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Journal articles on the topic 'Bosnian War of 1992-1995'
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1
Janíčko, Michal. "Misunderstanding the Other and Shy Signs of Openness: Discourse on the 1992-1995 War in the Current Bosniak and Bosnian Serb Media." Středoevropské politické studie Central European Political Studies Review 17, no. 1 (April 1, 2015): 28–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cepsr.2015.1.28.
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The article deals with how the 1990s civil war in Bosnia and Herzegovina was represented in the media that currently remain influential among Bosniaks and Bosnian Serbs. Critical discourse analysis is used both as a theoretical approach to discourse and as a methodological tool for its study. In the analysis, the civil war discourse in Bosniak and Bosnian Serb media is represented by two daily newspapers on each side. The analysis reveals mutually incompatible representations of the causes and nature of the war, the prevailing absence of dialogue, and the unwillingness of each side to consider the other side’s war victims. Looking at more specific topics, a number of discourses are identified on both sides, among which some present the potential for dialogue with alternative representations. The discourses are interpreted through Bosniak and Bosnian Serb nationalist ideologies. The findings might support further research on the relation between the media and nationalism and on the ongoing Bosnian political dispute concerning the desired nature of the state.
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Sokolić, Ivor. "Denying the Unknown. Everyday Narratives about Croatian Involvement in the 1992-1995 Bosnian Conflict." Südosteuropa 65, no. 4 (January 26, 2018): 632–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2017-0042.
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Abstract This article, based on the results of focus-group discussions, dyads, and interviews in Croatia, examines how Croatians construct their narrative of the 1992-1995 conflict in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Croatia’s role in it. Despite judgements at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) concluding that the Croatian state intervened in the Bosnian conflict, respondents in this study claimed to be ignorant of any such intervention. What was discussed worked in concert with the dominant Croatian war narrative of Croatian defence, victimhood, and sacrifice in the face of a larger, Serbian aggressor. By portraying the Bosnian conflict as chaotic and savage, respondents differentiated it from the Croatian one and relativised any illicit actions within a framework of nesting orientalism. Croatian involvement in Bosnia-Herzegovina was generally seen as positive: it was viewed in terms of Croatia welcoming Bosniak refugees and providing military assistance, which enabled moral licensing with regard to the rarely mentioned and marginalised negative aspects of Croatia’s involvement in the conflict.
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Wasiak, Katarzyna. "Pamięć i trauma." Politeja 16, no. 1(58) (October 31, 2019): 101–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.16.2019.58.07.
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Memory and Trauma: Contemporary Interpretations of the 1992‑1995 War among the Youth of Bosnian‑Muslim
For Bosnia and Herzegovina, the 1990s were a period of changes due to war. Transformations occurred not only in the political area, but also in the social one. A multicultural region, Bosnia and Herzegovina was suddenly transformed into isolated enclaves. In fact, this separation is maintained by war trauma, which remains in the social consciousness and regulates ethnic relations in the state.
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Çaputlu, Özgenur. "A Feminist Analysis: Sexual Violence in the Bosnian War (1992-1995)." Balkanistic Forum 30, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 254–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v30i2.15.
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Throughout history, war violence has disproportionately affected women, especially in patriarchal societies. Wartime rape, which is the most common and destructive type of conflict-related sexual violence, is the clearest example of these effects. This study clarifies the sexual violence experiences of Yugoslavian women during the Bosnian War, which had lasted between the years 1992-1995, with an anti-militarist feminist perspective. The first part of the article includes hypotheses of feminist theory about conflict-related sexual violence. The second part handles types of sexual violence such as wartime rape, forced prostitution, and forced pregnancy that had affected women in Yugoslavian conflict areas between 1992-1995. The last part of the study describes the numerical dimensions of the sexual violence used in the Bosnian War and its ef-fects on Yugoslavian women. Throughout history, war violence has disproportionately affected women, especially in patriarchal societies. Wartime rape, which is the most common and destructive type of conflict-related sexual violence, is the clearest example of these effects. This study clarifies the sexual violence experiences of Yugoslavian women during the Bosnian War, which had lasted between the years 1992-1995, with an anti-militarist feminist perspective. The first part of the article includes hypotheses of feminist theory about conflict-related sexual violence. The second part handles types of sexual violence such as wartime rape, forced prostitution, and forced pregnancy that had affected women in Yugoslavian conflict areas between 1992-1995. The last part of the study describes the numerical dimensions of the sexual violence used in the Bosnian War and its effects on Yugoslavian women.
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Meernik, James, and Josue Barron. "Fairness in National Courts Prosecuting International Crimes: The Case of the War Crimes Chamber of Bosnia-Herzegovina." International Criminal Law Review 18, no. 4 (November 10, 2018): 712–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-01804009.
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The Bosnian War Crimes Chamber was established to adjudicate cases of violations of international law by lower-ranking individuals in Bosnia-Herzegovina, who were not prosecuted by the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY). One of the most critical issues facing this Court, however, is whether its justice is unbiased by the ethnic divisions that characterized the Bosnian War (1992–1995) and the politics of Bosnia-Herzegovina ever since. Using a new database of first instance verdicts from the War Crimes Chamber (WCC), we test for the impact of ethnic bias on verdicts and sentences. While initial analyses seem to suggest such bias may exist, our multivariate model of sentencing indicates that other factors such as the gravity of the crimes and individual circumstances play a more powerful role than ethnicity.
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Attila Hoare, Marko. "Bosnia-Hercegovina and International Justice." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 24, no. 2 (March 8, 2010): 191–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325409356462.
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Three different international courts have determined that genocide took place in Bosnia-Hercegovina in 1992-1995: the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), the International Court of Justice (ICJ), and the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR). Yet paradoxically, there has been virtually no punishment of this genocide, while the punishment of lesser war crimes of the Bosnian war has been very limited. The ICTY has convicted only one individual, a lowly deputy corps commander, of a genocide-related offence. The ICJ acquitted Serbia, the state that planned and launched the assault upon Bosnia-Hercegovina in 1992, of genocide and related offences, finding it guilty only of failure to prevent and punish genocide. Although Serb forces were responsible for the overwhelming majority of war crimes, the ICTY prosecution has disproportionately targeted non-Serbs in its indictments and, among Serbs, has disproportionately targeted Bosnian Serbs, with no official of Serbia or Yugoslavia yet convicted of war crimes in Bosnia. This article argues that the meagre results of the international judicial processes vis-à-vis the crimes of the Bosnian war must be sought in the structural failings, poor decision making, and political influences that affected the international courts. It argues that the international courts have failed either to deliver justice to the victims of the war crimes or to promote reconciliation among the peoples of the former Yugoslavia and suggests measures that could be taken to rectify the situation.
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Moll, Nicolas. "Fragmented memories in a fragmented country: memory competition and political identity-building in today's Bosnia and Herzegovina." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 6 (November 2013): 910–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.768220.
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Bosnia and Herzegovina is politically fragmented, and so is the memory landscape within the country. Narratives of the 1992–1995 war, the Second World War, Tito's Yugoslavia, and earlier historical periods form highly disputed patterns in a memory competition involving representatives of the three “constituent peoples” of Bosnia and Herzegovina - Serbs, Croats and Bosniaks – but also non-nationalist actors within BiH, as well as the international community. By looking especially at political declarations and the practices of commemoration and monument building, the article gives an overview of the fragmented memory landscape in Bosnia and Herzegovina, pointing out the different existing memory narratives and policies and the competition between them in the public sphere, and analyzing the conflicting memory narratives as a central part of the highly disputed political identity construction processes in postwar Bosnia and Herzegovina. The paper also discusses the question whether an “Europeanization” of Bosnian memory cultures could be an alternative to the current fragmentation and nationalist domination of the memory landscape in BiH.
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Simmons, Cynthia. "Women's Work and the Growth of Civil Society in Post-War Bosnia." Nationalities Papers 35, no. 1 (March 2007): 171–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990601129446.
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Civil society, to the extent that it exists today in Bosnia, has developed alongside the recasting of women's roles in public life. Researchers equate civil society in Bosnia today almost exclusively with non-governmental organizations (NGOs). The early post-war NGOs grew out of the peace movement that took shape before and during the open conflict of 1992–1995. Peace organizations evolved to a large extent from feminist organizing and organizations in the Yugoslav republics of Croatia, Serbia, and Slovenia. Thus, to study the origins of Bosnian civil society, we must begin with the struggle for equal rights for women in modern Yugoslavia.
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Kovacevic, Miladin. "The weak points of statistical and demographic analyses in estimations of war victims in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period 1992-1995." Stanovnistvo 43, no. 1-4 (2005): 13–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/stnv0504013k.
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In the political and war crisis which embraced Bosnia and Herzegovina in the spring of 1992 with an end of war hostilities in the autumn of 1995 when the "Dayton Peace Agreement" emerged (November 1995), a media war occurred. From the very beginning, this war had an international character. The question on the number of war victims (killed and missing) "exploded" in June of 1993 when Haris Silajdzic stated that there had been 200000 dead among the Muslims. This figure uncritically became the basis for all later media and local "empirical truths" on the number of victims. All statistical and demographic disciplines were exploited to support, if not prove, the propaganda standpoints. Objectivity was oppressed by an ugly "face of the war". Having in mind the experience of the Second World War in Yugoslavia the question on the number of victims does not cease to be topical for decades after the end of the war. Bosnia and Herzegovina is more than a confirmation. This question seems to intervene (and in a way "feed of") with the most difficult political and international questions and court trials. ("International Court of Justice", indictment of Bosnia and Herzegovina against The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, namely Serbia). The methodological analysis of the most important works which deal with the question of the number of victims in the Bosnian war (above all, those done by Bosnian institutes and authors) indicate the "mistakes" made by the character of these works (propaganda). The manipulation with statistical methods and numbers is not new. Methodological and numerical traps can slip even to the most informed. The use of statistics and social science in court trials seems to show Janus's face of science: on one side the authentic "moral passion" of researchers finds great sense, and on the other side special interests strive to impose themselves through the (most refined) instrumentation of science and knowledge. (The example of Mr. Patrick Ball's testification in the trials in the Hague Tribunal is edifying as regards the question of the reasons for the Albanian exodus in the war crisis on Kosovo and Metohia in 1999).This analysis points out to the crucial defects of every statistical (and demographic) procedure of deriving the number of war victims in the absence of a comparable population census after the war (which did not take place in Bosnia and Herzegovina). The qualification of the quality of the 1991 Census in Bosnia and Herzegovina is briefly given (the author was an expert and organizational leader of all operations of last censuses in former Yugoslavia, 1991). Probably the most distinctive point, in the continuous course of deriving numbers and analysis on the number of victims in the Bosnian war so far, is the text of George Kenney published in the NY Times Magazine, April 23rd 1995.
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Mrduljas, Sasa. "Possibilities for a peaceful settlement of disputes in Bosnia and Herzegovina: September 1991 - April 1992." Medjunarodni problemi 60, no. 4 (2008): 456–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0804456m.
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It had undoubtedly been the inadequate political and legal structure of the ethnic status and relations in the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina as well the unwillingness of the political elites to make a compromise that created a rather favorable potential for destructive shaping of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian social conditions. Immediately before the outbreak of war in BH (1992-1995) the preconditions had been created for a comparatively peaceful settlement of the unresolved political issues within the republic. Taking into consideration that the international community had assumed to act as a mediator its role could have been very important. However, with its 'pre-war' position to BH it did not take advantage of the opportunities that were offered to settle or simplify the internal Bosnian and Herzegovinian political disputes, but, on the contrary, it contributed to the outbreak of war, its destructiveness and long duration, getting itself into a rather awkward position. .
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Almeida, Ana Luísa da Rocha. "A posição dos partidos políticos portugueses face à guerra da Bósnia-Herzegovina (1992-1995)." Revista Portuguesa de História, no. 45 (2014): 507–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/0870-4147_45_22.
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van den Berg, Dion, and Martin J. M. Hoondert. "The Srebrenica Exhibition." Oñati Socio-legal Series 10, no. 3 (June 1, 2020): 544–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.35295/osls.iisl/0000-0000-0000-1110.
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In February 2017, an exhibition was opened in Srebrenica (Bosnia and Herzegovina) telling the story of the Bosnian war (1992-1995) and the Srebrenica genocide (1995). In this article we describe how the exhibition was designed and we reflect on the impact of the exhibition on the processes of restorative justice and social reconstruction. Leading question is: Does the exhibition successfully construct a shared sense of truth about the Srebrenica genocide? This evaluative question demands insight in the concept of truth and, more specific, in the debate about plural truths and multiple narratives. En febrero de 2017, se inauguró en Srebrenica (Bosnia-Herzegovina) una exposición que narraba la historia de la Guerra de Bosnia (1992-1995) y el genocidio de Srebrenica (1995). En este artículo, describimos cómo se diseñó la exposición, y reflexionamos sobre el impacto de la exposición en los procesos de justicia restaurativa y reconstrucción social. La pregunta que nos guía es: ¿Consigue la exposición construir un sentido compartido de verdad sobre el genocidio de Srebrenica? Esta pregunta evaluativa exige indagar en el concepto de verdad y, más específicamente, en el debate sobre pluralidad de verdades y multiplicidad de narrativas.
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Goodby, James E. "When War Won Out: Bosnian Peace Plans Before Dayton." International Negotiation 1, no. 3 (1996): 501–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180696x00197.
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AbstractThe elements bearing on the prospects for a political settlement in Bosnia-Herzegovina came together in 1995 in a way that made peace possible. These included a forceful US lead in the negotiations, a protracted NATO air campaign, a shift in the local balance of power adverse to the Bosnian Serbs, expulsion of the Serbian population from Krajina, and a readiness of Serbian President Milosevic to negotiate a settlement on behalf of the Bosnian Serbs. These elements were not present in 1992-94 when two earlier mediation efforts collapsed before peace plans that had a measure of acceptance from the parties to the conflict could be put into effect. The particular internal features of the three plans and the distinctions between them did not cause two of them to fail and one to succeed. To conclude that the 1992-93 plans would have had a chance of succeeding if the United States or the Europeans had used military force to support them is probably not wrong but it misses an important point. There are moments in a dynamic situation when external inputs produce maximum effects while at other times the cost of intervention to achieve a given result is likely to be higher. In catastrophe theory, the condition when external input produces maximum effect within the system is called metastability. The author urges that in analyzing negotiating situations the notion of ripeness take into account the concept of metastability.
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DiCaprio, Lisa. "The Betrayal of Srebrenica: The Ten-Year Commemoration." Public Historian 31, no. 3 (2009): 73–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2009.31.3.73.
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Abstract The Srebrenica massacre occurred in July 1995 during the last year of the war in Bosnia (1992––1995). It was the single worst atrocity during the war and in Europe since World War II. The Betrayal of Srebrenica: The Ten-Year Commemoration, with photographs by New York City human rights photographer Paula Allen, focuses on the July 11, 2005 commemoration of Srebrenica, which was attended by over 30,000 survivors and their supporters. The exhibit comprises photographs of Sarajevo, Srebrenica, the survivors, the activities of the International Commission on Missing Persons (ICMP), and key aspects of the commemoration. The text panels accompanying the photographs feature quotes by survivors, journalists, United Nations officials, Bosnian Serb political officials and military commanders, and International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) judges. The article discusses how the author conceptualized and organized this exhibit as a public history project.
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Sarač - Hadžihalilović, Aida, Amela Kulenović, and Abdulah Kučukalić. "Stress, Memory and Bosnian War Veterans." Bosnian Journal of Basic Medical Sciences 8, no. 2 (May 20, 2008): 135–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.17305/bjbms.2008.2968.
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The aim of this study was to analyze cognitive dysfunction in PTSD. The testing included 79 Bosnian Army veterans, who participated in Bosnian war from 1992 to 1995. Out of 79 tested war veterans, 45 of developed PTSD while 34 did not. The veterans without PTSD where included in the control group. All the war veterans were of the same education level (secondary education) and between 30 and 50 years of age. Rivermead Behavioral Memory Test - RBMT was applied to all the subjects. The test was originally developed for the purpose of everyday memory problems identification. Clear goal of the 10 RBMT subtests is simulation of everyday life situations. PTSD group achieved significantly lower results than the control group. Results of the total score showed highly significant difference between PTSD and control group. Value of the t-test is t=10,056 with significance level of p<0,001. The same conclusion stands for any RBMT subtest. Numerous psychological studies on PTSD patients show more prominent psychological deficit in war veterans. Our study clearly confirms that finding.
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Milatovic-Ovadia, Maja. "Shakespeare's Fools." Critical Survey 31, no. 4 (December 1, 2019): 29–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/cs.2019.310404.
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In November 2017, Ratko Mladic, a war-time leader and a commander of the Bosnian Serb Army, was sentenced by the United Nations International Criminal Tribunal to life imprisonment for the genocide and crimes against humanity committed during the 1992–1995 war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the region the verdict was received with conflicting reactions, emphasising yet again how extensive the ethnic division is within the society. Through close analysis of the theatre project Shakespeare’s Comedies performed by ethnically segregated youth in Bosnia-Herzegovina, this article aims to understand how Shakespeare’s work functions as a vehicle to address the consequences of war and to support the complex process of reconciliation under circumstances in which the issues of war crimes cannot be tackled in a straightforward and direct manner. The study takes a cross-disciplinary approach to research, drawing from theory of reconciliation, applied theatre practice and comedy studies.
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Helms, Elissa. "Gendered Transformations of State Power: Masculinity, International Intervention, and the Bosnian Police*." Nationalities Papers 34, no. 3 (July 2006): 343–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990600766651.
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Many Bosnians I talked to were skeptical about my plan to do research among local police in the central Bosnian town of Zenica. They told me that no one would talk to me there. “They're too scared of foreigners,” they said, meaning especially Westerners who might be connected to the powerful international institutions that have acted as de facto protectorate to the fragmented and unstable state after the collapse of socialist Yugoslavia and the devastating 1992–1995 war. In their efforts to neutralize the police as enforcer of ethnonational separatism and to promote the new democratic values of rule of law, respect for human rights, and ethnic and gender equality, the “international community” had sacked hundreds of officers, restricted police powers, and introduced quotas for ethnic minorities and women. There was thus a sense that “foreigners” posed a threat to the masculinized coercive power of the state as embodied in the police. As it happened, the police did talk to me, though always in reference to this context of shifting relations of state and state-like power, as well as the economic and social instability that characterizes postwar Bosnia-Herzegovina (hereafter Bosnia).
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Slavková, Markéta. "Starving Srebrenica and the Recipes for Survival in the Bosnian War (1992–1995)." Český lid 106, no. 3 (September 25, 2019): 297–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.21104/cl.2019.3.02.
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Engelhardt, Georgi. "Neighbours turned Enemies: Sarajevo Urban War in Zeljko Przulj's novels “Street Brothers” (‘Brac´a po ulici')." Slavs and Russia, no. 2019 (2019): 500–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2618-8570.2019.23.
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The collection of novels „Street brothers“ (‘Braća po ulici', 1996) by a Sarajevo Serb writer Željko Pržulj, a veteran of the Bosnian war of 1992-1995, contains valuable information about urban warfare as well as about the impact this war has on modern society in Eastern Europe. Employing ‘tragic realism', Pržulj depicted the life in besieged Serbian blocks in Sarajevo, the collapse of multiethnic community along the ethnic lines and civil-military relations.
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Hammond, Philip. "When frames collide: ‘Ethnic war’ and ‘genocide’." Media, War & Conflict 11, no. 4 (November 12, 2018): 434–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750635218776994.
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This article examines the problem of how to interpret competing, clashing or contradictory news frames in coverage of war and conflict, focusing on the reporting of the 1992–1995 Bosnian war. ‘Ethnic war’ and ‘genocide’ featured as competing news frames in news coverage of Bosnia and several subsequent conflicts, and are often understood to be contradictory in terms of their implied explanations, moral evaluations and policy prescriptions. The author questions the assumptions that many journalists and academics have made about these frames and the relationship between them. He asks how we can make sense of clashing or contradictory scholarly analyses of these competing frames and considers a number of broader issues for framing analysis: the significance of historical context for understanding the meaning of particular framing devices, the importance of quantification in framing analysis and the role of influential sources in prompting journalists to adopt particular frames.
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Kuka, Ermin, and Hamza Memišević. "Visegrads criminal, bloody revels – yesterday, today, tomorrow." Historijski pogledi 3, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 267–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2020.3.4.267.
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Main goal of Serbian ideology, policy, practice, starting from the late XVIII until the beginning of XIX century is creation of a clean, pure and ethnic Serbian country so called Great Serbia. In such country idealists also included the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Meanwhile that is achievable only by committing heinous crimes including the Bosnian Genocide. Because of the Visegrads Geostrategic position the city is crucial for Serbian plans, aggressors and criminals tried by any means to form ethnically clean territory, not choosing the means or tools in the attempt of achieving that goal. Highest point of those crimes happened during the second world war 1941-1945, also in the time of aggression on Republic Bosnia and Herzegovina 1992-1995. Numerous mass and individual killings, extermination, enslavement, deportations and / or forcible transfer of the Bosniak population, imprisonment and other forms of deprivation of liberty committed in violation of basic rules of international law constitute a long and sad list of criminal and genocidal acts committed against Bosniaks in the Drina Valley, and in the name of the so-called project Great Serbia. In this cycle and history of chetnik misery and inhumanity, the culmination of human malice, evil blood and moral dishonor was against the Bosniaks of Eastern Bosnia. Thanks to the hard work of the community and people of the country this evil plan and evil intentions of Serbs ideologists did not come through. Yet they do not give up, furthermore they use new means and methods. In that contest targeting wider area of Visegrad, as a starting point for commencing Great Serbian goals and ideas. That gave birth to the idea that Visegrad is continuously in focus to the leaders and actors of the ideology of Great Serbia, therefore creation of ethnically clean Serbian areas. All this, for a consequence, had a permanent acts of numerous crimes against humanity and international human rights among Bosnians in wider area of Visegrad, from the period of World war 2 and in the time of aggression on Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In this area number of heinous crimes were committed. One of the consequences of the horrific crimes committed against Bosniaks is a radical change in the ethnic structure of the population in the Visegrad area during the 1992-1995 aggression. In relation to the 1991 Census, when there were 13,471 Bosniaks, according to the 2013 census, 1,043 Bosniaks have registered residence in Visegrad. Still, the area wasn’t ethnically cleansed as in accordance to Serbian ideologists, so this shameful project that’s grounded on crime, continued by new means and methods. Analysis confirmed key marks of aggressive attempts of ideology and policy in creating ethnic clean Serbian territory within area of Visegrad. Research is focused and timely determined on three periods: First during the Second world war 1941-1945, Second, Aggression on Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, third period after signing of Dayton’s 1995. still this day. For the purpose of proving the general hypothesis of the research, the methods of analysis and synthesis, the hypothetical-deductive method and the comparative method will be used, and for the purposes of obtaining data, the method of analysis (content) of documents and the case study method. Serbian ideologist still tries to remove all Bosnians from the wider area of Visegrad and by doing so make that town the starting point for the next phases of ethical cleansing of non-Serbian population from walleyes of Drina Conclusion would be under any price secure at first economic conditions for survival of Bosnians on those areas, take a set of measures on economically strengthening Gorazde, as a center of gathering non-Serb population in the walleye of Drina.
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Shaughnessy, Elizabeth. "Memory and Conflict: Interviews with Youth of the Bosnian War." Jednak Książki. Gdańskie Czasopismo Humanistyczne, no. 9 (April 24, 2018): 33–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.26881/jk.2018.9.03.
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This paper was part of a multi-media project presented at the University of Gdańsk in September 2015. It examines the preliminary findings of interviews conducted in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) and over Skype in July and August of 2015. Eight participants—ranging in age, gender, religion, ethnicity, place of origin, and other profiling components—answered questions regarding past memories of childhood interrupted by the 1992-1995 war, how those memories affect personal identity and current views on the social, political, and economic conditions of BiH, and future outlook with particular attention focused on reconciliation. All names have been changed. For reference purposes, the list of abbreviations and bibliography is included at the end.
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Goldstein, Joshua S., and Jon C. Pevehouse. "Reciprocity, Bullying, and International Cooperation: Time-series Analysis of the Bosnia Conflict." American Political Science Review 91, no. 3 (September 1997): 515–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2952072.
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Although the role of reciprocity in international cooperation is central to neoliberal institutionalism, empirical understanding of the concept remains weak. We analyze strategic response patterns—the use of reciprocity or inverse response (bullying)—in the Bosnia conflict from 1992 to 1995. We construct weekly time series of conflict and cooperation among the parties to the Bosnia war, using machine-coded events data. Time-series statistical analysis identifies several important patterns of strategic response, both reciprocal and inverse. These include bilateral responses, which are central to the concepts of reciprocity and evolution of cooperation, and triangular responses, which are central to the debates on containment versus accommodation in regional conflicts. Specifically, Serb forces displayed inverse triangular response, cooperating toward Bosnia after being punished by NATO. Outside powers displayed triangular reciprocity, increasing hostility toward Serb forces after Serbian attacks on the Bosnian government.
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Kent, Gregory. "Genocidal Intent and Transitional Justice in Bosnia." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 27, no. 3 (June 17, 2013): 564–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325413487068.
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Convictions for genocide in relation to the war in Bosnia (1992–1995) provide the strongest sense of justice-having-been-done to victims and their families. But at the ICTY, the reputation of which has been marred by a series of controversies, the few perpetrators found guilty of genocide were involved in the Srebrenica massacres of July 1995. Other courts have convicted individuals from a range of different locations (and periods) in the war, giving arguably a more complete sense of justice to victims, and a more accurate contribution to the historical record. It is widely perceived that the Genocide Convention has been narrowly interpreted. As most genocides do not result in total destruction, what counts as “part” of a group, especially when combined with other acts, is a key issue explored here. Two cases (outside Srebrenica) in which genocide indictees were not held responsible for genocide are examined, with the Jelisic case, involving a foot-soldier of genocide, the main focus for critical analysis. Reflection on the implications for Bosnian society are given in conclusion.
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Erjavec, Karmen. "The “Bosnian war on terrorism”." Journal of Language and Politics 8, no. 1 (April 1, 2009): 5–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.8.1.02erj.
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This paper explores the changes in the media discourse on granting and revoking Bosnian citizenship of foreigners in the most read Bosnian, Croatian, and Serbian quality daily newspapers from the end of the Bosnian war in 1995 until the Commission for the Revision of Decisions on Naturalization of Foreign Citizens finished its work in 2007. Critical discourse analysis of news articles shows that all newspapers recontextualised the discourse on granting and revoking citizenship from a nationalistic war discourse to a “war on terrorism” discourse, joining the anti-terrorism global discursive community. Serbian and Croatian newspapers have not only colonised the “war on terrorism” vocabulary and discourse of difference but they have also appropriated a specific local discourse to the more global “war on terrorism” discourse and have represented military actions against the Muslims in the Bosnian war “as our war on terrorism”. A Bosnian daily newspaper similarly represented the Commission’s activities as the “Bosnian war on terrorism”.
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Music, Emina, Lars Jacobsson, and Ellinor Salander Renberg. "Suicide in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the City of Sarajevo." Crisis 35, no. 1 (January 1, 2014): 42–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/0227-5910/a000232.
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Background: Besides the war experience (1992–1995), Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) constitutes an interesting area for studies on suicidal behavior from an ethnic and religious perspective with its mixed ethnic population of Bosniaks, Serbs, and Croats. Aims: The study investigates suicide in BiH and the capital city of Sarajevo before (1985–1991) and after the war (1998–2006), with special reference to gender and ethnicity. Method: Official suicide data were gathered for the two periods with regard to gender, ethnicity, and suicide methods used. Results: No differences in suicide rates were found in BiH and Sarajevo before and after the war. The male-to-female suicide rate ratio in BiH was significantly higher after the war than before the war, with an opposite tendency seen in Sarajevo. Before and after the war, the highest and stable suicide rates were among Serbs in BiH. In Sarajevo the highest suicide rates were found among Croats after the war. Hanging was the most common suicide method used, both before and after the war, while firearms were more commonly used after the war. Poisoning was a rarely used method in both periods. Conclusion: The stable suicide rates in BiH over the pre- and postwar periods indicate no evident influence of the Bosnian war on the postwar level of suicide rates, except for women in Sarajevo. Beside this exception, the findings indicate a long-established underlying pattern in suicide rates that was not immediately changed, even by war. The study supports earlier findings that the accessibility of means influences the choice of suicide method used.
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Dzihic, Vedran. "Comments on Gerard Toal's ‘“Republika Srpska will have a referendum': The rhetorical politics of Milorad Dodik”." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 1 (January 2013): 205–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.754746.
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The history of modern Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH) is a history of referenda. The referendum as a tool to shape the political fate and future of a particular society has seemingly always been an integral part of the Bosnian past. The first two referenda in Bosnia-Herzegovina at the beginning of the so-called “democratic era” following the dissolution of the former Yugoslavia marked the beginning of a period of war and violence in the country. The referendum in November 1991, organized by the Serbian Democratic Party (SDS) and asking participants about the status of BiH within the Yugoslav federation, was the first step toward the formation of Republika Srpska (RS). On the other side, the referendum in March 1992 about the question of independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina from Yugoslavia, which was attended by Bosnian Muslims and Croats and boycotted by the Serbs, plunged Bosnia into war.
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Kaplan, Robert M. "Dr Radovan Karadzic: Psychiatrist, Poet, Soccer Coach and Genocidal Leader." Australasian Psychiatry 11, no. 1 (March 2003): 74–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1046/j.1440-1665.2003.00519.x.
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Objective: To consider the life of psychiatrist, Dr Radovan Karadzic, and the following questions: (i) whether there was anything in Karadzic's personal life to predict his subsequent career as genocidal leader; (ii) what kind of psychiatrist was Karadzic; and (iii) what comparisons can be made with other genocidal leaders? Conclusions: Karadzic, who, in addition to practising psychiatry, was variously poet, troubadour, soccer coach, chicken farmer, businessman, ecologist and petty criminal, had an astonishing rise to power, becoming president of the Bosnian Serb Republic. As a result of atrocities committed during the Bosnian Civil War 1992-1995, Karadzic stands indicted as a suspected war criminal for crimes against humanity and genocide, the first doctor so indicted since the Nuremberg Doctors' Trial in 1946. Many aspects of Karadzic's personality remain deeply enigmatic. Nevertheless, his grandiose self-image, reckless and profligate nature, boundless opportunism and grotesque capacity for self-deception are his most enduring characteristics.
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Toal, Gerard. "“Republika Srpska will have a referendum”: The rhetorical politics of Milorad Dodik." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 1 (January 2013): 166–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.747500.
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The theory and practice of referenda played an important role in the break-up of Yugoslavia, especially in Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH), where two divisive referenda preceded the Bosnian War of 1992-1995. After the failure of constitutional reforms in April 2006, Milorad Dodik, then Republika Srpska's prime minister, suggested that Republika Srpska had the right to hold its own referendum, with separation from Bosnia an unstated (yet soon openly discussed) aspiration. This paper presents an account of the emergence of Republika Srpska referendum discourse and how it was articulated by Milorad Dodik to establish his SNSD party as the dominant force in Republika Srpska. It documents the dialogical context and rhetorical gambits used by Dodik to articulate the discourse, tracing how it evolved in response to regional events and elections. The paper concludes by considering the limits of interpreting Dodik as a demagogue and of a discourse-centered approach to political rhetoric.
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Skokić, Fahrija, Dubravka Bačaj, Amela Selimović, Evlijana Hasanović, Selma Muratović, and Amir Halilbašić. "Association of Low Birth Weight Infants and Maternal Sociodemographic Status in Tuzla Canton during 1992–1995 War Period in Bosnia and Herzegovina." International Journal of Pediatrics 2010 (2010): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2010/789183.
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Objectives. We examined association between incidence rate of low birth weight in liveborn infants and maternal sociodemographic status in Tuzla Canton during 1992–1995 war in Bosnia and Herzegovina.Methods. The present study covers a 22-year period (1988–2009), including the war period (1992–1995), and we retrospectively collected data on a total of 108 316 liveborn infants and their mothers from three different socioeconomic periods: before (1988–1991), during (1992–1995), and after the war (1996–2009). Association between incidence rate of low birth weight in liveborn infants and maternal sociodemographic status were determined for each study period.Results. There were 23 194 live births in the prewar, 18 302 during the war, and 66 820 in the postwar period. Among the liveborn infants born during the war, 1373 (7.5%) had birth weight of <2500 g, which is significantly more in comparison with 851 (3.6%) liveborn infants in this birth weight group born before and 1864 (2.8%) after the war. We found the number of examinations during pregnancy was 1.8 per pregnant woman in the war period, which was low in comparison with the number of examinations before (4.6 per pregnant woman) and after (7.1 per pregnant woman) the war ( for both). Prewar perinatal mortality LBW infants of 6.2 per 1000 live births increased to 10.8 per 1000 live births during the war (), but after the war, perinatal mortality LBW infants (5.2‰) and early neonatal mortality (2.4‰) decreased.Conclusions. We found statistically significant association between low-birth-weight and maternal sociodemographic status in Tuzla Canton during 1992–1995 war in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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May, Jonathan. "How Bosnia Changed Paddy." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 27, no. 4 (July 19, 2013): 593–618. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325413495890.
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As parliamentarian during the Bosnian war, witness at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, and finally as politician with considerable executive power in the role of High Representative, the length and multifaceted nature of Paddy Ashdown’s interaction with Bosnia and Herzegovina is atypical. This rarity provides a unique opportunity to examine the factors that influence a politician’s views and understanding of a foreign country and examine how and why they oscillate and develop over time. By first identifying the preconceptions and misjudgements which Ashdown entered the realm of the Bosnian war with in 1992, this paper examines the aforementioned stages in Ashdown’s interactions with the country and subsequently provides a political evolution of his views from 1991 to 2006.
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Gibas-Krzak, Danuta. "The Development of Muslim Nation in Bosnia and Herzegovina." Review of Croatian history 16, no. 1 (August 1, 2020): 177–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.22586/review.v16i1.11491.
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The main goal of this article is to show the conditions and circumstances of the formation of Muslim nation in communist Yugoslavia and the increase of its significance during and after the civil war 1992-1995. Furthermore, author presents the characteristics of contemporary nationalism, and distinguishes specific Balkan nationalism, which is often chauvinistic, ahistorical, militant and exclusive, of ethnocultural character. The identity of Bosnian Muslims originated from belief that their origin, language and culture related to Bosnia and Herzegovina, which makes them different from the Turks and other Islamic nations living in the Ottoman Empire. The genesis of forming Muslim nation in Yugoslavia is interpreted in various ways by the researchers. There is a hypothesis that it has been developed thanks to activity of young people who convinced Josip Broz Tito that such decision would reduce tensions between the Serbs and Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina. According to the Author, Muslim inhabitants of Bosnia and Herzegovina can’t be a separate nation, above all, since the followers of Islam were nationally indifferent, and their cultural legacy is completely different than Serbian and Croatian legacy.
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Engelhardt, Georgi. "The referendum on Republika Srpska’s National Day — a political response to the abuse of historical policy." A day in the calendar. Celebrations and memorial days as an instrument of national consolidation in Central, Eastern and South-Eastern Europe from the nineteenth to the twenty-first century, no. 1 (2019): 143–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2018.1.7.
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The National Day Referendum of September 25, 2016 has so far remained the only successful attempt of the Republika Srpska’s authorities of holding a plebiscite within the republic. Previously, Banja Luka had been forced by strong international pressure to abandon three such attempts - on issues of higher political significance. On the one hand, this shows the absence of immediate political implications of the vote on the status of the National Day; on the other, it demonstrated once again the intense confrontation of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s ethnic communities in the field of symbols and key historical stereotypes, especially with regards to events from their recent history, namely the Bosnian civil war of 1992–1995. However, the relatively insignificant National Day issue gave the President of the RS, Milorad Dodik a chance to establish a precedent in the history of Bosnia of the Dayton agreement by holding a separate referendum at the level of the republic. Supported by the Western powers, the efforts of the Bosniak leader Bakir Izetbegović to tread on the Bosnian Serbs’ interests in the field of historical policy and symbolics in fact afforded the President of the RS an opportunity to strengthen the autonomy of his republic. Milorad Dodik efficiently used the strong pressure from Sarajevo and the West along with the support from Russia for Bosnian Serb national mobilisation that resulted in massive electoral support — 99 % of 56 % voters that took part in the ballot were in favour of 9 January to be proclaimed the Republika Srpska’s National Day. In spite of the strong outside pressure, Dodik triumphed in carrying out a major political action and establishing a base for Banja Luka’s future independent political ventures. He also demonstrated utmost caution and pragmatism as he exploited further the 25 September Referendum. Although engaging in brinkmanship, he never crossed the red line of escalation into a regional conflict and/or direct Western intervention.
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Ellis, Burcu Akan. "Repatriation of War Orphans in Bosnia: Narratives of Nationhood and Care in Refugee Crises." Migration Letters 16, no. 2 (April 5, 2019): 235–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182//ml.v16i2.651.
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This study highlights the plight of children in state orphanages during conditions of war and its aftermath, in order to explore how state narratives trap children between contested notions of the best interests of the child, national belonging, and familial rights. This longitudinal study focuses on international media narratives covering a group of Bosnian orphans who were removed from the Bjelave orphanage in Sarajevo through a controversial German rescue mission in 1992. The orphans were provided temporary protection in Germany for five years but were repatriated to Bosnia in 1997 upon the Bosnian government’s request. In Bosnia, they were reintroduced into the national orphanage system, and eventually to the care of international NGOs. Their plight shows that narratives of care, national belonging and family rights are fundamental tools used to sustain state identities in the process of repatriation of refugees, leaving no voice or choice to the resilient children in question.
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Akbarov, Azamat. "LANGUAGE POLICY IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA AND ITS ETHNO-LINGUISTIC CONTEXT: DO LANGUAGES CAUSE INTER-ETHNIC TENSION IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA?" JOURNAL OF LINGUISTIC AND INTERCULTURAL EDUCATION 12, no. 3 (December 27, 2019): 7–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.29302/jolie.2019.12.3.1.
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After the collapse of Yugoslavia in 1991, the new independent state of Bosnia and Herzegovina was inundated by a horrible ethnic conflict, which led to inhumane violence and mass killings that ended with genocide. The Bosnian war resulted in the death of about 100,000 people, over half of whom were Bosnians. Two decades later, the violence has stopped, but the conflict in Bosnia has not yet come to an end; hasty social segregation, undertaken as a result of the 1995 Dayton Accords, which intended an immediate stopping of the violence, is still in force. The current distribution of population and languages is evidence of this segregation. Two different ethnic minorities live in two Bosnian political units, the Srpska Republic and the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina: Serbs in the first and Bosnians in the second. In these circumstances, which are very sensitive, the government was recently worried that the ordinary publication of statistical data on ethnic groups might lead to violence. The languages representing these two groups are important indicators of social presence and power. Signboards in the main streets of the capital cities of both countries (Sarajevo in the Federation and Banja Luka in Serbian Republic) were scrupulously photographed for the purpose of assessing the presence of Serbians and Bosnians. The presence of the English language in Bosnia was also documented. An assumption was made that the linguistic majority would correspond to the ethnic majority in both main streets, and that English would be used in advertising. The number of photos in which each language was used was calculated to determine the frequency and the situations in which the languages are commonly used. An analysis of these results showed that English is the second most used language in both streets after Bosnian, while comparatively little presence of the Serbian language in both streets showed that the language environment in Bosnia does not facilitate peace and making peace.
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Božić, Gordana. "Diversity in ethnicization: War memory landscape in Bosnia and Herzegovina." Memory Studies 12, no. 4 (July 10, 2017): 412–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698017714834.
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The article analyzes public commemorations of the 1992–1995 war in Bosnia and Herzegovina with regard to the naming of the war, the causes and the character of the war, and collective sentiments. My main argument is that the Bosnia and Herzegovina’s memory landscape is discursively simplified and that its diversity remains peripheral in our analysis of war memory sites.
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Van Houtte, Hans. "Mass Property Claim Resolution in a Post-War Society: The Commission for Real Property Claims in Bosnia and Herzegovina." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 48, no. 3 (July 1999): 625–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300063466.
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The restoration of the pre-war property fights of displaced persons and refugees is critical to restore the peace.This is particularly true for Bosnia and Herzegovina. The devastating impact of the war which ravaged Bosnia from 1992 until 1995 has left a third of the housing stock destroyed or otherwise uninhabitable. The systematic practice of ethnic cleansing forced Bosniacs, Croats and Serbs to seek shelter in areas of Bosnia and Herzegovina where their ethnic group was in the majority or to seek refuge abroad.1 More than half the 4.5 million the pre-war population of Bosnia and Herzegovina fled their homes in search of safety during the course of the war. According to recent estimates from the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, over 800,000 refugees from Bosnia and Herzegovina are still abroad today.2 Within Bosnia and Herzegovina, more than 800,000 people remain displaced from their pre-conflict homes.3
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Woodward, Susan L. "Genocide or Partition: Two Faces of the Same Coin?" Slavic Review 55, no. 4 (1996): 755–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2501235.
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Robert Hayden is not alone in wondering why the expulsion of Serbs from Croatia in 1991 and 1995 was labeled a population transfer and even justified by the logic of nation-states, while the expulsion of Muslims by Serbs in 1992-96 from an area of Bosnia and Herzegovina that the Serbs claim for their state was labeled genocide and justified establishing an international war crimes tribunal. Hayden wants to protect the term genocide, and its legal standing internationally, for truly exceptional instances—to wit, the Holocaust, and nothing else until, God forbid, there should be another such instance. By contrast, he argues, population transfers, even on a massive scale and forced, are not pathological. "Ethnic cleansing" of territory in the former Yugoslavia, whether of Croatia or of Bosnia and Herzegovina, is unexceptional, a normal part of the history of the twentieth century. Although final solutions are not inevitable—Hayden criticizes Croatian President Tudjman for writings that seem to have justified the Serb expulsion as such—"ethnic cleansing" is a part of the history even of states that now sit in moral condemnation of the Balkan horrors and the Bosnian Serbs.
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Hromadžić, Azra. "Discourses of trans-ethnicnarodin postwar Bosnia and Herzegovina." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 2 (March 2013): 259–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.747503.
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The processes of peace-building and democratization in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) were instituted on 14 December 1995 by the Dayton Accords, which brought an end to the Bosnian War. While claiming their objectives to be reconciliation, democracy, and ethnic pluralism, the accords inscribed in law the ethnic partition between Bosnian Serbs, Croats, and Muslims by granting rights to “people” based on their identification as “ethnic collectivities.” This powerful tension at the heart of “democratization” efforts has been central to what has transpired over the past 16 years. My account uses ethnographic methods and anthropological analysis to document how the ethnic emphasis of the local nationalist projects and international integration policies is working in practice to flatten the multilayered discourses of nationhood in BiH. As a result of these processes, long-standing notions of trans-ethnic nationhood in BiH lost their political visibility and potency. In this article I explore how trans-ethnicnarodor nation(hood) — as a space of popular politics, cultural interconnectedness, morality, political critique, and economic victimhood — still lingers in the memories and practices of ordinary Bosnians and Herzegovinians, thus powerfully informing their political subjectivities.
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Lovrenović, Dubravko. "Bosnia and Herzegovina as the Stage of Three Parallel and Conflicted Historical Memories." European Review 24, no. 4 (September 15, 2016): 481–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s106279871600003x.
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Among Bosnian and Herzegovinian ethno-confessional nations there exist three parallel and conflicted historical memories. The dominance of patriarchal social forms without democratic tradition is the most profoundly rooted cause of this condition of mutual alienation and forms a major obstacle on the path towards the creation of a democratic political culture. The Dayton Peace Agreement, which ended the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina (henceforth BiH) in 1995, also contributes to this situation by cementing the status of ethnic divisions in the country, thus leading to its disintegration.
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Bagarić, Ivan, and Reuben Eldar. "Croatian Medical Corps in Bosnia and Herzegovina during the 1992–1995 War." Military Medicine 168, no. 11 (November 1, 2003): 951–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/milmed/168.11.951.
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Rawski, Tomasz, and Katarzyna Roman. "How to Escape? The Trap of the Transition in the Recent Cinema of Bosnia and Herzegovina (2000-2012)." Colloquia Humanistica, no. 3 (December 31, 2014): 193–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/ch.2014.014.
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How to Escape? The Trap of the Transition in the Recent Cinema of Bosnia and Herzegovina (2000-2012)The paper concerns the latest cinema of Bosnia and Herzegovina (2000-2012). Focusing on the cinema of social criticism (represented by movies which try to rethink the new socio-political order gradually emerging in BiH after the war of 1992-95), the authors recognize the Bosnian society as a community captured in the trap of an unfinished system transition. The story of the Bosnian society, simultaneously stuck in a dysfunctional and oppressive state and completely devoid of any prospects for the improvement of this situation, seems to be dominated by several escape strategies into an alternative reality: the nostalgic past, the imagined present or the utopian future. In that sense, the Bosnian cinema of social criticism turns out to be a cinema of social escapism. Jak uciec? Pułapka transformacji w najnowszym kinie Bośni i Hercegowiny (2000-2012)Tekst dotyczy najnowszej kinematografii Bośni i Hercegowiny (2000-2012). Skupienie na nurcie kina krytycznego (do którego zaliczone zostały filmy, które próbują interpretować nowy porządek społeczno-polityczny powoli wyłaniający się w Bośni i Hercegowinie po wojnie z lat 1992-95) pozwala ukazać społeczeństwo Bośni i Hercegowiny jako znajdujące się w pułapce wciąż niedokończonej transformacji systemowej. Opowieść o społeczeństwie z jednej strony uwięzionym w dysfunkcjonalnym i opresyjnym państwie, a z drugiej całkowicie pozbawionym perspektyw i nadziei na poprawę sytuacji, zdominowana jest przez rozmaite strategie ucieczki w alternatywną rzeczywistość: nostalgiczną przeszłość, wyobrażoną teraźniejszość lub utopijną przyszłość. W tym sensie, bośniackie kino krytyczne jawi się jako kino eskapizmu społecznego.
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Hasanovic, M. "P-969 - Posttraumatic stress disorder of bosnian internally displaced and refugee adolescents from three different regions after the war 1992–1995 in bosnia-herzegovina." European Psychiatry 27 (January 2012): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0924-9338(12)75136-2.
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Rowe, Peter. "Duress as a Defence to War Crimes after Erdemović: A Laboratory for a Permanent Court?" Yearbook of International Humanitarian Law 1 (December 1998): 210–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1389135900000118.
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Dražen Erdemović, a lance corporal in the Bosnian Serb Army, admitted to killing ‘from 10 to 100’ Bosnian Muslim men by firing squad in July 1995, in and around the area of Srebrenica, during which process approximately 1,200 unarmed civilians were killed. He expressed a willingness to surrender to the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and was duly transferred to The Hague from the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY).
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Maroszczuk, Grażyna. "„Wszystko zaczyna się od słów […]”. Filip David i Mirko Kovač: listy o wojnie w byłej Jugosławii." Narracje o Zagładzie, no. 6 (November 22, 2020): 292–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/noz.2020.06.16.
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In the essay the author analyses the problematics of genocide based on correspondence between Filip David and Mirko Kovač Kiedy kwitnie zło. Książka listów 1992–1995 (When evilflourishes. A book of letters 1992–1995) to later juxtapose it with studies on Shoah. She ponders the generational perspective of people whose lives were tarnished by the Nazi-Germany occupation (Filip David – born 1940, Mirko Kovač – born 1938). The article most of all aims at reconstructing the stances of the two authors of letters and showing genocide as a realm of incessant discussion, vague affects, unsystematized knowledge. The author undertakes an attempt to reconstruct only some of the topics and contexts accompanying the issues discussed in David’s and Kovač’s letters, particularly: the soul-searing descriptions of the Bosnian War of 1992–1995. She shows that the language facet of violence proves to be a challenge to reflecting on literature in the correspondence between the two intellectuals. When faced with the disintegration of hitherto social order in the former Yugoslavia, the nationalist discourse, as social studies and research on genocide suggest, prepares the ground for activation of violent behaviours, justifies them, and plays a key role in fomenting the genocidal repression. As a result of the said processes, the authorities create and reinforce nations’ cultural self-images, tighten the control over ethnic purity of collective identity,instigate conflicts between neighbours based on “the blood and soil myth,” cherry-pick the xenophobic discourse of the past, and force through with ethnical interpretations of culture.
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Berisha, Hatidza. "THE IMPACT OF THE INTERNATIONAL FACTOR OF CONFLICT IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA." Knowledge International Journal 28, no. 6 (December 10, 2018): 1879–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij28061879h.
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The events that took place in Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H) after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the unification of Germany, as well as the attitudes of the international factor towards the Bosnian crisis, should be considered in the process of disintegration of the former Yugoslavia, and secession of its republics. Due to the impossibility of a peaceful agreement on the resolution of state status and the organization of the state by political factors in B&H, it was necessary for the international community to intervene in resolving the state's status and relations in it.The aim of the paper is to analyze the impact of an international factor on developments in B&H right before the outbreak of the conflict, as well as during the course of the 1992-1995 period. years. The impact of the international factor has been viewed through the role of Europe (the European Community, since 1993 - the European Union and West European countries) on the one hand and the United States of America on the other, as the main and determining factors of the international community in resolving the Bosnian issue. The United Nations Organization (OUN) remained in the other plan in this process, while the role of the Soviet Union was not significant, because the Soviet Union was solving its own growing problems that arose at the end of the Cold War by the breakup of the Warsaw Pact, and later after the collapse of the state.
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Simmons, Cynthia. "A Multicultural, Multiethnic, and Multiconfessional Bosnia and Herzegovina: Myth and Reality." Nationalities Papers 30, no. 4 (December 2002): 623–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2002.10540510.
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In early 1992, the “three m's” (tri m), which denoted a multicultural, multiethnic, and multiconfessional Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), became the rallying cry against the forces of disintegration, or more accurately, of partition. These identifying characteristics or national ideals could not avert catastrophe. Indeed, BiH's liminal position at the crossroads of cultures, religions, and history rendered it the most vulnerable of republics in the Yugoslav wars of succession. However “three m” Bosnia and Herzegovina was in 1992, it was less so by 1995. Yet, despite the bloodshed, forced expulsions, migrations, and the inevitable rise in nationalism, citizens of BiH have no choice, in the aftermath, but to examine what their country was before the war and the potential for a new “multi-multi” Bosnia and Herzegovina. Such an investigation must begin with the past, as a Sarajevan colleague implied when I asked her how she envisioned the future in Bosnia. She replied that Bosnians could hardly conceive a future when in 1998 they still had no idea what had happened, and why. This work addresses the reality behind the epithets that gained currency during and after the war, of a “three-m,” “multi-multi,” and multi-kulti (multicultural) Bosnia and Herzegovina. Within the framework of a particular understanding of multiculturalism, it will suggest why, despite its multiethnic and multiconfessional reality, BiH proved in many instances vulnerable to nationalistic rhetoric. This analysis proceeds from the conviction that multiculturalism must be both studied and encouraged in the international community's efforts to support the growth of democratic institutions and practices in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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Sharan, O. V. "National and international political mechanisms of suppression of separatism in the Balkan states." Науково-теоретичний альманах "Грані" 22, no. 1 (March 26, 2019): 68–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/17199.
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The article firstly identifies and reveales the essence of national and international political mechanisms of suppression of separatism that have been applied in the Balkan states, in particular, in Serbia, Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. The national mechanisms of suppression of separatism include legal, financial, administrative, information mechanisms, and among the international political mechanisms are international legal mechanisms, the mechanism of recognition or non-recognition of the independence of new states, international financial and economic instruments. The study showed the dynamics of the most important events that took place in the Balkans after the collapse of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, in particular during the Croatian War of Independence in 1991-1995, the Bosnian War in 1992–1995, and during Kosovo’s struggle for independence from Serbia. The revival of separatist movements in the Balkan Peninsula began as a result of the overthrow of the communist regimes and the strengthening of centrifugal tendencies in Central and Eastern Europe in the 90’s of the twentieth century. The interethnic distrust and constant tension became one of the reasons for the beginning of the civil wars in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina after the collapse of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Moreover, the article characterized the concept of «Great Albania», which involves the reunification of all the territories where the Albanian ethnic group lives. Several regions of Macedonia, Montenegro, the Epirus region in Greece and Kosovo should be part of the «Greater Albania». Furthermore, the study considers the experience of suppression of separatism of Serbia, Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, the possibility of its use in Ukraine and other countries where separatist tendencies dominate, in order to avoid human victims, preserve territorial integrity and inviolability of borders. Consequently, separatism is a dangerous phenomenon that contains an enormous threat to the national security and territorial integrity, since it is related to the change of borders of the existing states and creation of the new countries on the political map of the world.
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Pavlović, S., M. Hasanović, N. Kravić-Prelić, and I. Pajević. "2143 – Alcoholic beverages abuse of war veterans during and after the bosnia-herzegovina 1992–1995 war." European Psychiatry 28 (January 2013): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0924-9338(13)77027-5.
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Karčić, Hamza. "A War Seen From the Hill: U.S. Helsinki Commission and the War in Bosnia 1992–1995." Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 38, no. 4 (October 2, 2018): 493–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13602004.2018.1543006.
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