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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Bosnian War of 1992-1995'
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Mendoza, Alan Laurence. "British relations with the USA during the Bosnian war, 1992-1995." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.614671.
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Bozic, Gordana. "The Limits of “Ethnic War”: Intra-Group Violence and Resistance During the Bosnian War." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/37775.
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The Bosnian war was not a purely “ethnic conflict,” as both in-group members and out-group members were sacrificed for the higher political objective, namely, ethnic homogenization of divided Bosnian territories. In particular, I argue the sacrifice of in-group members, especially those who lived on the out-territory, was integral to the violence directed against out-group members. The process of resettlement of the ethnic kin was just as important as the expulsion of the ethnic “other” for re-creating a new ethnic and political balance in select strategic areas. Furthermore, the practice of the appropriation of existing and the creation of new parallel state structures were the main mechanisms of the process of the sacrifice of in-group members from the out-territory. In turn, nationalist narratives were constructed not only to justify those new structures, but also to portray ethnic minorities as potentially dangerous and threatening.
In order to complete ethnic homogenization, Bosnian nationalists directly targeted the private household, expelling Bosnians from their homes and appropriating and destroying their private property. I argue that violence against the household rendered the private sphere political. In the second part of the thesis, I reflect on actions and words of ordinary Bosnians, both in-group and out-group members, who resisted violence and helped each other during the war. In particular, I argue that although the lack of basic needs brought Bosnians of different ethnicities together, a long-term result of this necessity-driven action was political: the restoration of their citizenship and the preservation of their community at the local level for after the war.
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Schwarz, Jeremiah William. "American defence policy and the Bosnian War 1991-1995." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648517.
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Anghel, Gheorghe. "The war in Bosnia, 1992-1995 : analyzing military asymmetries and failures /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2000. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA380075.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2000.Thesis advisors: Yost, David ; Abenheim, Donald. "June 2000." Includes bibliographical references. Also Available online.
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FERREIRA, RENATA BARBOSA. "THE BOSNIA WAR : 1992-1995. EXPLAINING FACTORS OF THE PRACTICE OF ETHNIC CLEANSING PERPETRATED BY THE SERBIANS AGAINST THE MUSLIM BOSNIANS." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2001. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=2664@1.
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COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIORApós o fim da Guerra Fria, as expectativas de paz mundial foram destruídas por uma série de violentos conflitos que forçaram policymakers e estudiosos das RI a voltarem suas atenções para três questões: o nacionalismo, a etnicidade e o genocídio. Essas questões estiveram presentes de forma bastante intensa nos conflitos ocorridos na Bósnia e provocaram a reconsideração do papel e da importância do Estado- nação como forma de organização social e política.No presente trabalho, procuraremos mostrar como um conjunto de motivações político- estratégicas de alguns líderes e intelectuais sérvios conduziu o uso do nacionalismo e da etnicidade para o desenvolvimento de uma estratégia genocida cuja finalidade era a construção de um grande estado sérvio etnicamente homogêneo. Por fim, discutiremos o papel da comunidade internacional na proteção dos direitos humanos das vítimas da limpeza étnica na Bósnia e na solução do conflito.
After the Cold War was over the expectations of world peace were destroyed by a series of violent conflicts which forced the policymakers and IR researchers to focus on three issues: nationalism, ethnicity and genocide. These issues were considerably present in the conflicts in Bosnia and provoked the reconsideration of the role and importance of the nation-state as a form of social and political organization. In the present work,we point out how a group of political strategic objectives of some Serb political leaders and intellectuals directed the use of nationalism and ethnicity to the development of a genocidal strategy which was aimed at the building of an expanded ethnically homogeneous Serb state. Conclusively, we consider the role of the international community in the protection of the victims of ethnic cleansing in Bosnia and in the solution of the conflicts.
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Günen, Berna. "The European press coverage of the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011IEPP0023.
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La thèse porte sur la guerre en Bosnie (avril 1992-décembre 1995) et la diffusion de cette guerre par la presse européenne. Le travail consiste à analyser les commentaires et les éditoriaux publiés dans les presses britannique, française et allemande entre 1991 et 1995. Les journaux consultés sont les suivants: The Guardian, The Times, Le Figaro, Le Monde, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung et Süddeutsche Zeitung. L’ambition est de prouver que l’intense couverture de la guerre en Bosnie ne montre pas nécessairement une bonne compréhension de celle-ci par les commentateurs. Au contraire, ces derniers se furent montrés arrogants sinon ignorants. La presse européenne réagit aux symptômes de la guerre tandis qu’elle ignora et/ou déforma ses causes et ses dynamiques. Les vieux préjugés sur les Balkans firent que les commentaires soient pleins d’erreurs factuelles et d’incohérences. Cette approche eurocentrique initiale des commentateurs les mena à se réfugier dans une interprétation eurocentrique de la guerre en Bosnie (cercle vicieux). Puisque la Bosnie était ethniquement trop hétérogène pour survivre à la désintégration yougoslave et qu’elle était donc vouée à la guerre civile, ce qui était en jeu n’était plus d’assurer une paix juste et durable en Bosnie, mais d’arrêter la guerre de sorte que les organisations occidentales et internationales puissent sauver la face. En dernière analyse, la couverture intense mais confuse de la presse européenne aboutirent à la caricaturisation du conflit, ce qui renforça les vieux préjugés parmi les lecteurs. La thèse ainsi confirme que le danger ne réside pas dans la médiatisation des événements, mais dans la caricaturisation de ceux-ciThe dissertation focuses on the war in Bosnia (April 1992-December 1995) and its coverage by the European press. Its scope has been limited to the commentaries and the editorials published in the British, French and German press between 1991 and 1995. The newspapers which have been analysed are The Guardian, The Times, Le Figaro, Le Monde, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung and Süddeutsche Zeitung. The aim of this dissertation is to prove that the European press’ intense coverage of the Bosnian war did not necessarily mean that it fully understood this conflict. On the contrary, the commentators’ approach was arrogant, if not ignorant. The European press responded to the symptoms of the war while it ignored and/or distorted its causes and dynamics. The commentaries written under the influence of old prejudices on the Balkans included many factual errors and inconsistencies. The commentators’ initial Eurocentric approach led them to adopt an equally Eurocentric interpretation of the Bosnian war as a defence mechanism (vicious circle). Since Bosnia was ethnically too heterogeneous to survive the disintegration of Yugoslavia and therefore doomed to civil war, so the argument went, what was at stake was not to broker a just and durable peace in Bosnia, but to stop the war somehow so that Western/international organisations could save face. In the final analysis, the press’ intense yet chaotic coverage led to the caricaturisation of the Bosnian war, which in turn reinforced the existing prejudices among the readers. The dissertation thus confirms that the real danger lies not in mediatisation as such, but in caricaturisation of world events
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Moore, Caitlin M. "Third party intervention in humanitarian conflict : why the U. S. intervened in the Bosnian War /." Connect to online version, 2007. http://ada.mtholyoke.edu/setr/websrc/pdfs/www/2007/237.pdf.
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Armakolas, Ioannis. "Political competition, civic politics, and war in the Bosnian model city : a study of Tuzla, 1990-1995." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.612764.
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Keskin, Recep. "The dispute between Bosnian Muslims and Serbs." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2003. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2315.
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In 1918, Serbs, Croats and Slovenes established a kingdom called "Yugoslavia." Serbs were considering this state as the state of Serbs. Bosnia Hercegovina's community or political powers did not help the establishment of Yugoslavia. The official ideology considered Muslims as the heir of the Ottoman occupiers in the Balkans. In the first Yugoslavia, Bosnian Muslims were under pressure and they were attacked by Serbs who had the official support of the administration. In time those attacks turned into ethnic cleansing. Bosnian Muslims were pushed out of the government bureaucracy and their lands.
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Borelli, Caterina. "La ciudad post-traumática. Marijin Dvor y el monte Trebević, dos espacios urbanos en transición en Sarajevo." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/96403.
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En este trabajo se analizan las transformaciones ocurridas en la ciudad de Sarajevo después de la guerra de 1992-95. En particular se investiga cómo los cambios ocurridos en los últimos 20 años en el nivel macro (eso es: la doble transición, post-socialista y post-bélica) quedan reflejados, por un lado, en la forma exterior que asume la ciudad (por lo tanto su modificación física, nuevos proyectos urbanos) y, por el otro, cómo dichos cambios afectan a las relaciones sociales, sobre todo las tradicionales relaciones entre vecinos. El céntrico barrio de Marijin Dvor, emblemático por la presencia de las principales instituciones políticas y económicas, es el terreno en el que se desarrolla este primer eje de la investigación. Ahí me he dedicado a desarrollar principalmente dos temas: antes que nada, reconstruir las modificaciones en el régimen de propiedad de la vivienda que ha supuesto la caída del socialismo y la instalación de mecanismos propios del capitalismo neoliberal; en segundo lugar, analizar la institución bosnia del komšiluk -las buenas relaciones entre vecinos pertenecientes a comunidades etnoreligiosas distintas- y las perturbaciones que ha sufrido por efecto de la guerra.
El segundo eje, antitético pero especular al primero, tiene como campo de observación una montaña muy cercana a la ciudad, el monte Trebević, que encarna un poderoso conjunto de complejos que afectan hoy a la sociedad sarajevita y bosnia en general. Antaño el destino favorito de las excursiones de los ciudadanos de Sarajevo, en 1984 sede olímpica (con todo lo que esto supone en un nivel simbólico), en 1992 fue ocupado por las tropas serbio-bosnias que lo convirtieron en uno de los puntos más estratégicos para el asedio. La montaña, de ser uno de los símbolos de la ciudad, se ha convertido en un territorio maldito al que ya no sube casi nadie. En este sentido, el espacio del monte es interpretado como una suerte de subconsciente urbano, allá donde quedan escondidos los traumas de ayer y los problemas de hoy, mientras que más abajo, en el valle de la ciudad, el nuevo capitalismo rampante, en su intento de asentarse establemente en Bosnia Herzegovina, se apodera del paisaje urbano y lo convierte en un escenario para el desfile de su poder y sus expectativas de cara al futuro inmediato.
El título de la tesis hace referencia al trastorno por estrés post-traumático (TEPT), del que se calcula que hasta un 60% de la población de Sarajevo ha mostrado síntomas. Aquí, el TEPT es de entenderse como una metáfora que describe el presente de la ciudad. En años recientes, la reconstrucción post-bélica y el crecimiento urbano, empujados por los nuevos agentes capitalistas, se dan como en un estado de excitación (rápidos, sin planificación, saltándose las leyes), como si semejante frenesí fuera una manera de dejar atrás el evento traumático y librarse de los fantasmas del pasado. Estos, sin embargo, precisamente porque el trauma no ha sido reelaborado del todo, vuelven en forma de –o son somatizados en- los lugares “malditos” de la ciudad, congelados en el tiempo como si la guerra acabara de terminar: un flashbacks constante de la tragedia para todos aquellos –la mayoría de la población- que no se atreven a frecuentarlos y hacen como si no existieran, cuando los tienen siempre ante sus ojos.RESUME OF THE THESIS “POST-TRAUMATIC CITY. MARIJIN DVOR AND MOUNT TREBEVIĆ, TWO URBAN SPACES IN TRANSITION IN SARAJEVO” The main aim of this work has been to investigate transformations happened in the city of Sarajevo after the 1992-95 conflict. Particularly, I focused on how recent changes in the macro-level (the double transition: post-socialist and post-war), on the one hand, are reflected in the external form of the city (therefore its physical modifications, new urban projects) and, on the other, how they affect its social fabric, specially traditional relations between neighbours belonging to different ethno-religious communities, and the mental maps of its inhabitants. The title of this study comes from Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD): recent studies calculated that up to 60% of Sarajevo population has shown symptoms of this disease. Here, PTSD is to be understood as a metaphor which describes the present of the city, and also helps to better understand the relation between such different spaces, as the central district of Marijin Dvor and wild Mount Trebević, that constitute our observation fields. In recent years, post-war reconstruction and urban growth, boosted by new capitalist agents, were happening in a sort of frenzied state of excitement (quickly, without any planning, breaking or conveniently manipulating the existing rules, as it can be seen in Marijin Dvor, "Sarajevo's new financial and commercial quarter"), as if such acceleration was a way to leave the traumatic event behind, to get rid of the phantoms of the past. These, nonetheless, precisely because the trauma has not been fully reworked, come back in form of –or are somatized in the “damned” places of the city, frozen in time as if war just ended: Mount Trebević is one of them, the place for the hidden, the forgotten and the painful, a constant flashback of the tragedy for all those -the majority of population- who don’t dare to frequent them anymore and pretend not to see them when they’re always in front of their eyes.
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Hagman, Hans-Christian. "UN-NATO operational co-operation in peacekeeping 1992-1995." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.300811.
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Yoshitome, Kota. "The Western order under quasi-multilateralism : the Bosnian conflict and the West 1992-1995." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2005. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/436/.
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Ths thesis presents an interpretation of the forniation process of the post-Cold War international order with special reference to the Western debate regarding use of coercive power in the Bosnian conflict of 1992-1995. As the role of multilateralism and the authority of the UN were the most contentious issues of the debate, this thesis will provide a critical resource for comprehending the origin and the nature of 'American unflateralism',and its relationship with other Western allies. It will also be a useful tool in predicting future outcomes. This research will apply the concept of 'Quasi-multflater-alism' to analyse the relationship between the US and other Western states during the Bosnian conflict. It is held that the US justified its policies in the name of collective action without adhering to the outcomes of genuine multilateral consultation with its allies. However, this inevitably undermined th e quality of justice that the West alleged to promote. More specifically, this work will analyse the fact that there was a clear tension between Western states who sought to legitimize their role in international order based on shared values,and thus it will argue that the content of 'Western Value' was a product of power politics. Accordingly, this research will conclude that America's interpretation of justice was used as a means to project its own national interest under the logic of Quasi-multilateralism. This thesis will challenge the Liberal view of the present world order that Western states have common interests in promoting democracy and market economies across the globe and implementation of those Western values will make the world safer and fairer.
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Powell, Stephen. "The psychosocial consequences of the 1992-5 war in Bosnia & Herzegovina." Thesis, Middlesex University, 2012. http://eprints.mdx.ac.uk/8402/.
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a) The research carried out: eight different samples of citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina were assessed in 1998 and 1999, two to four years after the end of the 1992-5 war, covering a wide range of variables including traumatic and stressful experiences and various measures of psychosocial adaptation including PTSD. b) Main results and conclusion: the results were published in nine papers which are described in this Context Statement, and which are also included as Appendices. Taken together, the specific (and sometimes tragic) features of the conflict in B&H, and some strengths of the research design, enabled the papers to make a significant contribution to three key psychological themes. The first theme was PTSD concept and measurement. The psychometric performance of measures of PTSD in B&H were found to be similar to other published results, suggesting that the construct is as valid for the B&H population as for the comparison populations on which the instrument was developed. The case is also made for dropping Criterion A from the DSM PTSD diagnosis altogether, on the grounds of overwhelming practical and conceptual problems with assessing it using populations with multiple stressors. The second theme was epidemiology and aetiology of PTSD and other symptom groups. Quite apart from PTSD, the war had a very significant impact on general mental health across the population. Current PTSD prevalences in the non-treatment samples ranged from 11% amongst returned refugees to 36% amongst internally displaced persons (IDPs) in camps, which are in line with the literature. Beyond PTSD, impact was concentrated in particularly high levels of somatisation, paranoid ideation, and aggression. PTSD prevalences amongst returned refugees are clearly lower than those of their peers who stayed in host countries, and much lower than all known reports in refugee samples abroad. Analysis of persons in treatment suggests that those who seek treatment for PTSD (as opposed to other medical problems) do have high levels of PTSD symptoms specifically, but not necessarily because they experienced a larger number of traumatic events. The third theme looked beyond psychopathology. Findings suggest that the concept of post-traumatic growth can be validly extended to this population, but levels were considerably lower than reported in most other studies on other kinds of traumatic event. Finally PTSD and the PTSD diagnosis are discussed in a broader social context and it is concluded that while the war had many different kinds of consequences beyond the purely clinical, this should not divert attention from the fact that individual, clinically-relevant suffering was prevalent in the population at levels warranting urgent attention from public health care.
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Gillingham, Snježana. "The dynamics of statebuilding in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina, 1995-2005." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.551279.
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This thesis analyses the discrepancy between the objectives and outcomes of internationally-led state-building in Bosnia and Herzegovina between 1995 and 2005. It centres on the phenomenon of ethnic territorialisation: the construction and/or consolidation of one ethnic group's demographic and political predominance in a given territory. This phenomenon was the product of complex interactions between international and domestic actors, and the analysis consequently stretches from the structures and policies of the international intervention to the responses and initiatives of Bosnians. Particular attention is paid to the hitherto undervalued inputs of Bosnians at the lowest level of the state, the municipality. To do so a typology of municipalities according to pre-war ethnic composition and entity location was established, and six research sites were selected: Bosanski Petrovac, Pale, Prijedor; Tesan], Travnik and Visegrad. A structured and focused comparative study of the four principle areas of statebuilding, namely security, elections, municipal politics and refugee return, was then conducted. This drew on international, national and municipal archives and a comprehensive interview program. On this basis it is argued that the Dayton Peace Agreement's inherent flaws were not the sole variable in statebuilding, and that the agreement ceded international and Bosnian actors substantial agency to shape the post-war state. The dynamics of their interaction centred on a powerful yet strategically uncertain international administration meeting systematic covert resistance from nationalist politicians at all levels. Consequently police reform was halting and incomplete, elections favoured nationalists over moderates, and international aims were thwarted by lacunae in their cognitive capacity, particularly in complex local political ecologies. The thesis revises official estimates of refugee return to demonstrate the intensity of the resulting ethnic territorialisation. The deep heterogeneity of pre-war Bosnia was not restored; instead, persistent ethnic territorialisation made the post-war state unviable and cemented its dependence on a continued international presence.
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Clerc, Catherine. "The French press representation of Algeria : January 1992 to November 1995." Thesis, Keele University, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.343168.
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Dowling, J. P. "British media, parliamentary and military accounts of the war in Bosnia 1992-95." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.598619.
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This dissertation concerns two very different representations of the war in Bosnia 1992-95, labelled here as Complexity and Simplicity. The former represented the Balkans in general and Bosnia in particular as places with a troubled and violent history, populated by people predisposed to ethnic violence, for whom the international community could do little and from whom it would do well to stay away from. The latter represented the war as the result of political choices made by politicians in Serbia. Although these two paradigms have been identified and examined before, existing explanations for such disparate interpretations of the war in Bosnia remain unsatisfactory. This dissertation focuses on British accounts of the war. It assesses the processes by which those representations were produced, and why Simplicity failed to overturn the complex consensus in Britain during the period. That assessment involves the description and documentation of the functional constraints and political agenda of those who witnessed or analysed the war. In addition, this research draws on the work of Vesna Goldsworthy to examine the cultural and literary factors that influenced British writers and speakers when representing Bosnia. Chapter one is a treatment of the representation of the battle for Sarajevo as disseminated by the UN. Chapter two analyses the simple work of those journalists who challenged the UN representation of the battle for Sarajevo. Chapter three assesses the ways in which intelligence was gathered and mismanaged away from the very public contest seen in Sarajevo, and in the first two chapters. Chapter four examines the role of the British army in representing the war, and chapter five with the ways in which the war correspondents and defence writers portrayed the British military deployment to Bosnia and the larger war in that country. Lastly, chapter six concerns the enunciation and defence of government policy in the House of Commons, as well as the ways in which simple opposition to that policy was organised and effectively sabotaged.
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Jungić, Ozren. "Ideology and war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 1992-95 : evidence from the tribunal." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8bdd4a0a-12c4-4c32-a716-e9b7da51320d.
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This thesis relies on evidence from the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia to argue that systematic ethnic violence occurred during the 1992-95 war in Bosnia and Herzegovina because of the implementation of extreme ideological visions promoted by top political leaders. The first section demonstrates how Serb and Croat nationalist politicians in Serbia, Croatia, and Bosnia determined to create expanded monoethnic states as Yugoslavia collapsed in 1991-92. The second section illustrates how institutions dominated by Serbian President Slobodan Milos̆evic and the Croatian government led by Franjo Tudman sponsored the military campaigns conducted by Bosnian Serb and Croat forces, which attempted to realise the visions imagined in 1991-92. The final section reveals how in 1994-95, leaders from Croatia and Serbia shifted their short term strategies towards Bosnia for pragmatic reasons, and while the Croatian leadership succeeded in forcing Bosnian Croat nationalists to abate their separatist campaign, Milos̆evic's efforts to pacify the Bosnian Serb leadership failed and Radovan Karadz̆ic's regime continued to pursue its state-building programme until its defeat in summer 1995. Although both Milos̆evic and Tudman yielded their pre-war ambitions in the face of battlefield outcomes and international pressure, this thesis argues that both leaders regarded the peace agreements they signed as temporary compromises on their long-term ambitions. The words of top political decision-makers reveal the ideas and reasoning that inspired programmes to homogenise multi-ethnic Bosnia and divide it between Serbia and Croatia.
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Osmanovic, Sheila. "Muslim identity, 'Neo-Islam' and the 1992-95 war in Bosnia and Herzegovina." Thesis, University of East London, 2015. http://roar.uel.ac.uk/4295/.
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Following the fall of the Berlin Wall, Yugoslavia was entangled in a fratricidal break-up. In none of the other former Yugoslav republics did the conflict turn as violent as in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which suffered genocide, the greatest number of victims and the highest percentage of infrastructural destruction. Although its three ethnic communities – Muslims, Serbs and Croats – were previously well integrated, the break-up of Yugoslavia exposed Bosnia’s unique Islamic component, which both Serbs and Croats perceived to be the major impediment to the continuation of a pluralistic society. Islam, however, only turned into a divisive and decisive factor in the conflict when combined with ethnic nationalism. Previous research into the causes of the 1992-95 war in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the break-up of Yugoslavia has identified Bosnia’s long Islamic heritage and large Muslim population on the doorstep of Europe as specific features influencing both its rationale and resolution. Yet there has been no analysis of the role and impact of ‘neo-Islam’ (a term I explained below) in the conflict – an omission this thesis seeks to redress. The thesis uses historical analysis to demonstrate that Bosnia and Herzegovina was frequently subject to international intervention during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, it explores whether the unique Islamic component was the reason behind this phenomenon, and seeks to comprehend why Bosnia and Herzegovina has always appeared to pose a problem for the international community, from the papal persecutions of the medieval Bogumils through to the present day.
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Chaudhry, Tariq S. "The response of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) to crisis : the case of the Bosnian Conflict from 1992 to 1995." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1998. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/273420.
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Hasic, Tigran. "Reconstruction planning in post-conflict zones : Bosnia and Herzegovinia and the International Community /." Stockhlm, Sweden : Royal Institute of Technology, 2004. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy0710/2005530592.html.
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Sheftel, Anna. "The construction of formal and informal historical narratives of violence in north-western Bosnia, World War II until present." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669877.
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Spajić, Zdenko. "Intervention and war in a post-cold war world the view of Pope John Paul II on the conflicts in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina (1991-1995) /." Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2000. http://www.tren.com.
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Ebata, Joanne Michi. "The transition from war to peace : politics, political space and the peace process industry in Mozambique, 1992-1995." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/427/.
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The 'peace process' is a common expression in international politics. It describes and explains events in seemingly disparate locations as Northern Ireland, the Middle East, and Southern Africa, which share only the common occurrence of violent conflict. One outstanding feature of these peace processes is the active participation of international actors or external 'third parties'. Whether they are states, international organisations or nongovernmental organisations, these external actors comprise an industry focussed on the peace process. However, in providing assistance to countries making the transition from war to peace, as an industry these external third parties often reconfigure the political space of host societies in a manner which frustrates the intended goal of attaining peace. The following analysis focuses on the process of implementing a comprehensive peace settlement to show how the peace process industry operates, using the case of Mozambique. The Mozambican peace process was selected because it is generally presented as a success which justifies similar activities in future cases. Therefore it is crucial to examine whether the intervention was a success, what kind of success and a success for whom. As Mozambique was inundated with international actors engaged in all kinds of activities, supported by substantial funding, it serves as a useful example from which to study the peace process industry at work. Mozambique is also one of the poorest countries in the world and is thus representative of larger processes in the developing world and its relationship with donors and the United Nations. This thesis draws out a number of themes on the aggregate impact of external third parties on the political space of Mozambique and uses this as a basis for reaching conclusions applicable to other cases. It seeks to contribute to debates in international relations on how questions regarding the role of international actors in peace processes and the assistance they provide should be answered.
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Meeske, Frank. "Baptism of fire for the European security and defense policy : will the European forces succrssfully implement the Dayton Accords? /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FMeeske.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, 2005.Thesis Advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Hans-Eberhard Peters. Includes bibliographical references (p. 95-102). Also available online.
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Otmacic, Valentina. "Resisting division along ethnic lines: a case study of two communities who challenged discourses of war during the Yugoslav conflict 1991-1995." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/17418.
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There is a generalized perception on the 1991-1995 war in the former Yugoslavia as an ethnic conflict caused by longstanding antagonisms among homogenous ethnic groups inhabiting its territory. In such a worldview, which became part of the dominant discourse, inter-ethnic violence in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina was inevitable and the division of the population along ethnic lines was needed to stop the violence.
In this thesis I problematize the dominant discourse on the ethnic nature and inevitability of violence, as well as on the ethnic fracturing as a solution, by exposing the experiences of two largest communities that remained ethnically mixed and preserved communal peace throughout wartime – the community of the region of Gorski kotar in Croatia and the community of the city of Tuzla in Bosnia-Herzegovina.
By documenting and analysing their discourses and practices, and by contrasting them with the dominant discourses of war in these two countries, I provide evidence that these two communities were oases of peace which developed a counter-discourse and resisted violence by preserving their multi-ethnic character, promoting multiple identities, cherishing inter-ethnic cooperation and ensuring equality and good governance for all their citizens. Their narratives challenge the well-established «truths» about the war in the former Yugoslavia and add to the complexity of collective memories of its peoples.
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Lechanu, Doina G. "Bosnian war widows in Hartford : explaining uneven integration /." 2010. http://149.152.10.1/record=b3092585~S16.
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Thesis (M.S.) -- Central Connecticut State University, 2010.Thesis advisor: David Kideckel. "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science in International Studies." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 67-76). Also available via the World Wide Web.
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Bojicic-Dzelilovic, V. "Peace on whose terms? War Veterans¿ Association in Bosnia and Hercegovina." 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/4232.
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noThe 1992-1995 war in Bosnia and Hercegovina (BiH) was the most violent phase of the dissolution of former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY), of which, for almost 50 years, BiH was one of six constituent republics. In the course of the war BiH¿s three main ethic groups- - Muslims, Bosnian Croats and Bosnian Serbs, with active involvement of neighbouring Croatia and Serbia, fought each other in pursuit of its own vision of BiH political and territorial (re) organization. The causes and the character of the war remain contentious, the main disagreement being over the issue of whether it was a war of aggression by BiH¿s neighbours or a civil war. Essentially, it contained the elements of both, which determined the way the war was fought, the multiplicity of actors involved, and complexity of agendas played out in the course of the conflict, its settlement and peace building process. The fighting was brought to end by an intense international military and diplomatic campaign, which pushed the worrying parties into compromise none of which considered just. The task of implementing complex terms of the peace agreement was put overwhelmingly in the hands of international actors, while local parties pursued the strategy of obstruction, trying to assert their own interpretation of the peace agreement that would accommodate some of their war aims.This paper looks at war veterans associations, as one particular type of non- state actors engaged in undermining peace settlement in the specific context of BiH war. Because of their position on the continuum between combatants and outside actor, and the nature of relationship with the political leadership negotiating the peace agreement, this case could provide different insights into the issue of spoiling in the types of contemporary conflicts characterised by multiplicity of both actors and agendas, and complex strategies needed to pacify them. The paper starts by brief analysis of the political and economic goals behind the 1992-1995 war, narrowing inquiry into Bosnian Croats self- rule as a political project and goal of the strategy of spoiling pursued by Bosnian Croat war veterans associations. It then reflects on the terms of the peace agreement, indicating some of the main areas the implementation of which was actively obstructed by this group. The analysis of the war veterans association deals with their origins and the position in the Bosnian Croat post- war power structures, the sources of their funding and their official and hidden agenda. The probe into spoiling tactics focuses on three important aspects of the peace agreement i.e. refugee return, war crimes prosecution and institution building, and is followed by a brief analysis on the impact of various strategies the international community as a custodian of peace has used to sustain its implementation.
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"The bosnia war 1992-1995. explaining factors of the practice of ethnic cleansing perpetrated by the serbians against the muslim bosnians /." Tese, MAXWELL, 2001. http://www.maxwell.lambda.ele.puc-rio.br/cgi-bin/db2www/PRG_0991.D2W/SHOW?Cont=2664:pt&Mat=&Sys=&Nr=&Fun=&CdLinPrg=pt.
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Janíčko, Michal. "Nacionalistický diskurz v Bosně a Hercegovině - obraz občanské války z let 1992-1995 v současných bosenskosrbských a bosňáckých médiích." Master's thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-341319.
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(in English): The thesis deals with representations of civil war in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the media that are influential among Bosniaks and Bosnian Serbs. The introduction summarizes the course of the war and briefly presents current social situation in the country. The nature of media field and of the media as such are described with use of existing analyses and research and with use of available information on media ownership. Continuing ethnic division of media is observed. The thesis uses critical discourse analysis both as a theoretic approach to discourse and as a methodological tool to its study. The civil war discourse in Bosniak and Bosnian Serb media is represented in the analysis by two daily newspapers on each side. The analysis showed mutually incompatible representations of causes and of the nature of the war, prevailing absence of their mutual dialogue and ignorance of war victims of the other side. Looking at more specific topics, a number of discourses are identified on both sides, among which there are some with potential to dialogue with alternative representations. The discourses are interpreted through Bosniak and Bosnian Serb nationalist ideologies.
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Jaskolka, Melanie. "United Nations intervention in the Bosnian War how a well-intentioned mission had unintended consequences /." 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10090/8905.
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Klepal, Jaroslav. "Terapeutické hrdinství: zjednávání posttraumatické stresové poruchy u válečných veteránů v Bosně a Hercegovině." Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-370154.
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Based on longitudinal ethnographic fieldwork in Bosnia and Herzegovina I trace ontologies of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and their enactments among veterans of the 1992-1995 war. My aim is to problematize and rethink social constructionists' approaches in medical anthropology that discuss war trauma and PTSD in relation to naturalistic models and treat them as constructed realities not determined by the nature of things. I argue that such a standpoint produces a particular epistemological/ontological side-effect: it allows medical anthropologists to craft a purely social ontology of trauma and PTSD by claiming that the realness of these "constructs" is a result of psychiatric discourse, moral economy of contemporary societies or Western (intellectual, political, and medical) hegemony. Considering the ontology of PTSD as an empirical question I analyze the enactments of PTSD in four settings: the ethnographic genre itself, the organization of war veterans with PTSD in the city of Tuzla, the veterans' welfare system in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Bosnian public arena. I argue that PTSD is practiced as a heterogeneous and multiple reality that cannot be situated solely either in the realm of human organism (and explained by naturalistic models) or society and culture (and...
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Slavková, Markéta. "Vaření a stolování za časů války a míru: Proměny kontextů a módů produkce, přípravy a konzumace jídla v Srebrenici, Bosně a Hercegovině." Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-304028.
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Cooking and Dining in Times of War and Peace: Changing Contexts and Modes of Food Production, Preparation and Consumption in Srebrenica, Bosnia and Herzegovina Mgr. Markéta Slavková Abstract (English) This project opens up the topic of armed conflict and subsequent post-conflict development in the Former Yugoslavia from a non-traditional perspective - that of the anthropology of food. At the centre of attention there stand the ways in which the production, preparation and consumption of food were and are carried out in Srebrenica, BiH in the context of the dramatic changes that the region has undergone over the last few decades. Food is the precondition of reproduction, a primary form of interaction with the world, a mediator of socialization, a sign of identity and social cohesion but also a tool of power. In this sense, Farquhar notes that the "mantra" 'You are what you eat,' continues to be thematized by social sciences (Farquhar, 2006: 146). On the other hand, the question of the relationship between social actors and their "daily bread" in conditions of starvation and overall material scarcity in wartime has not been satisfyingly answered. This project, based on long-term ethnographic fieldwork, addresses these issues more closely, affording greater insight into them.
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Gouthro, Gerard. ""Peacekeeping when there is no peace to keep" : a case study of UNPROFOR in Bosnia-Herzegovina /." 1995. http://collections.mun.ca/u?/theses,60343.
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