Academic literature on the topic 'Bosnian War of 1992-1995'
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Journal articles on the topic "Bosnian War of 1992-1995"
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Janíčko, Michal. "Misunderstanding the Other and Shy Signs of Openness: Discourse on the 1992-1995 War in the Current Bosniak and Bosnian Serb Media." Středoevropské politické studie Central European Political Studies Review 17, no. 1 (April 1, 2015): 28–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cepsr.2015.1.28.
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The article deals with how the 1990s civil war in Bosnia and Herzegovina was represented in the media that currently remain influential among Bosniaks and Bosnian Serbs. Critical discourse analysis is used both as a theoretical approach to discourse and as a methodological tool for its study. In the analysis, the civil war discourse in Bosniak and Bosnian Serb media is represented by two daily newspapers on each side. The analysis reveals mutually incompatible representations of the causes and nature of the war, the prevailing absence of dialogue, and the unwillingness of each side to consider the other side’s war victims. Looking at more specific topics, a number of discourses are identified on both sides, among which some present the potential for dialogue with alternative representations. The discourses are interpreted through Bosniak and Bosnian Serb nationalist ideologies. The findings might support further research on the relation between the media and nationalism and on the ongoing Bosnian political dispute concerning the desired nature of the state.
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Sokolić, Ivor. "Denying the Unknown. Everyday Narratives about Croatian Involvement in the 1992-1995 Bosnian Conflict." Südosteuropa 65, no. 4 (January 26, 2018): 632–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2017-0042.
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Abstract This article, based on the results of focus-group discussions, dyads, and interviews in Croatia, examines how Croatians construct their narrative of the 1992-1995 conflict in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Croatia’s role in it. Despite judgements at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) concluding that the Croatian state intervened in the Bosnian conflict, respondents in this study claimed to be ignorant of any such intervention. What was discussed worked in concert with the dominant Croatian war narrative of Croatian defence, victimhood, and sacrifice in the face of a larger, Serbian aggressor. By portraying the Bosnian conflict as chaotic and savage, respondents differentiated it from the Croatian one and relativised any illicit actions within a framework of nesting orientalism. Croatian involvement in Bosnia-Herzegovina was generally seen as positive: it was viewed in terms of Croatia welcoming Bosniak refugees and providing military assistance, which enabled moral licensing with regard to the rarely mentioned and marginalised negative aspects of Croatia’s involvement in the conflict.
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Wasiak, Katarzyna. "Pamięć i trauma." Politeja 16, no. 1(58) (October 31, 2019): 101–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.16.2019.58.07.
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Memory and Trauma: Contemporary Interpretations of the 1992‑1995 War among the Youth of Bosnian‑Muslim
For Bosnia and Herzegovina, the 1990s were a period of changes due to war. Transformations occurred not only in the political area, but also in the social one. A multicultural region, Bosnia and Herzegovina was suddenly transformed into isolated enclaves. In fact, this separation is maintained by war trauma, which remains in the social consciousness and regulates ethnic relations in the state.
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Çaputlu, Özgenur. "A Feminist Analysis: Sexual Violence in the Bosnian War (1992-1995)." Balkanistic Forum 30, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 254–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v30i2.15.
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Throughout history, war violence has disproportionately affected women, especially in patriarchal societies. Wartime rape, which is the most common and destructive type of conflict-related sexual violence, is the clearest example of these effects. This study clarifies the sexual violence experiences of Yugoslavian women during the Bosnian War, which had lasted between the years 1992-1995, with an anti-militarist feminist perspective. The first part of the article includes hypotheses of feminist theory about conflict-related sexual violence. The second part handles types of sexual violence such as wartime rape, forced prostitution, and forced pregnancy that had affected women in Yugoslavian conflict areas between 1992-1995. The last part of the study describes the numerical dimensions of the sexual violence used in the Bosnian War and its ef-fects on Yugoslavian women. Throughout history, war violence has disproportionately affected women, especially in patriarchal societies. Wartime rape, which is the most common and destructive type of conflict-related sexual violence, is the clearest example of these effects. This study clarifies the sexual violence experiences of Yugoslavian women during the Bosnian War, which had lasted between the years 1992-1995, with an anti-militarist feminist perspective. The first part of the article includes hypotheses of feminist theory about conflict-related sexual violence. The second part handles types of sexual violence such as wartime rape, forced prostitution, and forced pregnancy that had affected women in Yugoslavian conflict areas between 1992-1995. The last part of the study describes the numerical dimensions of the sexual violence used in the Bosnian War and its effects on Yugoslavian women.
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Meernik, James, and Josue Barron. "Fairness in National Courts Prosecuting International Crimes: The Case of the War Crimes Chamber of Bosnia-Herzegovina." International Criminal Law Review 18, no. 4 (November 10, 2018): 712–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-01804009.
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The Bosnian War Crimes Chamber was established to adjudicate cases of violations of international law by lower-ranking individuals in Bosnia-Herzegovina, who were not prosecuted by the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY). One of the most critical issues facing this Court, however, is whether its justice is unbiased by the ethnic divisions that characterized the Bosnian War (1992–1995) and the politics of Bosnia-Herzegovina ever since. Using a new database of first instance verdicts from the War Crimes Chamber (WCC), we test for the impact of ethnic bias on verdicts and sentences. While initial analyses seem to suggest such bias may exist, our multivariate model of sentencing indicates that other factors such as the gravity of the crimes and individual circumstances play a more powerful role than ethnicity.
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Attila Hoare, Marko. "Bosnia-Hercegovina and International Justice." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 24, no. 2 (March 8, 2010): 191–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325409356462.
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Three different international courts have determined that genocide took place in Bosnia-Hercegovina in 1992-1995: the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), the International Court of Justice (ICJ), and the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR). Yet paradoxically, there has been virtually no punishment of this genocide, while the punishment of lesser war crimes of the Bosnian war has been very limited. The ICTY has convicted only one individual, a lowly deputy corps commander, of a genocide-related offence. The ICJ acquitted Serbia, the state that planned and launched the assault upon Bosnia-Hercegovina in 1992, of genocide and related offences, finding it guilty only of failure to prevent and punish genocide. Although Serb forces were responsible for the overwhelming majority of war crimes, the ICTY prosecution has disproportionately targeted non-Serbs in its indictments and, among Serbs, has disproportionately targeted Bosnian Serbs, with no official of Serbia or Yugoslavia yet convicted of war crimes in Bosnia. This article argues that the meagre results of the international judicial processes vis-à-vis the crimes of the Bosnian war must be sought in the structural failings, poor decision making, and political influences that affected the international courts. It argues that the international courts have failed either to deliver justice to the victims of the war crimes or to promote reconciliation among the peoples of the former Yugoslavia and suggests measures that could be taken to rectify the situation.
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Moll, Nicolas. "Fragmented memories in a fragmented country: memory competition and political identity-building in today's Bosnia and Herzegovina." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 6 (November 2013): 910–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.768220.
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Bosnia and Herzegovina is politically fragmented, and so is the memory landscape within the country. Narratives of the 1992–1995 war, the Second World War, Tito's Yugoslavia, and earlier historical periods form highly disputed patterns in a memory competition involving representatives of the three “constituent peoples” of Bosnia and Herzegovina - Serbs, Croats and Bosniaks – but also non-nationalist actors within BiH, as well as the international community. By looking especially at political declarations and the practices of commemoration and monument building, the article gives an overview of the fragmented memory landscape in Bosnia and Herzegovina, pointing out the different existing memory narratives and policies and the competition between them in the public sphere, and analyzing the conflicting memory narratives as a central part of the highly disputed political identity construction processes in postwar Bosnia and Herzegovina. The paper also discusses the question whether an “Europeanization” of Bosnian memory cultures could be an alternative to the current fragmentation and nationalist domination of the memory landscape in BiH.
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Simmons, Cynthia. "Women's Work and the Growth of Civil Society in Post-War Bosnia." Nationalities Papers 35, no. 1 (March 2007): 171–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990601129446.
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Civil society, to the extent that it exists today in Bosnia, has developed alongside the recasting of women's roles in public life. Researchers equate civil society in Bosnia today almost exclusively with non-governmental organizations (NGOs). The early post-war NGOs grew out of the peace movement that took shape before and during the open conflict of 1992–1995. Peace organizations evolved to a large extent from feminist organizing and organizations in the Yugoslav republics of Croatia, Serbia, and Slovenia. Thus, to study the origins of Bosnian civil society, we must begin with the struggle for equal rights for women in modern Yugoslavia.
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Kovacevic, Miladin. "The weak points of statistical and demographic analyses in estimations of war victims in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period 1992-1995." Stanovnistvo 43, no. 1-4 (2005): 13–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/stnv0504013k.
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In the political and war crisis which embraced Bosnia and Herzegovina in the spring of 1992 with an end of war hostilities in the autumn of 1995 when the "Dayton Peace Agreement" emerged (November 1995), a media war occurred. From the very beginning, this war had an international character. The question on the number of war victims (killed and missing) "exploded" in June of 1993 when Haris Silajdzic stated that there had been 200000 dead among the Muslims. This figure uncritically became the basis for all later media and local "empirical truths" on the number of victims. All statistical and demographic disciplines were exploited to support, if not prove, the propaganda standpoints. Objectivity was oppressed by an ugly "face of the war". Having in mind the experience of the Second World War in Yugoslavia the question on the number of victims does not cease to be topical for decades after the end of the war. Bosnia and Herzegovina is more than a confirmation. This question seems to intervene (and in a way "feed of") with the most difficult political and international questions and court trials. ("International Court of Justice", indictment of Bosnia and Herzegovina against The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, namely Serbia). The methodological analysis of the most important works which deal with the question of the number of victims in the Bosnian war (above all, those done by Bosnian institutes and authors) indicate the "mistakes" made by the character of these works (propaganda). The manipulation with statistical methods and numbers is not new. Methodological and numerical traps can slip even to the most informed. The use of statistics and social science in court trials seems to show Janus's face of science: on one side the authentic "moral passion" of researchers finds great sense, and on the other side special interests strive to impose themselves through the (most refined) instrumentation of science and knowledge. (The example of Mr. Patrick Ball's testification in the trials in the Hague Tribunal is edifying as regards the question of the reasons for the Albanian exodus in the war crisis on Kosovo and Metohia in 1999).This analysis points out to the crucial defects of every statistical (and demographic) procedure of deriving the number of war victims in the absence of a comparable population census after the war (which did not take place in Bosnia and Herzegovina). The qualification of the quality of the 1991 Census in Bosnia and Herzegovina is briefly given (the author was an expert and organizational leader of all operations of last censuses in former Yugoslavia, 1991). Probably the most distinctive point, in the continuous course of deriving numbers and analysis on the number of victims in the Bosnian war so far, is the text of George Kenney published in the NY Times Magazine, April 23rd 1995.
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Mrduljas, Sasa. "Possibilities for a peaceful settlement of disputes in Bosnia and Herzegovina: September 1991 - April 1992." Medjunarodni problemi 60, no. 4 (2008): 456–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0804456m.
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It had undoubtedly been the inadequate political and legal structure of the ethnic status and relations in the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina as well the unwillingness of the political elites to make a compromise that created a rather favorable potential for destructive shaping of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian social conditions. Immediately before the outbreak of war in BH (1992-1995) the preconditions had been created for a comparatively peaceful settlement of the unresolved political issues within the republic. Taking into consideration that the international community had assumed to act as a mediator its role could have been very important. However, with its 'pre-war' position to BH it did not take advantage of the opportunities that were offered to settle or simplify the internal Bosnian and Herzegovinian political disputes, but, on the contrary, it contributed to the outbreak of war, its destructiveness and long duration, getting itself into a rather awkward position. .
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Bosnian War of 1992-1995"
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Mendoza, Alan Laurence. "British relations with the USA during the Bosnian war, 1992-1995." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.614671.
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Bozic, Gordana. "The Limits of “Ethnic War”: Intra-Group Violence and Resistance During the Bosnian War." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/37775.
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The Bosnian war was not a purely “ethnic conflict,” as both in-group members and out-group members were sacrificed for the higher political objective, namely, ethnic homogenization of divided Bosnian territories. In particular, I argue the sacrifice of in-group members, especially those who lived on the out-territory, was integral to the violence directed against out-group members. The process of resettlement of the ethnic kin was just as important as the expulsion of the ethnic “other” for re-creating a new ethnic and political balance in select strategic areas. Furthermore, the practice of the appropriation of existing and the creation of new parallel state structures were the main mechanisms of the process of the sacrifice of in-group members from the out-territory. In turn, nationalist narratives were constructed not only to justify those new structures, but also to portray ethnic minorities as potentially dangerous and threatening.
In order to complete ethnic homogenization, Bosnian nationalists directly targeted the private household, expelling Bosnians from their homes and appropriating and destroying their private property. I argue that violence against the household rendered the private sphere political. In the second part of the thesis, I reflect on actions and words of ordinary Bosnians, both in-group and out-group members, who resisted violence and helped each other during the war. In particular, I argue that although the lack of basic needs brought Bosnians of different ethnicities together, a long-term result of this necessity-driven action was political: the restoration of their citizenship and the preservation of their community at the local level for after the war.
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Schwarz, Jeremiah William. "American defence policy and the Bosnian War 1991-1995." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648517.
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Anghel, Gheorghe. "The war in Bosnia, 1992-1995 : analyzing military asymmetries and failures /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2000. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA380075.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2000.Thesis advisors: Yost, David ; Abenheim, Donald. "June 2000." Includes bibliographical references. Also Available online.
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FERREIRA, RENATA BARBOSA. "THE BOSNIA WAR : 1992-1995. EXPLAINING FACTORS OF THE PRACTICE OF ETHNIC CLEANSING PERPETRATED BY THE SERBIANS AGAINST THE MUSLIM BOSNIANS." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2001. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=2664@1.
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COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIORApós o fim da Guerra Fria, as expectativas de paz mundial foram destruídas por uma série de violentos conflitos que forçaram policymakers e estudiosos das RI a voltarem suas atenções para três questões: o nacionalismo, a etnicidade e o genocídio. Essas questões estiveram presentes de forma bastante intensa nos conflitos ocorridos na Bósnia e provocaram a reconsideração do papel e da importância do Estado- nação como forma de organização social e política.No presente trabalho, procuraremos mostrar como um conjunto de motivações político- estratégicas de alguns líderes e intelectuais sérvios conduziu o uso do nacionalismo e da etnicidade para o desenvolvimento de uma estratégia genocida cuja finalidade era a construção de um grande estado sérvio etnicamente homogêneo. Por fim, discutiremos o papel da comunidade internacional na proteção dos direitos humanos das vítimas da limpeza étnica na Bósnia e na solução do conflito.
After the Cold War was over the expectations of world peace were destroyed by a series of violent conflicts which forced the policymakers and IR researchers to focus on three issues: nationalism, ethnicity and genocide. These issues were considerably present in the conflicts in Bosnia and provoked the reconsideration of the role and importance of the nation-state as a form of social and political organization. In the present work,we point out how a group of political strategic objectives of some Serb political leaders and intellectuals directed the use of nationalism and ethnicity to the development of a genocidal strategy which was aimed at the building of an expanded ethnically homogeneous Serb state. Conclusively, we consider the role of the international community in the protection of the victims of ethnic cleansing in Bosnia and in the solution of the conflicts.
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Günen, Berna. "The European press coverage of the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011IEPP0023.
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La thèse porte sur la guerre en Bosnie (avril 1992-décembre 1995) et la diffusion de cette guerre par la presse européenne. Le travail consiste à analyser les commentaires et les éditoriaux publiés dans les presses britannique, française et allemande entre 1991 et 1995. Les journaux consultés sont les suivants: The Guardian, The Times, Le Figaro, Le Monde, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung et Süddeutsche Zeitung. L’ambition est de prouver que l’intense couverture de la guerre en Bosnie ne montre pas nécessairement une bonne compréhension de celle-ci par les commentateurs. Au contraire, ces derniers se furent montrés arrogants sinon ignorants. La presse européenne réagit aux symptômes de la guerre tandis qu’elle ignora et/ou déforma ses causes et ses dynamiques. Les vieux préjugés sur les Balkans firent que les commentaires soient pleins d’erreurs factuelles et d’incohérences. Cette approche eurocentrique initiale des commentateurs les mena à se réfugier dans une interprétation eurocentrique de la guerre en Bosnie (cercle vicieux). Puisque la Bosnie était ethniquement trop hétérogène pour survivre à la désintégration yougoslave et qu’elle était donc vouée à la guerre civile, ce qui était en jeu n’était plus d’assurer une paix juste et durable en Bosnie, mais d’arrêter la guerre de sorte que les organisations occidentales et internationales puissent sauver la face. En dernière analyse, la couverture intense mais confuse de la presse européenne aboutirent à la caricaturisation du conflit, ce qui renforça les vieux préjugés parmi les lecteurs. La thèse ainsi confirme que le danger ne réside pas dans la médiatisation des événements, mais dans la caricaturisation de ceux-ciThe dissertation focuses on the war in Bosnia (April 1992-December 1995) and its coverage by the European press. Its scope has been limited to the commentaries and the editorials published in the British, French and German press between 1991 and 1995. The newspapers which have been analysed are The Guardian, The Times, Le Figaro, Le Monde, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung and Süddeutsche Zeitung. The aim of this dissertation is to prove that the European press’ intense coverage of the Bosnian war did not necessarily mean that it fully understood this conflict. On the contrary, the commentators’ approach was arrogant, if not ignorant. The European press responded to the symptoms of the war while it ignored and/or distorted its causes and dynamics. The commentaries written under the influence of old prejudices on the Balkans included many factual errors and inconsistencies. The commentators’ initial Eurocentric approach led them to adopt an equally Eurocentric interpretation of the Bosnian war as a defence mechanism (vicious circle). Since Bosnia was ethnically too heterogeneous to survive the disintegration of Yugoslavia and therefore doomed to civil war, so the argument went, what was at stake was not to broker a just and durable peace in Bosnia, but to stop the war somehow so that Western/international organisations could save face. In the final analysis, the press’ intense yet chaotic coverage led to the caricaturisation of the Bosnian war, which in turn reinforced the existing prejudices among the readers. The dissertation thus confirms that the real danger lies not in mediatisation as such, but in caricaturisation of world events
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Moore, Caitlin M. "Third party intervention in humanitarian conflict : why the U. S. intervened in the Bosnian War /." Connect to online version, 2007. http://ada.mtholyoke.edu/setr/websrc/pdfs/www/2007/237.pdf.
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Armakolas, Ioannis. "Political competition, civic politics, and war in the Bosnian model city : a study of Tuzla, 1990-1995." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.612764.
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Keskin, Recep. "The dispute between Bosnian Muslims and Serbs." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2003. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2315.
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In 1918, Serbs, Croats and Slovenes established a kingdom called "Yugoslavia." Serbs were considering this state as the state of Serbs. Bosnia Hercegovina's community or political powers did not help the establishment of Yugoslavia. The official ideology considered Muslims as the heir of the Ottoman occupiers in the Balkans. In the first Yugoslavia, Bosnian Muslims were under pressure and they were attacked by Serbs who had the official support of the administration. In time those attacks turned into ethnic cleansing. Bosnian Muslims were pushed out of the government bureaucracy and their lands.
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Borelli, Caterina. "La ciudad post-traumática. Marijin Dvor y el monte Trebević, dos espacios urbanos en transición en Sarajevo." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/96403.
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En este trabajo se analizan las transformaciones ocurridas en la ciudad de Sarajevo después de la guerra de 1992-95. En particular se investiga cómo los cambios ocurridos en los últimos 20 años en el nivel macro (eso es: la doble transición, post-socialista y post-bélica) quedan reflejados, por un lado, en la forma exterior que asume la ciudad (por lo tanto su modificación física, nuevos proyectos urbanos) y, por el otro, cómo dichos cambios afectan a las relaciones sociales, sobre todo las tradicionales relaciones entre vecinos. El céntrico barrio de Marijin Dvor, emblemático por la presencia de las principales instituciones políticas y económicas, es el terreno en el que se desarrolla este primer eje de la investigación. Ahí me he dedicado a desarrollar principalmente dos temas: antes que nada, reconstruir las modificaciones en el régimen de propiedad de la vivienda que ha supuesto la caída del socialismo y la instalación de mecanismos propios del capitalismo neoliberal; en segundo lugar, analizar la institución bosnia del komšiluk -las buenas relaciones entre vecinos pertenecientes a comunidades etnoreligiosas distintas- y las perturbaciones que ha sufrido por efecto de la guerra.
El segundo eje, antitético pero especular al primero, tiene como campo de observación una montaña muy cercana a la ciudad, el monte Trebević, que encarna un poderoso conjunto de complejos que afectan hoy a la sociedad sarajevita y bosnia en general. Antaño el destino favorito de las excursiones de los ciudadanos de Sarajevo, en 1984 sede olímpica (con todo lo que esto supone en un nivel simbólico), en 1992 fue ocupado por las tropas serbio-bosnias que lo convirtieron en uno de los puntos más estratégicos para el asedio. La montaña, de ser uno de los símbolos de la ciudad, se ha convertido en un territorio maldito al que ya no sube casi nadie. En este sentido, el espacio del monte es interpretado como una suerte de subconsciente urbano, allá donde quedan escondidos los traumas de ayer y los problemas de hoy, mientras que más abajo, en el valle de la ciudad, el nuevo capitalismo rampante, en su intento de asentarse establemente en Bosnia Herzegovina, se apodera del paisaje urbano y lo convierte en un escenario para el desfile de su poder y sus expectativas de cara al futuro inmediato.
El título de la tesis hace referencia al trastorno por estrés post-traumático (TEPT), del que se calcula que hasta un 60% de la población de Sarajevo ha mostrado síntomas. Aquí, el TEPT es de entenderse como una metáfora que describe el presente de la ciudad. En años recientes, la reconstrucción post-bélica y el crecimiento urbano, empujados por los nuevos agentes capitalistas, se dan como en un estado de excitación (rápidos, sin planificación, saltándose las leyes), como si semejante frenesí fuera una manera de dejar atrás el evento traumático y librarse de los fantasmas del pasado. Estos, sin embargo, precisamente porque el trauma no ha sido reelaborado del todo, vuelven en forma de –o son somatizados en- los lugares “malditos” de la ciudad, congelados en el tiempo como si la guerra acabara de terminar: un flashbacks constante de la tragedia para todos aquellos –la mayoría de la población- que no se atreven a frecuentarlos y hacen como si no existieran, cuando los tienen siempre ante sus ojos.RESUME OF THE THESIS “POST-TRAUMATIC CITY. MARIJIN DVOR AND MOUNT TREBEVIĆ, TWO URBAN SPACES IN TRANSITION IN SARAJEVO” The main aim of this work has been to investigate transformations happened in the city of Sarajevo after the 1992-95 conflict. Particularly, I focused on how recent changes in the macro-level (the double transition: post-socialist and post-war), on the one hand, are reflected in the external form of the city (therefore its physical modifications, new urban projects) and, on the other, how they affect its social fabric, specially traditional relations between neighbours belonging to different ethno-religious communities, and the mental maps of its inhabitants. The title of this study comes from Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD): recent studies calculated that up to 60% of Sarajevo population has shown symptoms of this disease. Here, PTSD is to be understood as a metaphor which describes the present of the city, and also helps to better understand the relation between such different spaces, as the central district of Marijin Dvor and wild Mount Trebević, that constitute our observation fields. In recent years, post-war reconstruction and urban growth, boosted by new capitalist agents, were happening in a sort of frenzied state of excitement (quickly, without any planning, breaking or conveniently manipulating the existing rules, as it can be seen in Marijin Dvor, "Sarajevo's new financial and commercial quarter"), as if such acceleration was a way to leave the traumatic event behind, to get rid of the phantoms of the past. These, nonetheless, precisely because the trauma has not been fully reworked, come back in form of –or are somatized in the “damned” places of the city, frozen in time as if war just ended: Mount Trebević is one of them, the place for the hidden, the forgotten and the painful, a constant flashback of the tragedy for all those -the majority of population- who don’t dare to frequent them anymore and pretend not to see them when they’re always in front of their eyes.
Books on the topic "Bosnian War of 1992-1995"
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The Bosnian conflict. Farmington Hills, MI: Greenhaven Press/Gale, Cengage Learning, 2012.
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Simić, Elvira. The cry of Bosnia: A personal diary of the Bosnian war. London: Genie Quest, 1998.
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From enemy territory: Pale diary, 5 April to 15 July 1992. London: Saqi in association with the Bosnian Institute, 2004.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Bosnian War of 1992-1995"
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Flere, Sergej. "Was the Bosnian War (1992–1995) a Full-fledged Religious War?" In Politicization of Religion, the Power of State, Nation, and Faith, 33–53. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137477866_3.
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Pingel, Falk. "A Clash of Communication? Intervening in Textbook Writing and Curriculum Development in Bosnia and Herzegovina After the War of 1992–1995." In History Education and Conflict Transformation, 231–55. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-54681-0_9.
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Jouhanneau, Cécile. "Would-be Guardians of Memory: An Association of Camp Inmates of the 1992–95 Bosnian War under Ethnographic Scrutiny." In History, Memory and Politics in Central and Eastern Europe, 23–38. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137302052_2.
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Bert, Wayne. "Bosnia—1991–1995." In American Military Intervention in Unconventional War, 103–25. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230337817_6.
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O’Ballance, Edgar. "Civil War: April 1992." In Civil War in Bosnia 1992–94, 27–38. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-13666-7_3.
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O’Ballance, Edgar. "Sarajevo: April–May 1992." In Civil War in Bosnia 1992–94, 39–52. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-13666-7_4.
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O’Ballance, Edgar. "The Geneva Conference: August 1992." In Civil War in Bosnia 1992–94, 78–96. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-13666-7_6.
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O’Ballance, Edgar. "UNPROFOR-2: September–October 1992." In Civil War in Bosnia 1992–94, 97–117. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-13666-7_7.
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O’Ballance, Edgar. "The UN Returns: June–July 1992." In Civil War in Bosnia 1992–94, 53–77. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-13666-7_5.
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O’Ballance, Edgar. "The Vance-Owen Plan: November–December 1992." In Civil War in Bosnia 1992–94, 118–35. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-13666-7_8.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Bosnian War of 1992-1995"
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Hoare, Marko Atilla. "The historiography of the Bosnian genocide of 1992–1995 in the work of foreign scholars." In Međunaordna naučno-kulturološka konferencija “Istoriografija o BiH (2001–2017 )”. Academy of Sciences and Arts of Bosnia and Herzegovina, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5644/pi2020.186.14.
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This essay will provide an introductory discussion of the historiography of the Bosnian genocide of 1992–1995 in the works of foreign scholars. The historiography is too large for this discussion to be exhaustive. We have attempted here to provide the principal categories of relevant works while citing the most important examples of them, before discussing the historiographical deficiencies and the tasks awaiting future scholars of the genocide. The reason for the dearth of monographs on the Bosnian genocide is that the subject is highly controversial, and any scholar who seriously studies it and expresses an opinion is likely to create enemies for themselves. There is a tendency of scholars to see the war in postmodernist terms, in terms of Serb, Croat and Bosniak “narratives”; as opposed to objective truth, which discourages taking the subject intellectually seriously. Furthermore, the prevailing ideology and discourse stemming from the international administration is one of reconciliation and putting the past behind us. So there is a disincentive to study the genocide in depth; a preference for studying more liberal feel-good themes related to reconciliation, memory, transitional justice and post-war reconstruction. The Bosnian genocide therefore awaits a new generation of foreign scholars to take it seriously as a subject and explore it in detail.
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Aquilué, Inés, Estanislao Roca, and Javier Ruiz. "Topological analysis of contemporary morphologies under conflict: The urban transformation of Dobrinja in Sarajevo and the Central District of Beirut." In 24th ISUF 2017 - City and Territory in the Globalization Age. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/isuf2017.2017.6167.
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Regarding topological interpretation of space, this research aims to identify urban morphologies, whose topology becomes increasingly determining under high uncertainty. This topological approach has been applied in an evolutionary analysis of urban spaces under siege, fear and conflict, which conducted to the construction of a specific method. This method analyses the transformation of urban areas in five consecutive phases: urban form [1], increase of uncertainty [2], application of the apparatus [3], change in urban form [4], information flows [5]. These five phases were applied to different empirical studies, analysed through specific morphological and topological models. In the light of this method, two selected urban morphologies Dobrinja –a suburb in Sarajevo– and the Beirut Central District have been examined. The urban morphology of both areas was dramatically transformed after both civil conflicts –the Bosnian War and the Lebanese Civil War–. Dobrinja suffered severe modifications, first provoked by the violence of the siege during the Bosnian War [1992-1995], and then by the Inter-Entity Boundary Line as a result of the Dayton Peace Agreement [December 1995], which divided the neighbourhood and caused serious alterations in its ethno-demographic and spatial structure. The Beirut Central District was first destroyed by the violence experienced in the Lebanese Civil War [1975-1990] and then by the process of subsequent reconstruction [since 1992], which led to a simplification of its structure. The two morphological and topological analyses enable us to determine the initial causes and their spatial consequences in both urban areas, regarding their conflict and post-conflict stage.
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Veledar, Mersiha. "Healing the City: Elemental Constructions and the Universal Language of Architecture." In 2018 ACSA International Conference. ACSA Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.intl.2018.40.
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There is a bridge in the city I knew in my childhood, a bridge so breathtaking, one would not believe that within its many layers of smooth tenelia stone, there lie millions of eggshells tectonically binding what was once known as the widest arch in the world of that era. Having lived through the dissolution of the seven states that comprised the melting pot of former Yugoslavia and the 1992–1995 brutal genocide of Bosniaks in Mostar, a city of ancient bridge-keepers known as “Mostari,” I’ve directly witnessed the effects of man-made disasters as a strategic form of cultural erasure. This paper aims to critically explore my search towards ‘universality’ in the language of architecture vis-à-vis a sequence of elemental typologies as the new design objective that could challenge and begin to heal variant sites that have endured political, economic and cultural injustices across the world.
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Chadwick, Chris. "Cost and Waste Volume Reduction in HEPA Filter Trains by Effective Pre-Filtration." In The 11th International Conference on Environmental Remediation and Radioactive Waste Management. ASMEDC, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icem2007-7003.
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Data published elsewhere (Moore, et al., 1992; Bergman et al., 1997) suggests that the then costs of disposable type Glass Fibre HEPA filtration trains to the DOE was $55million per year (based on an average usage of HEPA panels of 11,748 pieces per year between 1987 and 1990), $50million of which was attributable to installation, testing, removal and disposal. The same authors suggest that by 1995 the number of HEPA panels being used had dropped to an estimated 4000 pieces per year due to the ending of the Cold War. The yearly cost to the DOE of 4000 units per year was estimated to be $29.5 million using the same parameters that previously suggested the $55 million figure. Within that cost estimate, $300 each was the value given to the filter and $4,450 was given to peripheral activity per filter. Clearly, if the $4,450 component could be reduced, tremendous saving could result, in addition to a significant reduction in the legacy burden of waste volumes. This same cost is applied to both the 11,748 and 4000 usage figures. The work up to now has focussed on the development of a low cost, long life (cleanable), direct replacement of the traditional filter train. This paper will review an alternative strategy, that of preventing the contaminating dust from reaching and blinding the HEPA filters, and thereby removing the need to replace them. What has become clear is that ‘low cost’ and ‘Metallic HEPA’ are not compatible terms. The original Bergman et al., 1997 work suggested that 1000 cfm (cubic feet per minute) (1690 m3/hr) stainless HEPAs could be commercially available for $5000 each after development (although the $70,000 development unit may be somewhat exaggerated – the authors own company have estimated development units able to be retrofitted into strengthened standard housings would be available for perhaps $30,000). The likely true cost of such an item produced industrially in significant numbers may be closer to $15,000 each. That being the case, the economics for replacing glass fibre HEPAs with the metallic, cleanable alternative are unjustifiable except on ethical grounds. By proposing the protection of the traditional Glass Fibre HEPA from its blinding contamination, a means is presented to reduce both their life costs and ultimate waste volumes. An examination of the case for self-cleaning HEPA protection also suggests that, even when the mechanical life limit of the HEPA train is reached, the degree of contamination could be reduced to such an extent that its means/classification of final disposal may be modified to further reduce cost. Pulsed jet filtration using metallic filter media is a practical and industrially proven means by which solids can be prevented from reaching the HEPA train and returned to the operator for disposal, whilst not interrupting the process flow through the system. Field experience and data to prove the contention is available. There are clearly benefits with regard to disposal in returning to the user the small quantities of dust that would otherwise lead to the contamination and blinding of the large volume of the filter train. A cost benefit analysis shows that this radical solution to HEPA cost amelioration can work. Presenting a review of the technology and its application to other areas illustrates that where gross dust removal or recovery is necessary, or where extreme conditions make traditional HEPA technologies impractical, metallic filtration systems can (and do) also offer economic and industrially real solutions.