed during the 1992–1995 war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the region the verdict was received with conflicting reactions, emphasising yet again how extensive the ethnic division is within the society. Through close analysis of the theatre project Shakespeare’s Comedies performed by ethnically segregated youth in Bosnia-Herzegovina, this article aims to understand h

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Music, Emina, Lars Jacobsson, and Ellinor Salander Renberg. "Suicide in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the City of Sarajevo." Crisis 35, no. 1 (2014): 42–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/0227-5910/a000232.

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Background: Besides the war experience (1992–1995), Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) constitutes an interesting area for studies on suicidal behavior from an ethnic and religious perspective with its mixed ethnic population of Bosniaks, Serbs, and Croats. Aims: The study investigates suicide in BiH and the capital city of Sarajevo before (1985–1991) and after the war (1998–2006), with special reference to gender and ethnicity. Method: Official suicide data were gathered for the two periods with regard to gender, ethnicity, and suicide methods used. Results: No differences in suicide rates were fou

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Helms, Elissa. "Gendered Transformations of State Power: Masculinity, International Intervention, and the Bosnian Police*." Nationalities Papers 34, no. 3 (2006): 343–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990600766651.

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Many Bosnians I talked to were skeptical about my plan to do research among local police in the central Bosnian town of Zenica. They told me that no one would talk to me there. “They're too scared of foreigners,” they said, meaning especially Westerners who might be connected to the powerful international institutions that have acted as de facto protectorate to the fragmented and unstable state after the collapse of socialist Yugoslavia and the devastating 1992–1995 war. In their efforts to neutralize the police as enforcer of ethnonational separatism and to promote the new democratic values o

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Rawski, Tomasz, and Katarzyna Roman. "How to Escape? The Trap of the Transition in the Recent Cinema of Bosnia and Herzegovina (2000-2012)." Colloquia Humanistica, no. 3 (December 31, 2014): 193–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/ch.2014.014.

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How to Escape? The Trap of the Transition in the Recent Cinema of Bosnia and Herzegovina (2000-2012)The paper concerns the latest cinema of Bosnia and Herzegovina (2000-2012). Focusing on the cinema of social criticism (represented by movies which try to rethink the new socio-political order gradually emerging in BiH after the war of 1992-95), the authors recognize the Bosnian society as a community captured in the trap of an unfinished system transition. The story of the Bosnian society, simultaneously stuck in a dysfunctional and oppressive state and completely devoid of any prospects for th

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Hammond, Philip. "When frames collide: ‘Ethnic war’ and ‘genocide’." Media, War & Conflict 11, no. 4 (2018): 434–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750635218776994.

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This article examines the problem of how to interpret competing, clashing or contradictory news frames in coverage of war and conflict, focusing on the reporting of the 1992–1995 Bosnian war. ‘Ethnic war’ and ‘genocide’ featured as competing news frames in news coverage of Bosnia and several subsequent conflicts, and are often understood to be contradictory in terms of their implied explanations, moral evaluations and policy prescriptions. The author questions the assumptions that many journalists and academics have made about these frames and the relationship between them. He asks how we can

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Glaurdić, Josip. "Inside the Serbian War Machine." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 23, no. 1 (2009): 86–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325408326788.

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This article examines the arguably most interesting pieces of evidence used during the trial of Slobodan Milošević at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia—more than two hundred recordings of intercepted conversations that took place in 1991 and 1992 between Milošević, Radovan Karadžić, Dobrica Ćosić, and various other protagonists on the Serbian side of the wars in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). Analysis of the intercepts presented in this article makes several important contributions to the interpretation of events in former Yugoslavia during that period. F

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Costalli, Stefano, and Francesco Niccolò Moro. "Ethnicity and strategy in the Bosnian civil war." Journal of Peace Research 49, no. 6 (2012): 801–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343312453593.

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The impact of ethnicity for the onset of conflicts has often been dismissed in the cross-country empirical literature on civil wars. Recently, however, several studies using disaggregated data have reached different conclusions and highlight the importance of the configuration of ethno-national groups. This article follows the latter approach and investigates a different phenomenon: the impact of ethnic heterogeneity on the severity of violence. Using disaggregated data at municipality level in Bosnia and Herzegovina, we perform a quantitative analysis to assess the impact of various indices o

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DiCaprio, Lisa. "The Betrayal of Srebrenica: The Ten-Year Commemoration." Public Historian 31, no. 3 (2009): 73–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2009.31.3.73.

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Abstract The Srebrenica massacre occurred in July 1995 during the last year of the war in Bosnia (1992––1995). It was the single worst atrocity during the war and in Europe since World War II. The Betrayal of Srebrenica: The Ten-Year Commemoration, with photographs by New York City human rights photographer Paula Allen, focuses on the July 11, 2005 commemoration of Srebrenica, which was attended by over 30,000 survivors and their supporters. The exhibit comprises photographs of Sarajevo, Srebrenica, the survivors, the activities of the International Commission on Missing Persons (ICMP), and ke

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Goldstein, Joshua S., and Jon C. Pevehouse. "Reciprocity, Bullying, and International Cooperation: Time-series Analysis of the Bosnia Conflict." American Political Science Review 91, no. 3 (1997): 515–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2952072.

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Although the role of reciprocity in international cooperation is central to neoliberal institutionalism, empirical understanding of the concept remains weak. We analyze strategic response patterns—the use of reciprocity or inverse response (bullying)—in the Bosnia conflict from 1992 to 1995. We construct weekly time series of conflict and cooperation among the parties to the Bosnia war, using machine-coded events data. Time-series statistical analysis identifies several important patterns of strategic response, both reciprocal and inverse. These include bilateral responses, which are central t

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Engelhardt, Georgi. "Neighbours turned Enemies: Sarajevo Urban War in Zeljko Przulj's novels “Street Brothers” (‘Brac´a po ulici')." Slavs and Russia, no. 2019 (2019): 500–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2618-8570.2019.23.

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The collection of novels „Street brothers“ (‘Braća po ulici', 1996) by a Sarajevo Serb writer Željko Pržulj, a veteran of the Bosnian war of 1992-1995, contains valuable information about urban warfare as well as about the impact this war has on modern society in Eastern Europe. Employing ‘tragic realism', Pržulj depicted the life in besieged Serbian blocks in Sarajevo, the collapse of multiethnic community along the ethnic lines and civil-military relations.

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Shaughnessy, Elizabeth. "Memory and Conflict: Interviews with Youth of the Bosnian War." Jednak Książki. Gdańskie Czasopismo Humanistyczne, no. 9 (April 24, 2018): 33–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.26881/jk.2018.9.03.

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This paper was part of a multi-media project presented at the University of Gdańsk in September 2015. It examines the preliminary findings of interviews conducted in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) and over Skype in July and August of 2015. Eight participants—ranging in age, gender, religion, ethnicity, place of origin, and other profiling components—answered questions regarding past memories of childhood interrupted by the 1992-1995 war, how those memories affect personal identity and current views on the social, political, and economic conditions of BiH, and future outlook with particular atten

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Engelhardt, Georgi. "The referendum on Republika Srpska’s National Day — a political response to the abuse of historical policy." A day in the calendar. Celebrations and memorial days as an instrument of national consolidation in Central, Eastern and South-Eastern Europe from the nineteenth to the twenty-first century, no. 1 (2019): 143–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2018.1.7.

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The National Day Referendum of September 25, 2016 has so far remained the only successful attempt of the Republika Srpska’s authorities of holding a plebiscite within the republic. Previously, Banja Luka had been forced by strong international pressure to abandon three such attempts - on issues of higher political significance. On the one hand, this shows the absence of immediate political implications of the vote on the status of the National Day; on the other, it demonstrated once again the intense confrontation of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s ethnic communities in the field of symbols and key h

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van den Berg, Dion, and Martin J. M. Hoondert. "The Srebrenica Exhibition." Oñati Socio-legal Series 10, no. 3 (2020): 544–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.35295/osls.iisl/0000-0000-0000-1110.

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In February 2017, an exhibition was opened in Srebrenica (Bosnia and Herzegovina) telling the story of the Bosnian war (1992-1995) and the Srebrenica genocide (1995). In this article we describe how the exhibition was designed and we reflect on the impact of the exhibition on the processes of restorative justice and social reconstruction. Leading question is: Does the exhibition successfully construct a shared sense of truth about the Srebrenica genocide? This evaluative question demands insight in the concept of truth and, more specific, in the debate about plural truths and multiple narrativ

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Đozić, Adib. "Identity and shame – How it seems from Bosniaks perspective. A contribution to the understanding of some characteristics of the national consciousness among Bosniaks." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 5 (2021): 258–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.5.258.

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The relationship between identity and national consciousness is one of the important issues, not only, of the sociology of identity but of the overall opinion of the social sciences. This scientific question has been insufficiently researched in the sociological thought of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and with this paper we are trying to actualize it. Aware of theoretical-methodological and conceptual-logical difficulties related to the research problem, we considered that in the first part of the paper we make some theoretical-methodological notes on the problems in studying this phenomenon, in or

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Slavková, Markéta. "Starving Srebrenica and the Recipes for Survival in the Bosnian War (1992–1995)." Český lid 106, no. 3 (2019): 297–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.21104/cl.2019.3.02.

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Woodward, Susan L. "Genocide or Partition: Two Faces of the Same Coin?" Slavic Review 55, no. 4 (1996): 755–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2501235.

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Robert Hayden is not alone in wondering why the expulsion of Serbs from Croatia in 1991 and 1995 was labeled a population transfer and even justified by the logic of nation-states, while the expulsion of Muslims by Serbs in 1992-96 from an area of Bosnia and Herzegovina that the Serbs claim for their state was labeled genocide and justified establishing an international war crimes tribunal. Hayden wants to protect the term genocide, and its legal standing internationally, for truly exceptional instances—to wit, the Holocaust, and nothing else until, God forbid, there should be another such ins

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Kaplan, Robert M. "Dr Radovan Karadzic: Psychiatrist, Poet, Soccer Coach and Genocidal Leader." Australasian Psychiatry 11, no. 1 (2003): 74–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1046/j.1440-1665.2003.00519.x.

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Objective: To consider the life of psychiatrist, Dr Radovan Karadzic, and the following questions: (i) whether there was anything in Karadzic's personal life to predict his subsequent career as genocidal leader; (ii) what kind of psychiatrist was Karadzic; and (iii) what comparisons can be made with other genocidal leaders? Conclusions: Karadzic, who, in addition to practising psychiatry, was variously poet, troubadour, soccer coach, chicken farmer, businessman, ecologist and petty criminal, had an astonishing rise to power, becoming president of the Bosnian Serb Republic. As a result of atroc

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Toal, Gerard. "“Republika Srpska will have a referendum”: The rhetorical politics of Milorad Dodik." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 1 (2013): 166–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.747500.

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The theory and practice of referenda played an important role in the break-up of Yugoslavia, especially in Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH), where two divisive referenda preceded the Bosnian War of 1992-1995. After the failure of constitutional reforms in April 2006, Milorad Dodik, then Republika Srpska's prime minister, suggested that Republika Srpska had the right to hold its own referendum, with separation from Bosnia an unstated (yet soon openly discussed) aspiration. This paper presents an account of the emergence of Republika Srpska referendum discourse and how it was articulated by Milorad Dodi

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Gibas-Krzak, Danuta. "The Development of Muslim Nation in Bosnia and Herzegovina." Review of Croatian history 16, no. 1 (2020): 177–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.22586/review.v16i1.11491.

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The main goal of this article is to show the conditions and circumstances of the formation of Muslim nation in communist Yugoslavia and the increase of its significance during and after the civil war 1992-1995. Furthermore, author presents the characteristics of contemporary nationalism, and distinguishes specific Balkan nationalism, which is often chauvinistic, ahistorical, militant and exclusive, of ethnocultural character. The identity of Bosnian Muslims originated from belief that their origin, language and culture related to Bosnia and Herzegovina, which makes them different from the Turk

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Kent, Gregory. "Genocidal Intent and Transitional Justice in Bosnia." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 27, no. 3 (2013): 564–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325413487068.

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Convictions for genocide in relation to the war in Bosnia (1992–1995) provide the strongest sense of justice-having-been-done to victims and their families. But at the ICTY, the reputation of which has been marred by a series of controversies, the few perpetrators found guilty of genocide were involved in the Srebrenica massacres of July 1995. Other courts have convicted individuals from a range of different locations (and periods) in the war, giving arguably a more complete sense of justice to victims, and a more accurate contribution to the historical record. It is widely perceived that the

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Peic, Sava. "The Destruction of a Nation's Literary Heritage: Libraries in Bosnia and Hercegovina, with Special Reference to the National and University Library." Alexandria: The Journal of National and International Library and Information Issues 10, no. 1 (1998): 77–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095574909801000105.

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Bosnian libraries have varied origins, but many have suffered in the country's turbulent history and religious conflicts. The National and University Library (which was given that name in 1972) was founded in 1945, on the basis of existing collections. In 1952 it began functioning as the country's main research library and the library of the University of Sarajevo (established in 1949), and built up rich and important collections. Together with numerous other libraries, it was devastated in the recent war as a deliberate act, and 90% of its stock was destroyed. The salvaged 10% is poorly house

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Berisha, Hatidza. "THE IMPACT OF THE INTERNATIONAL FACTOR OF CONFLICT IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA." Knowledge International Journal 28, no. 6 (2018): 1879–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij28061879h.

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The events that took place in Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H) after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the unification of Germany, as well as the attitudes of the international factor towards the Bosnian crisis, should be considered in the process of disintegration of the former Yugoslavia, and secession of its republics. Due to the impossibility of a peaceful agreement on the resolution of state status and the organization of the state by political factors in B&H, it was necessary for the international community to intervene in resolving the state's status and relations in it.The aim o

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Selimović, Sead. "Vlasenica from 1991 to 2013: Changes in the ethnic structure of the population under the influence of the war against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 5 (2021): 188–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.5.188.

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Before the aggression, Bosniaks, Serbs, Croats, Yugoslavs and Others lived together in Vlasenica. According to the 1991 census, there were 33,942 inhabitants in Vlasenica: 18,727 Bosniaks (55.17%), 14,359 Serbs (42.30%), 39 Croats (0.11%), 340 Yugoslavs (1.00%) and 477 Others (1.24%). At the same time, in the town of Vlasenica lived 7,909 inhabitants: 4,800 Bosniaks (60.69%), 2,743 Serbs (34.68), 26 Croats (0.33%), 242 Yugoslavs (3.06%) and 98 Others. 1.24%). The population of the Municipality lived in the town of Vlasenica and 90 other settlements. Vlasenica, as a strategically important city

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Rubin, Margareta. "Experiences from the World Health Organization Missions in Sarajevo, 1992–1993." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 9, S1 (1994): S8—S10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00041091.

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As a physician and aid worker for the World Health Organization (WHO), I spent some months during the winter (1992-1993) in the besieged city of Sarajevo and another month during the spring (1993) in northeastern Bosnia.Impressions from such an experience, in the middle of a war in Europe, naturally mark one's mind. As one who has seen Sarajevo's people desperately fight to survive the winter, during constant bombardment, and with lack of everything associated with basic needs such as fuel, food, water, and drugs, I will never forget. I could speak a long time about the hardship, as well as th

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Petrović, Vladimir. "NEUSPEH ŽENEVSKIH PREGOVORA O PREKIDU RATA U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI JANUARA 1993." Istorija 20. veka 39, no. 2/2021 (2021): 435–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2021.2.pet.435-460.

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The International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia was created in London in August of 1992 as an instrument for the negotiations conducted by the United Nations and the European Community, represented by Cyrus Vance and Lord David Owen. Until the end of the year, they developed a detailed proposal to settle the Bosnian conflict, known as the Vance-Owen Peace Plan (VOPP). The VOPP was presented to the leaders of the warring factions in Geneva during the first session of talks in January of 1993. On the basis of archive material, judicial records, published documents, and memoirs of the parti

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Aggergaard Larsen, John. "Holdninger til de fremmede - forestillingen om bosniske flygtninge i den danske offentlighed." Dansk Sociologi 9, no. 1 (1998): 7–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/dansoc.v9i1.756.

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The image of Bosnian war refugees in the Danish public  This article discusses sociological inve¬stigations of attitudes towards immi¬grants and refugees in Denmark. In¬stead of viewing attitudes as an attribu¬te of individual psychology or as deter¬mined by social class, the article sug¬gests examining the context of varying understandings and imaginations which set the frame for the meaningful presentation of a concrete event. This approach is exemplified by a study of the reception of refugees from the former Yugoslavia in Denmark ba¬sed on articles from the Danish press f

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Sharan, O. V. "National and international political mechanisms of suppression of separatism in the Balkan states." Науково-теоретичний альманах "Грані" 22, no. 1 (2019): 68–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/17199.

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The article firstly identifies and reveales the essence of national and international political mechanisms of suppression of separatism that have been applied in the Balkan states, in particular, in Serbia, Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. The national mechanisms of suppression of separatism include legal, financial, administrative, information mechanisms, and among the international political mechanisms are international legal mechanisms, the mechanism of recognition or non-recognition of the independence of new states, international financial and economic instruments. The study showed the

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Hasanovic, M. "P-969 - Posttraumatic stress disorder of bosnian internally displaced and refugee adolescents from three different regions after the war 1992–1995 in bosnia-herzegovina." European Psychiatry 27 (January 2012): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0924-9338(12)75136-2.

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Spurr, Jeffrey B. "Lessons for Assistance to Iraqi Libraries Derived from Similar Efforts to Assist Bosnian Libraries after the 1992-1996 War." Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 38, no. 1 (2004): 28–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002631840004640x.

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The building of a library is a fundamental gesture of hope, if not in the perfectibility of humankind, at least in its mission to affirm and make accessible the legacy of scholars, researchers and creative minds of the past and present and the capacity of that legacy to guide and inspire the future, and thus to advance the prospects of all individuals and society as a whole. No serious education – particularly higher education – is possible without adequate libraries. Those who do not have such access for whatever reason are condemned to the most limited purchase on the possibilities the world

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Jakovljevic, Branislav. "Theater of Atrocities: Toward a Disreality Principle." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 124, no. 5 (2009): 1813–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2009.124.5.1813.

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In October 1992, the united nations security council requested the secretary-general to appoint an impartial commission to examine and record the atrocities committed in the wars in the former Yugoslavia. Two years later, this commission produced its final report. Some of the goriest pages in this catalogue of infamy are dedicated to the explosion on the Markale open-air market in central Sarajevo that took place around noon on Saturday, 5 February 1994. The report describes it as “the worst attack on civilians during the siege” of Sarajevo, citing that it killed at least 66 persons and wounde

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Dover, Robert. "The EU and the Bosnian Civil War 1992–95: The Capabilities–Expectations Gap at the Heart of EU Foreign Policy." European Security 14, no. 3 (2005): 297–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09662830500407770.

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Todorović, Vladica. "Bosnian Muslims and Serbs: Reasons for dispute from 1918 to the present day." ПОЛИТЕИА 10, no. 19 (2020): 93–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/politeia0-25206.

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The paper provides an analysis of political relations of Bosnian Muslims (officially Bosniaks since 1993) and Serbs, lasting for almost a century. Firstly, the author deals with their relations in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia from 1918 to 1941, all the way through World War II from 1941 to 1945, then in the Communist Yugoslavia from 1945 to 1990, followed bythe period after the break-up of Socialist Federal Republic Yugoslavia, when Bosnia and Herzegovina became sovereign state, and, finally,with their current relations We believe that the main cause

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Arnaut Haseljić, Meldijana. "Prosecution in the Radovan Karadzic case – ICTY IT-95-5/18." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 5 (2021): 235–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.5.235.

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The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia has filed an Indictment (originally July 25, 1995, and an operational Indictment on October 19, 2009) against Radovan Karadzic, the former President of Republika Srpska and Commander-in-Chief of the Army of Republika Srpska. After many years of hiding in Serbia, Karadzic was arrested on July 21, 2008, and transferred to the ICTY on July 30 of that year. The trial began on 26 October 2009. Radovan Karadzic is charged for genocide (Counts 1 and 2); crimes against humanity: persecution (count 3), extermination (count 4), murder (count

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