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Journal articles on the topic 'Bosnian'
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1
Muhić, Ferid. "Bosniaks and Bosnia: A Study in Philosophy of Politics." Illuminatio 1, no. 2 (March 26, 2021): 88–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.52510/sia.v1i2.12.
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In the first part of this study, published in the first issue of the magazine Illuminatio/Svjetionik/Almanar, the author briefly outlined the basic elements of the philosophy of politics characteristic of the history of modern nations in which he analysed the relations of the individual, the people, the nation and the state. The second part of this study focuses on the attitude of Bosniaks towards collective memory, which, according to the author, was brought to the threshold of amnesia under the influence of the long-term political strategy of their neighbours.
The author believes that the shaken collective memory represents the most neuralgic problem and the greatest danger for the historical reintegration and homogenization of Bosniaks as an ethnicity and a nation. The author emphasizes that “Bosnian” is a territorial determinant and completely excludes the national determinant “Bosniak”. Flirting with the phrase “Bosniaks/Bosnians”, which is often used, is not only a denouncement of the ethnic and national affiliation of Bosniaks, but further denies their uniqueness – and thus calls into question the very existence of Bosniaks. A Bosniak is born, a Bosniak remains. A "Bosnian" becomes, a "Bosnian" cease to be. A Bosniak living in Bosnia is also a "Bosnian". A "Bosnian" who is not a Bosniak does not become a Bosniak anywhere, not even in Bosnia. A Bosniak who does not live in Bosnia remains a Bosniak, but ceases to be a "Bosnian". The goal of substituting the historical name Bosniaks with the territorial designation "Bosnians" is obvious: Break the homogeneous core of Bosniaks by erasing awareness of their ethnic identity, name, national unity, common history, culture, language, in short – a common past, present and future. The study also recalls the difference between the modern understanding of the nation and the way in which this social phenomenon was interpreted until the middle of the 20th century. Behind the separation of the nation from the ethnicity/people, as the supposedly superior form, lies the effort to relativize the ethnicity/people, as an objective fact, to weaken the mutual ties of its members and to bring the entire population under the control of central political power – as a seemingly integrated and homogeneous whole.
2
Filandra, Šaćir, and Semir Halilović. "Politički kontekst denominacije bosanskih Muslimana u Bošnjake / The Political Context of the Denomination of Bosnian Muslims into Bosniaks." Pregled: časopis za društvena pitanja / Periodical for social issues 65, no. 1 (June 14, 2024): 01–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.48052/19865244.2024.1.1.
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The session of the "All-Bosniac Assembly", in September 1993, belongs to the series of historical events with a double interpretation form. Except as a culminating act of national self-awareness, this event is also titled as Bosniak sympathy in the negotiation process, which really changes the historical face of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Unknown facts are that the assembly process started with the idea of a "All-Bosnian Assembly", within the Assembly of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and abruptly ended in a one-party, and with it, single-national form. Documents and original testimonies show that the change in the name, organizer and topic of the Bosnian assembly was caused by the abrupt negotiation agreements on the tripartite Bosnia and Herzegovina, agreed at the beginning of September 1993. The planned assembly, on the position and future of the war-torn ZAVNOBiH state, came down to a Bosniak plenum on their own future in the new Bosnia and Herzegovina. The main topic of the "All-Bosniac Assembly" was related to the state-territorial reorganization of Bosnia and Herzegovina, whereby the denomination of Bosnian Muslims into Bosniaks appeared as a negotiation precondition. The organizers of the "All-Bosniac Assembly" raise the question of the benefits and harms of "further emphasizing Bosniakness", while one of the key actors of this session claims that by insisting on Bosnian Muslimness "we are causing suspicion in Europe". According to this context, Bosniakness, as a historical category of Bosnian nationality, appears at the "All-Bosniac Assembly" as a political tool in the service of the negotiation process. The national emancipation of Bosnian Muslims into Bosniaks is revealed as a consequence of international negotiation pressure, on the one hand, or as a result of the reduction of state politics to ethnic politics, on the other.
3
Đouić, Adib. "Haji Husein eff. Đozić Ruhi judge from Srebrenica and Nikšić viceroy." Historijski pogledi 2, no. 2 (October 28, 2019): 7–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2019.2.2.7.
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There are many forgotten significant persons in Bosnian-Bosniak history, who through their knowledge and work made a significant contribution to the development of Bosnian society and the Bosniak national identity in the time and place they lived in. The most forgotten significant Bosniaks are those who lived and worked during the reign of the Ottoman state of Bosnia. One of such persons is Hadji Husein eff. Đozić Ruhi, kadi (judge) from Srebrenica and Nikšić naib (viceroy). He lived in Srebrenica in the 19th century. Educated in Istanbul, he worked for as a judge in three towns and two empires. In this paper, we are talking about Haji Husein eff. Đozić, his life and work, and the significance of the documents preserved, to understand Bosnian society and the position of Bosnians in the second half of the 19th century in Srebrenica and Nikšić.
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Muhić, Ferid. "Bosniaks and Bosnia: A Study in the Philosophy of Politics (1)." Illuminatio 1, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 102–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.52510/sia.v1i1.5.
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In this article, the author suggestively points to the importance of understanding the concept of nation and the state in the context of the European philosophical thought and practice regarding the nation and the state.
Although the occasion is about the Bosniak/Bosnian nation and the Bosnian state, the author’s reflections are applicable to all groups similar to the Bosniak/Bosnain nation, as well as to all the states similar to the Bosnian state. The basic premise of this article is that the idea of a universal nationality, culture and civilisation does not oppose or negate the particular feeling or the subjective experience of either the nationality or the state.
The membership of European Union does not detract the right for any nation in Europe of the right to cultivate and develop its national culture as well as its particular state consciousness. In fact, in the extent of which every nation and every state in Europe has an active awareness of its national and cultural specific value, gives Europe, indeed – the European Union strong and important role in the global community. Hence, the Bosniaks/Bosnians, both as a nation and a state (nation) have no need to withdraw, but rather have the historical opportunity to feature their specific Bosnian culture and Bosnian state as a richness worthy of appreciation, not only in Europe, but also in the world.
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Janíčko, Michal. "Misunderstanding the Other and Shy Signs of Openness: Discourse on the 1992-1995 War in the Current Bosniak and Bosnian Serb Media." Středoevropské politické studie Central European Political Studies Review 17, no. 1 (April 1, 2015): 28–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cepsr.2015.1.28.
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The article deals with how the 1990s civil war in Bosnia and Herzegovina was represented in the media that currently remain influential among Bosniaks and Bosnian Serbs. Critical discourse analysis is used both as a theoretical approach to discourse and as a methodological tool for its study. In the analysis, the civil war discourse in Bosniak and Bosnian Serb media is represented by two daily newspapers on each side. The analysis reveals mutually incompatible representations of the causes and nature of the war, the prevailing absence of dialogue, and the unwillingness of each side to consider the other side’s war victims. Looking at more specific topics, a number of discourses are identified on both sides, among which some present the potential for dialogue with alternative representations. The discourses are interpreted through Bosniak and Bosnian Serb nationalist ideologies. The findings might support further research on the relation between the media and nationalism and on the ongoing Bosnian political dispute concerning the desired nature of the state.
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Beglerović, Samir, and Mark Sedgwick. "Islam in Bosnia Between East and West: The Reception and Development of Traditionalism." Journal of Religion in Europe 13, no. 1-2 (December 9, 2020): 145–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748929-20201498.
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Abstract The article looks at the reception and development of Guénonian Traditionalism in Bosnia from the 1970s to the present day. Traditionalism was initially received in Yugoslavia as esotericism, but then its reception became more Islamic, based in Sarajevo’s Islamic Theology Faculty. After the Bosnian War, Islamic Traditionalist works became popular among young Bosnians who wanted to combine Islam with European identities. Some Bosnian ulama taught Traditionalist works to their students, a development unparalleled elsewhere, and wrote their own Traditionalist-influenced works, mostly dealing with interreligious dialogue. The Bosnian reception and development of Traditionalism is unique, and it is argued that this reflects Bosnia’s special position between East and West.
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Rebihić, Nehrudin. "Bošnjačka književnost u obzorima Vladimira Jurčića: Rekonstrukcija neobjavljene knjige Muslimani u hrvatskoj književnosti." Historijski pogledi 5, no. 8 (November 15, 2022): 317–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2022.5.8.317.
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The study of Bosniak literature in the period of the Independent State of Croatia has been marginalized in previous literary-historical studies, and the reasons for this were ideological and political in nature, and not scientific. This work deals with the status of Bosniak literature in the literary-critical horizons of Vladimir Jurčić, the bellwether of the Ustasha national ideology in Bosnia and Sarajevo, in the period from 1941st to 1945th. As a professor, editor of daily and periodical publications, he wrote about Bosniak literature and its canonical writers in the light of the ideological and political worldviews. He propagated theses about socio-political function of literature that extends „people's spirit”, „racial-biological” and „national” features. Jurčić attributed to literature a mediating role in transmitting the deep identity of the Croatian people, and developing a thesis on the Croatian national identity of Bosnian Muslims (Bosniaks) he treated Bosniak writers as the most representative reflectors of Croatian national consciousness in Bosnia. In addition to individual studies on Bosniak writers, Jurčić stated that they were separate units of the unpublished book Muslims in Croatian Literature. Jurčić's literary critical habitus is a product of socio-political and intellectual circumstances in Croatia - in the narrower sense and in the SHS - in the broader sense, which were used as a starting point for the production of certain ideological, political and cultural values in the NDH. As a follower of the ideological platform of Radić's HSS (peasant movement) and its reflections on discursive practices, especially in the social - humanities sciences (Dvorniković, Radić, Tomašić, Lukas), he interpreted literature in accordance with these practices, reducing its meaning only to ruling ideologues. He valorized Bosniak literature as a component of Croatian literature, applying several criteria: collective, linguistic, territorial and religious, which he sought to include the widest possible range of identity features and thus support the thesis of Croatianness Bosnian Muslims (Bosniaks). In literary criticism, he promoted theses on racial, ethical and eugenic superiority, then on the national spirit, linguistic and stylistic specifics of Bosnian Muslims (Bosniaks) as an „organic“ part of the Croatian people. He emphasized the „poljodjelski“ character of Bosniak writers between the two world wars, while in older literature, especially in the oral literary tradition- and all that for need of ideological manipulation in the time of the Independent State of Croatia - war, he emphasized the highland (tribal) character that manifested itself in the epic-agonal consciousness. All these theses arose from the idea of unity and continuity of the „organic nation“, but did not find a stronghold in Bosnia because it was cultural and historical terms different from the native Croatian space, which was in principle a fundamental obstacle to its realization. Aware of the insurmountability of the cultural, literary and historical uniqueness of Bosnia, Jurčić constructed and established the literary-historical construct „literary Bosnia“ which was based on the theory of the history of regional / provincial literature. By „literary Bosnia“ he meant everything that was its „provincial features“: folk history, genealogy, specific speech (dialect - ikavica), lifestyle (Muslims), and the canonical line consisted of Bosniak writers from Safvet-bega Bašagić, Musa Ćazim Ćatić, Edhem Mulabdić, Ahmed Muradbegović, to Alija Nametk, Enver Čolaković, Murat Šuvalić etc.Since in this period the pretensions towards Bosnia and Bosnian Muslims (Bosniaks) were also part of the Serbian national ideology, Jurčić's „literary Bosnia“ can be understood as a counterbalance to the then established Kršić's literary-historical construct „narrative Bosnia“. Unlike Kršić's „narrative Bosnia“, whose canonical line was mostly made up of Bosnian Serb writers (Ćorović, Kočić, Andrić, Ćopić, etc.), Jurčić's „literary Bosnia“ was made up of Bosniak writers as „the purest element of the Croatian people“.
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Hasanović, Bilal. "Austro-Hungarian ocupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and new socially political, cultural and religioeducational state of affairs." Zbornik radova Islamskog pedagoškog fakulteta u Zenici (Online), no. 5 (December 15, 2007): 127–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.51728/issn.2637-1480.2007.127.
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After the occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austro-Hungarian Monarchy (1878), Muslims in B&H undergo great social, political and cultural changes. Numerous cultural, political and economic relations between Bosniacs and far away centers of Islamic, political and cultural life of the Islamic world were almost broken. Bosnian Muslims were forced to choose between the tradition of western civilization and disappearance. The road of their adaptation was very difficult and painstaking, and for many Bosnians that was the reason for moving from Bosnia, mostly to Turkey. Not any important political, cultural or religious movements marked the first two decades after the occupation. First movements important for Bosnian cultural and political scene started at the end of IX and the beginning of XX century. This period was characterized by Bosnian demands for religioeducational and vakuf- me’arif authonomy, and by many other culturally-educational, economic and humanitarian projects that stirred the consciousness of Bosnian Muslims about the necessity of cultural and national emancipation. On an educational level Austro-Hungarian administration in Bosnia and Herzegovina attempts to introduce common (for all the three confessions) primary education, but it encounters the resistance of both the Catholic Church and the conservative Bosnian Muslims. They were vigorously against all innovations that come from the West, and the resistance to educating Muslim females was especially strong. The basic Muslim education – mektebs, three decades after the occupation, gives some positive results although only 2% of Muslim children attended state-run schools. This was the subject of vehement critique of the state educational politics by some Bosnian members at the Bosnian Parliament.
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Ništović, Hazema. "The attitude of ‘Bosniaks’ towards oriental linguistic tradition." Zbornik radova Islamskog pedagoškog fakulteta u Zenici (Online), no. 2 (December 15, 2004): 189–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.51728/issn.2637-1480.2004.189.
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In one historical period the Bosniaks linked their literacy to oriental languages, especially Arabic, which they didn’t experience as something that was imposed upon them, but embraced it as the language of Islam and endeavoured to learn Arabic along with the native Bosnian language. Under conditions of strong oriental tradition, the Bosnian language gained special importance, for with it the Bosniaks were confirming their Slavic affiliation. In such a way, a ‘Bosniaks’ had assumed a particular attitude towards oriental tradition and within the framework of this tradition a special place was occupied by translation of religious books into Bosnian. In this way, the Bosniaks were creating a stronger bond with their ethnic-linguistic roots. Many Bosniaks who had received their traditional education in great Islamic centres, acquainted themselves with the rich cultural Islamic world, so that they had a difficult time accepting the fact that the Bosnian language should be given precedence with respect to oriental languages. The ‘Bosniak’ criticises their ineptness and their inclination towards distancing themselves from their own destiny. This ignorance of oneself and one’s own historical being is presented within the ‘Bosniak’ as a destiny of a people. Despite different kinds of pressure from the Austro-Hungarian administration, this period of Bosniak history is marked by stronger attachment of the Bosniaks towards their Bosnian cultural tradition.
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Ziya Sümbüllü, Yusuf, and Melinda Botalić. "BOSNIAK CULTURAL HERITAGE: CULTURAL CHARACTERISTICS OF TRADITIONAL KNOCKERS AND GATES." Journal Human Research in Rehabilitation 1, no. 2 (December 2011): 13–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.21554/hrr.121114.
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Culture, molding the attitude of one, creates social order and ensures social identity of the belonging community. When it comes to Bosnian, ore more precisely Bosniak culture, it is of high importance to discuss traditional gates, which represent one of the most significant creations that vividly paint the culture of Bosniaks - of of three constitutive nations or ethnic groups of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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Savoskin, A. M., and Yu A. Gavrilova. "Bosnian-Turkish Relations and Turkey's Role in the Bosnian Conflict Resolution (1992-1995)." Izvestiya of Altai State University, no. 3(131) (July 11, 2023): 68–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/izvasu(2023)3-10.
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The Bosnian crisis is one of the last major military conflicts in European history. The disintegration of Yugoslavia has laid the foundation for many of the processes taking place in the Balkan peninsula to this day. For the Bosnian side, the key factor influencing the outcome of the conflict was the intervention of external actors. Turkey has become one of Bosnia’s most active allies at this stage. This was due to many factors, including religious and cultural affinity, historical connections and geopolitical interests of Turkey in the Balkans, and the long-standing personal ties of political leaders. Moreover, the fact of the emergence of an Islamic state in Europe and, secondly, the attempt to adapt Turkey to the post-bipolar format of the world order seem to be the most important factors in Turkey’s Bosnian policy. This work is devoted to a brief but busy period of cooperation between Turkey and Bosnia and Herzegovina during the Bosnian War, during which the Bosniacs sought the status of an independent state. The subject of the study was the foreign policy contacts between Turkey and Bosnia (the official name at the period of war — the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina) aimed at settling the conflict. The various initiatives of the Turkish side at the level of the OIC, the United Nations, or in the framework of bilateral negotiations with different countries (USA, Russia, Croatia, etc.) are clear examples of such cooperation. Such actions contributed to the further signing of the peace agreements, as well as to the direction of Bosnian-Turkish relations at the present stage.
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Görmez, Ayça Berna. "The formation of a nation: The case of bosnian muslims." New Trends and Issues Proceedings on Humanities and Social Sciences 2, no. 2 (January 12, 2016): 121–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/prosoc.v2i2.424.
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This study examines the process of the formation of Bosniak nation. Ethno-symbolist approach to nationalism is taken as the basis of the study in evaluating the formation of the Bosniak nation due to the fact that ethno-symbolists argue that nationalism is a modern phenomenon but the origins of the nations can be traced back to the ethnicity. They emphasize the importance of subjective elements such as myth of common ancestry, shared culture and values in constituting nation. In this study it is argued that there are three turning points in the history of Bosnian Muslims that led to the formation of the Bosniak nation. These are Austro-Hungarian occupation of Bosnia in 1878, the recognition of Bosnian Muslims as a separate nationality in 1968 and Bosnian war between 1992 and 1995. In this study, these turning points and their relevance for the formation of nation is analyzed through an ethno-symbolist perspective.
Keywords: Bosnian Muslims, ethno-symbolism, Bosniak, nationalism
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Šahinović, Muedib. "OPŠTE DETERMINANTE BOSANSKO-BOŠNJAČKE INTERFERENCIJE / GENERAL DETERMINANTS OF BOSNIAN-BOSNIAK INTERFERENCES." Pregled: časopis za društvena pitanja / Periodical for social issues 64, no. 2 (December 1, 2023): 37–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.48052/19865244.2023.2.37.
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The paper presents a sociological research of key characteristics, theoretical assumptions and strategic interests of Bosniak politics, which, in a diachronically very limited time, faced complex challenges of preserving its own ethnic identity and simultaneous efforts to strengthen the state role and its political prerogatives. Such challenges generate existential dilemmas about the possible loss of one's own ethnic substance through a process of interference with the identity of the state and its interests. The research is largely focused on the contingent issue of the nation, which is very sensitive in the context of Bosnia and Herzegovina and has the potential to ideologically divide the political spectrum into two completely different concepts (civic and ethnic). The Bosniak connection with Bosnia and the tendency towards a modern Bosnian nation-state that will overcome ethnic differences, divisions and conflicts is becoming a vital political context in which Bosniaks fill the empty space between the state and the nation. Sociological analysis critically investigates the whole process, objectively pointing out some of the mistakes that Bosniak politics has made or can make. The research showed that the Bosnian nation as a political fact does not exist in full capacity because it is burdened by the conflict of Bosniak insistence and, consequently, Serbo-Croat rejection. This fact has its functional repercussions on political perceptions of the status and future of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which for Bosniaks is not just an administrative space or a political agreement of ethnic groups, but above all a homeland. With the intention of more precise analytical research, the paper is based on a qualitative methodological approach and in addition to the usual research methods such as content analysis, synthesis, deduction, induction, generalization and comparison, the research-based interview method was also employed.
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Selimović, Sead. "Vlasenica from 1991 to 2013: Changes in the ethnic structure of the population under the influence of the war against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 5 (May 31, 2021): 188–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.5.188.
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Before the aggression, Bosniaks, Serbs, Croats, Yugoslavs and Others lived together in Vlasenica. According to the 1991 census, there were 33,942 inhabitants in Vlasenica: 18,727 Bosniaks (55.17%), 14,359 Serbs (42.30%), 39 Croats (0.11%), 340 Yugoslavs (1.00%) and 477 Others (1.24%). At the same time, in the town of Vlasenica lived 7,909 inhabitants: 4,800 Bosniaks (60.69%), 2,743 Serbs (34.68), 26 Croats (0.33%), 242 Yugoslavs (3.06%) and 98 Others. 1.24%). The population of the Municipality lived in the town of Vlasenica and 90 other settlements. Vlasenica, as a strategically important city in the plans and goals of the aggressors, has been the target of attacks since 1991. Aggression and war crimes against Bosniaks were planned, prepared and organized against this Bosnian town. Camps for Bosniaks were organized in Vlasenica, civilians were killed and then “buried” in mass graves, mass and systematic rapes and other forms of sexual violence were committed, the Bosniak elite was targeted and persecuted, civilians were expelled and deported en masse, and cultural goods and property and demolished religious buildings. After the war, he began returning to Vlasenica. However, this area has long been an area of precarious living for Bosniak returnees. Thus, on July 11, 2001, a 16-year-old girl, Meliha Durić, was killed in Vlasenica. This crime has not been solved. In the Bosnian entity of RS, the Bosnian language is denied. Teaching in the Bosnian language is prohibited, and the language is called the non-existent Bosniak language. This discriminates against students who want their language to be called Bosnian. The situation with employment in public administration is not good. Returnees are mainly engaged in agriculture and animal husbandry, but there is a problem with the placement of surplus products. In 2013, a census was conducted in Bosnia and Herzegovina. It was the first census after the war and aggression. In the municipality of Vlasenica, a significant part of which belonged to the municipality of Milici, there were 11,467 inhabitants: 3,763 Bosniaks, 7,589 Serbs, 31 Croats, 22 persons who did not declare their ethnicity, 15 Others, 14 without answers. The town of Vlasenica had 6,715 inhabitants, which is 1,194 fewer than in 1991. There were 967 or 3,633 fewer Bosniaks than in 1991. There were 5,679 or 2,936 more Serbs than in 1991. The municipality of Vlasenica had, in the total population, 33.82% Bosniaks, which is 21.35% less than in 1991, and 66.18% Serbs, which is 23.88% more than in 1991. In the town of Vlasenica, there were 14.40% Bosniaks and 84.50% Serbs in the total population. There were 46.29% less Bosniaks and 49.89% more Serbs. The population of Vlasenica lived in 36 settlements of the municipality, which is 55 settlements less than in 1991. The causes of such changes in the ethnic structure of the population of Vlasenica can be traced to the aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, ethnic cleansing and genocide against Bosniaks. Certainly, other causes of the decrease in the number of Bosniaks in Vlasenica should not be neglected, such as the security situation, economic situation, education, road and other infrastructure, etc. The formation of the municipality of Milići significantly affected the reduction of the population of Vlasenica. Milići has 11,441 inhabitants: Serbs 7,180 or 62.76%, Bosniaks 4,199 or 36.70% of the total population. The population of Milić lives in 51 settlements.
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Dolić, Belkisa, and Fata Huseinbašić. "Revision of the orthographic norm in the Bosnian language." Post Scriptum 11, no. 11 (September 13, 2022): 95–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.52580/issn.2232-8556.2022.11.11.95.
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There are three constitutional nations in Bosnia and Herzegovina: Bosniaks, Serbs and Croats who respectively speak Bosnian, Serbian and Croatian languages, and they are all standardized, i.e. guaranteed by the Constitution. However, that was not always the case. Namely, in 1954 (after the so called Novi Sad Agreement) the Bosnian, Croatian and Serbian languages, despite their separate historical, territorial and cultural flows, were incorporated into a hybrid, politically motivated language called Croato-Serbian / Serbo-Croatian. They were part of it until the dissolution of Yugoslavia when former member republics became independent states, and demanded their own standardized languages: Croatia Croatian, Serbia Serbian, and Bosnia and Herzegovina all three – Croatian, Serbian and Bosnian. During the war and in the few following years, standardizing works, which proscribe what is the part of standardized Bosnian language, were published in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The key role in that process was played by Alija Isaković who lists the specificities of the Bosnian language in his dictionary (Rječnik karakteristične leksike u bosanskome jeziku 1993; Rječnik bosanskoga jezika: karakteristična leksika 1995) – the same specificities which were unscientifically overlooked for almost a century, and which were, all the while, a part of the language practices in the vernaculars and literature of the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Those specificities will be insisted on by the first orthographic manual of standard Bosnian language, the first orthographic manual for schools, and after some time the first grammar of standard Bosnian language. The same tradition will be, more or less, continued in the dictionaries of the Bosnian language. A sudden shift occurred in 2017 when the second edition of the orthographic manual of Bosnian language was published in which the aforementioned specificities slowly disappear. This work shows where and how it happened with an aim to find out why it happened.
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Kodrić, Sanjin. "What Is Bosniak, And What Bosnian-Herzegovinian Literature, And What Is, After All, The Bosnian-Hercegovinian Interliterary Community? (A Contribution To Literary-Theoretical And Literary-Historical Understanding)." Slavica Lodziensia 1 (November 14, 2017): 9–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2544-1795.01.02.
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Literary creation in Bosnia-Herzegovina is very complex. Viewed as a whole and throughout its historical duration, it has not been realized within the framework of one nation or one ethno-national community, nor within only one language or only one alphabet, nor within the framework of only one cultural-civilizational circle. This fact and this kind of literary-historical and cultural-historical reality gives the basis from which it is now possible to talk about a unique, singular literature of Bosnia-Herzegovina, or Bosnian-Herzegovinian literature, and also about parallel, plural literatures of Bosnia-Herzegovina – Bosniak as well as Croat and Serbian literatures in Bosnia-Herzegovina, together with the literary traditions of Bosnian-Herzegovinian minority communities, such as the Jewish community and others. Also, it is possible to speak about a phenomenon that should – given its own, internal historical-developmental dynamics and its literary-developmental principles and relationships in general – probably be named the Bosnian-Herzegovinian interliterary community. That is why, in understanding the phenomenon of literary creativity in Bosnia-Herzegovina, as well in defi ning Bosnian literary studies, primarily the theoretical concepts of interliterariness as well as closely related concepts of interculturality occur as potential solutions, as – both of them – have their essential meaning and full realization in the cases of both literary and culturally complex phenomena like literature in Bosnia-Herzegovina in general.
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Mesarič, Andreja. "Wearing Hijab in Sarajevo." Anthropological Journal of European Cultures 22, no. 2 (September 1, 2013): 12–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ajec.2013.220202.
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This essay observes contemporary Islamic dress practices in Bosnia-Herzegovina as a catalyst throwing into relief various tensions within Bosnian society – not only between Bosniaks, Serbs and Croats, but among Bosniaks themselves. Based on fieldwork carried out in Sarajevo, it looks at how people employ notions of culture and tradition when justifying what types of Islamic dress, if any, are compatible with Bosnian modernity. The essay analyses how people selectively draw on fragments from the historical and ethnographic record when they argue for or against veiling, and shows how, even though many denounce veiling and particularly face veiling as foreign to Bosnia, women who veil themselves equally draw on notions of culture and tradition when justifying their dress choices to others. The essay highlights how competing visions of Islam play a role in the transformation of religious, ethnic and gender identities in Bosnia-Herzegovina, and argues that dress as a gendered bodily practice does not merely mark assumed essential differences between an imagined Bosnian and foreign Islam but serves as a crucial means of their construction.
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Milašinović, Arsen. "THE CROAT-BOSNIAK WAR: THE SELECT FINDINGS OF THE RECENT REGIONAL HISTORIOGRAPHY." Istorija 20. veka 39, no. 1/2021 (February 1, 2021): 197–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2021.1.mil.197-214.
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The Croat-Bosniak war is one of the least researched episodes of the Bosnian war. I reviewed the recent works of two regional authors who had access to original war records of the Bosnian Croats and the Bosniaks and then compared their findings with some of the representative views of secondary literature. Among other things, I focused on the Vance-Owen peace plan and the initial hostilities in the central Bosnian municipalities. My chief conclusion is that the importance placed on the Vance-Owen peace plan in secondary literature is misleading as it ignores the local military and political dynamics.
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Šehagić, Merima. "How a Collective Trauma Influences Ethno-Religious Relations of Adolescents in Present-Day Sarajevo, Bosnia-Herzegovina." Social Inclusion 4, no. 2 (April 19, 2016): 133–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v4i2.497.
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This article combines a historical perspective on intergenerational transmission of collective trauma with a psycho-anthropological approach in regards to the construction of multiple identifications by Bosniak adolescents growing up in Bosnia and Herzegovina, after the Balkan war that took place in the early 1990s. This research is based on the ethnographic fieldwork I conducted during my three-month stay in Sarajevo, a city that has been the center of battles between Bosnian Serbs and Bosniaks. The aim of this research is to understand the ways in which memories of the war linger on in contemporary interethnic and interreligious relations. I applied Dialogical Self Theory to analyze dilemmas and ambiguities emerging from the multiple identifications of Muslim adolescents, to whom coexistence with Bosnian Serbs has come to be part of everyday life. During oral histories, my informants expressed a desire to maintain a sense of normality, consisting of a stable political and economic present and future. I argue that nationalist ideologies on ethno-religious differences which were propagated during the war stand in the way of living up to this desire. On a micro level, people try to manage their desire for normality by promoting a certain degree of social cohesion and including the ethno-religious other to a shared national identity of ‘being Bosnian’.
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Todorović, Vladica. "Bosnian Muslims and Serbs: Reasons for dispute from 1918 to the present day." ПОЛИТЕИА 10, no. 19 (2020): 93–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/politeia0-25206.
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The paper provides an analysis of political relations of Bosnian Muslims (officially Bosniaks since 1993) and Serbs, lasting for almost a century. Firstly, the author deals with their relations in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia from 1918 to 1941, all the way through World War II from 1941 to 1945, then in the Communist Yugoslavia from 1945 to 1990, followed bythe period after the break-up of Socialist Federal Republic Yugoslavia, when Bosnia and Herzegovina became sovereign state, and, finally,with their current relations We believe that the main cause of the dispute is that Bosnian Muslims historically always abandoned Serbs at critical times and sought the support of other states and nations for their state-building goals. In wars, they supported their enemies, often forming alliances with other states or nations. As religious idea among the Bosnian Muslims grew from 1918, so did their numbers as well as their aspirations for Serbian territories. Similarly, as the number of Bosnian Muslims grew, so did the interest of great powers and political parties as well as their military support. Most importantly, with the rise of numbers of Bosnian Muslims, their policies and their stance towards the state changed. Hence, when they became majority in Bosnia and Herzegovina, they wanted to turn the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina into their national state.
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Borić, Emir. "Tradition of lead casting (molybdomancy) in central Bosnia: An anthropological approach." Bastina, no. 55 (2021): 435–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/bastina31-32592.
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In this paper we discussed about the occult ritual present in Bosnian culture, specifically linked to the tradition of Bosnian Muslims. In the first part of the paper we explored the specific bordering segments of magic and religion relying on the theories of famous sociologists/ anthropologists. The second part of the paper primarily consists of recent studies on the topic of lead casting in Bosnian cultural context, being primarily focused on Bosniack (Bosnian Muslim) recent tradition. The third part has been dedicated to the specific anthropological research of lead casting procedures in two towns in Central Bosnia. We concluded that this occult tradition has its background in the pagan rituals but it in the actual case it blends with elements of Islamic tradition primarily supported with verses from the Quran.
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Valjevac, Naila. "The Bosniacs and Bosnian language." Zbornik radova Islamskog pedagoškog fakulteta u Zenici (Online), no. 1 (December 15, 2003): 210–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.51728/issn.2637-1480.2003.210.
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The paper discusses Bosniaks as territorially, historically, linguistically and civilizationally transparent and authentic people of Bosnia and Herzegovina as well as the place of Bosnian language in contemporary Bosnia and Herzegovina. It points out the significance of extralinguistic factors that shape Bosnian language and its speakers. The paper also highlights that psychic awareness on oneself, on its status, language, intelectual and material supremacy over others has determined and utterly marginalized the prime and most important function of a language – its communicational function. Language became a successful means of "national awareness awakening" and a key argument to prove "national rights" abuse. More than ever before the standard language in Bosnia and Herzegovina is in function of fulfilling national political goals of its followers. Thus, language prejudice becomes a basic "scientific" starting point and language or any other dispute becomes a planned and wished result of language discussions.
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Lisica, Admir. "Refleksije političkog organiziranja Bošnjaka Bosne i Hercegovine na Bošnjake Sandžaka i dijaspore 1990-1991." Historijski pogledi 6, no. 9 (June 20, 2023): 242–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.242.
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The political organization of Bosniaks dates back to the beginning of the twentieth century, more precisely in 1906, when a group of Bosniak intellectuals formed the first political party called the Muslim People's Organization. As a result of the global political upheavals that affected most of Europe, certain decisions of international officials (primarily the Congress of Berlin in 1878) from the end of the nineteenth century complicated the position of Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as the Bosniaks. Realizing that through political activism they can defend their own interests in the newly emerging constellation of relations, Bosniak dignitaries led by Ali-beg Firdus and other dignitaries began a demanding political struggle. The scope of Bosniak politics at that time was extremely limited, as were the political organizations and representatives of Bosniaks in the years after, in contrast to the end of the twentieth century when politically organized Bosniaks managed to restore their national name Bosniak, the Bosnian language, but also democratically fight for an independent Bosnia and Herzegovina. Namely, during the twentieth century, the political development of Bosniaks can be traced, which at the beginning of the nineties experienced a kind of culmination in the context of the achieved results. In that process, two years can be considered extremely important in the context of the political organization of Bosniaks in the period of the beginning of the dissolution of Yugoslavia. and those are definitely 1990 and 1991. The first year (1990) is important because of the officialization of political pluralism in the country at that time, while during 1991 processes took place that would not only change the everyday life of Bosniaks, but also the whole of Yugoslavia. The Bosniaks saw the introduction of democratic principles into daily life in Yugoslavia as an opportunity for renewed political organization, which was imposed as a logical sequence of the circumstances of a nation in the post-communist period. The formation of the first Bosniak political party during the nineties - the Party of Democratic Action - SDA, started the Bosniak struggle for equality, but also the preservation of the position of Bosnia and Herzegovina within Yugoslavia, and later as an independent state. The aim of the paper is to present the way of the initial political organization of Bosniaks due to the new political reality in Yugoslavia, with a focus on Bosnia and Herzegovina and Sandžak, with an overview of organizing throughout the Bosniak diaspora. In historiography, the role of the Bosniak diaspora in the context of the original political organization during the nineties has often been unfairly neglected. The Bosniak diaspora carefully followed all events in Yugoslavia, and tried to be a part of them in all available ways. The beginning of political organizing among Bosniaks in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Sandžak was followed with great attention, and Bosniak political activists from Bosnia and Herzegovina and Sanjak often went together on tours throughout the diaspora, with the aim of including Bosniaks outside their homeland in important processes that then took place in Yugoslavia. The political struggle of Bosniaks in Sanjak, about which the Bosnian public knows very little, took place almost parallel to the one in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The political representatives of Bosniaks from Sanjak experienced various forms of segregation by the Great Serbian regime from Belgrade, as evidenced by various official documents and other sources, which were used in the preparation of this work. According to the above, there is a need to research such a topic, which has the task of encouraging other authors to investigate this period in more detail. In the context of the methodology of the work, it is worth noting that the work will primarily contain the thematic and chronological methods, with the use of other methods for which the need arises, for the purpose of improving the quality of the work. The paper before you is not the final letter on the mentioned topic, but an attempt to answer some important and unavoidable questions from the beginning of the nineties of the last century, in the context of the political history of Bosniaks.
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Savoskin, A. M., and O. Yu Kurnykin. "Participation of the Organization of the Islamic Conference in the Settlement of the Bosnian Crisis of 1992-1995." Izvestiya of Altai State University, no. 3(125) (July 12, 2022): 45–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/izvasu(2022)3-07.
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The Bosnian Crisis became a milestone in the process of disintegration of Yugoslavia. An important role in the development and settlement of the conflict was played by external actors, represented both by the countries of the West, as well as NATO and the EU, and by the Muslim community, which actively supported their co-religionists in Bosnia. On behalf of the latter, the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC, since 2011 — the Organization of Islamic Cooperation), which is the most authoritative and representative Muslim international organization, spoke. The position of the OIC, its interaction with the Bosnian leadership and other parties to the conflict significantly influenced the outcome of the Bosnian Crisis, despite the fact that most researchers tend to classify the OIC as a secondary participant in the process. The topic of the Bosnian conflict became one of the key ones at several conferences of foreign ministers of the OIC member countries, and the consolidated position of Muslim states developed at them in support of the Bosnians, according to the authors, prompted other stakeholders in the issue of resolving the conflict to more decisive action. The organization itself pursued the goal of including Bosnia and Herzegovina in its sphere of influence, but in the future this Balkan state will never become a member of the OIC, being content with observer status to this day. Nevertheless, the impact of international Islamic structures and, above all, the OIC on the course of hostilities and the political settlement in Bosnia and Herzegovina was a significant factor that retained its significance in the post-war period. Thus, the study of the history of interaction between the OIC and the Bosnian side seems relevant in order to identify the role and influence of the Islamic world on political processes in the Western Balkans and, above all, in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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Kliko, Amir. "Prilog proučavanju stradanja Bošnjaka i Hrvata Prijedora 1992. / A Contribution to the Study of the Suffering of Bosniaks and Croats of Prijedor in 1992." Journal of the Faculty of Philosophy in Sarajevo (History, History of Art, Archeology) / Radovi (Historija, Historija umjetnosti, Arheologija), ISSN 2303-6974 on-line, no. 3 (November 12, 2014): 341–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.46352/23036974.2014.341.
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The Serbian aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina from 1992 to 1995, was marked with heavy sufferings of the non-Serb population, i.e. with genocide. The intensity and methods of its implementation depended on the demographic image on the field, that is to say on Serb plans towards the possible division of Bosnia and Herzegovina according to the national criterion. The possibility of realization depended on the organization and strength of the aggressor, but also of the defenders. The Bosnian Frontier region (Bosanska Krajina) is a significant example of the Serb genocide committed against Bosniaks and Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina. On the example of Prijedor, the author presents his results in research of sufferings of the Bosniak and Croat population and proves the violent creation of the long term Serb predominance and demographic changes caused by genocide.
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Talam, Jasmina. "A Short Story about a Great Man:." Musicological Annual 55, no. 2 (December 13, 2019): 29–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/mz.55.2.29-34.
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Bosnian-Herzegovinian ethnomusicology started to develop in the early 1930s. The first Bosnian ethnomusicologist, Friar Branko Marić, began to research the traditional folk music of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the 1920s and presented the results of his research in the doctoral dissertation Volkmusik Bosnien und der Herzegovina (1936). The first systematic ethnomusicological research was initiated by Cvjetko Rihtman in 1947 within the Institute of Folklore Research. The main goal of his fieldwork was the collection of old, traditional “untouched”, and therefore locally colored music forms. Thus, the concept of “authentic” was for a long time dominant in collecting, and when associated with “old” it worked well. However, this one-sided approach had to be overcome, since rigid approach to modern processes was a threat to the development of Bosnian ethnomusicological thought.
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M ulavdić, Vedad. "Stavovi Hamze Hume o jeziku i književnosti u autorskom tekstu o nacionalizmu u bh. književnosti." Književni jezik, no. 33 (2022): 227–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.33669/kj2022-33-11.
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The paper discuses Hamza Humo’s text “Nationalism in BH literature” published in 1929 in the book Effort of Bosnia and Herzegovina for liberation and unification. The text presents an overview of development of Bosnian literature from the 17th century to the beginning of the First World War. Humo’s attitude towards language and literature in the works of some writters is observed, as well as Humo’s language in the text itself. Bosniak literature and the Bosnian language are not specifically presented in this text, but only as part of the development of literature and language in the wider Yugoslav area. Nevertheless, the name Bosnian language is mentioned in the text, and it is treated more as label for the dialect and the literary realisation of that speech, considering the fact that the classical processes of language standardization had not yet begun. Many writers mentioned in this text also spokes about language in their works, which Humo underlines only occasionally. This text is also significant for the study of the history of literature and language in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the interwar period.
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Babović, Dželila. "Dictionary Manuscripts and Lexicographic Tradition in Bosnia From the 16th to the 19th Century." BOSNIACA, no. 27 (December 9, 2022): 130–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.37083/bosn.2022.27.130.
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Dictionaries in Arabic, Turkish, Persian, and Bosnian that were created and used in Bosnia from the 16th to the 19th century are an indispensable segment of the Bosnian lexicographic tradition. Based on the researchers and analysis of the form, language, methodology, questions of authorship, and reception of the dictionaries stored in the institutional manuscript collections of Bosnia and Herzegovina, it is possible to talk about the dominant lexicographic trends and practices during the Ottoman rule in these areas and to determine the contribution of these manuscripts works and their authors to the development and continuity of the lexicographical tradition.
The research base for this work was manuscript collections stored in public cultural and scientific institutions of Bosnia and Herzegovina: Gazi Husrev-bey Library, National and University Library of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bosniak Institute – Adil Zulfikarpašić Foundation, Oriental Institute of the University of Sarajevo, Sarajevo Historical Archives, The Cantonal Archives Travnik, The Cantonal Archives Tuzla, The General Library of Tešanj, Herzegovina Museum Mostar and Herzegovina Archives Mostar.
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Akbarov, Azamat. "LANGUAGE POLICY IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA AND ITS ETHNO-LINGUISTIC CONTEXT: DO LANGUAGES CAUSE INTER-ETHNIC TENSION IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA?" JOURNAL OF LINGUISTIC AND INTERCULTURAL EDUCATION 12, no. 3 (December 27, 2019): 7–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.29302/jolie.2019.12.3.1.
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After the collapse of Yugoslavia in 1991, the new independent state of Bosnia and Herzegovina was inundated by a horrible ethnic conflict, which led to inhumane violence and mass killings that ended with genocide. The Bosnian war resulted in the death of about 100,000 people, over half of whom were Bosnians. Two decades later, the violence has stopped, but the conflict in Bosnia has not yet come to an end; hasty social segregation, undertaken as a result of the 1995 Dayton Accords, which intended an immediate stopping of the violence, is still in force. The current distribution of population and languages is evidence of this segregation. Two different ethnic minorities live in two Bosnian political units, the Srpska Republic and the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina: Serbs in the first and Bosnians in the second. In these circumstances, which are very sensitive, the government was recently worried that the ordinary publication of statistical data on ethnic groups might lead to violence. The languages representing these two groups are important indicators of social presence and power. Signboards in the main streets of the capital cities of both countries (Sarajevo in the Federation and Banja Luka in Serbian Republic) were scrupulously photographed for the purpose of assessing the presence of Serbians and Bosnians. The presence of the English language in Bosnia was also documented. An assumption was made that the linguistic majority would correspond to the ethnic majority in both main streets, and that English would be used in advertising. The number of photos in which each language was used was calculated to determine the frequency and the situations in which the languages are commonly used. An analysis of these results showed that English is the second most used language in both streets after Bosnian, while comparatively little presence of the Serbian language in both streets showed that the language environment in Bosnia does not facilitate peace and making peace.
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Lelić, Emin. "Perceptions of Bosnians in Early Modern Ottoman Ethnography." Prilozi za orijentalnu filologiju, no. 71 (December 21, 2022): 135–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.48116/issn.2303-8586.2021.71.135.
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It is a well-known truism that Bosnians played an important role in Ottoman history, especially during the so-called Golden Age of the Ottoman Empire. This has long engaged Bosnian Orientalists, who have unearthed and translated a veritable plethora of Ottoman documentation and manuscripts dealing with Bosnia and Bosnians during the Ottoman period. This article attempts to add to that long scholarly tradition by sketching out how Ottoman ethnography perceived Bosnians and the historical context in which these perceptions were embedded.
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Kasumović, Ahmet. "BOSNIAN LANGUAGE AND BOSNIAKS." Journal Human Research in Rehabilitation 10, no. 2 (September 2020): 40–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.21554/hrr.092004.
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Bosnian language is a very important factor of Bosniak identity. It owns active and passive vocabulary. Bosniak identity is confirmed by the Bosnian language. Identity and language are causally linked.
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Estavdić, Edina. "THE FIRST BOSNIAN-TURKISH/TURKISH BOSNIAN LEXICOGRAPHIC WORK." Journal Human Research in Rehabilitation 1, no. 2 (December 2011): 47–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.21554/hrr.121104.
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In this work, the authoress interprets the first Bosnian-Turkish/Turkish-Bosnian dictionary by Maqbul-i 'Arif, or better known as Potur Shahidi written by Muhamed Hevai Uskufi, a Bosnian Muslim born in Tuzla, Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1631 (Hevaji, 1724)
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Karčić, Hamza. "The American Jewish Community and the Bosnian War." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 41, no. 3 (2023): 169–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.2023.a918859.
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Abstract: The purpose of this article is to analyze the contribution of the American Jewish community to ending the Bosnian War. In the literature on the American response to the 1992–1995 war, the community’s advocacy for Bosnia has been neglected. This article will argue that the American Jewish community worked toward four objectives: (i) closure of death camps in Bosnia, (ii) providing humanitarian assistance, (iii) advocating for the setting up of a war crimes tribunal and (iv) urging for the UN-imposed embargo to be lifted. The sympathy and support of the American Jewish community for Bosnia and Bosniak Muslims during the 1990s is a a fascinating but understudied aspect of the American response to genocide in Europe at the close of the twentieth century.
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Keranen, Outi. "International Statebuilding as contentious politics: the case of post conflict Bosnia and Herzegovina." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 3 (May 2013): 354–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.743516.
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The post-conflict space in Bosnia and Herzegovina has been marked by a multiplicity of statebuilding projects: in addition to the much-analyzed internationally-led statebuilding process, parallel Bosniak, Bosnian Serb and Bosnian Croat statebuilding trajectories exist. They seek to undermine and challenge the international statebuilding venture by appropriating and adapting the liberal statebuilding processes. This is carried out through the institutions and processes of governance put in place by international statebuilders to subvert the statebuilding trajectory. Focusing on the local appropriation of processes and institutions of governance, the paper maps out the repertoires of contention entailing boycotts, walk-outs, protests and refusals to co-operate in an attempt to explain and understand how local contention vis-à-vis the international statebuilding trajectory is carried out.
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Fejzić, Elvis. "Political Thought in Bosnia and Herzegovina During Austro-Hungarian Rule, 1878–1918." East Central Europe 39, no. 2-3 (2012): 204–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-03903011.
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Political thought in Bosnia and Herzegovina during Austro-Hungarian rule can be researched by a thorough analysis of the engagement of local political elites with pressing contemporary issues. There were four distinct political clusters in Bosnia and Herzegovina at the time: the Bosniak Muslim, Serbian, and Croatian ones were crystallized around an ethnoreligious principle; while Social Democrats as a coherent group were based on the principle of civic and working class identity, and were consequently indifferent towards ethnicity and religion. Members of the four groups markedly differed in their views on nation and nationalism, Austrian rule and the future of the Bosnian polity, social and economic development, and religion. However, within the three ethnic clusters it is possible to make further distinctions between moderates and radicals, modernists and traditionalists, conformists and revolutionaries, and liberals and conservatives. Along these lines, the article maps this complex field and introduces the reader to the main lines of Bosnian political thought in this eventful period.
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Sokolić, Ivor. "Denying the Unknown. Everyday Narratives about Croatian Involvement in the 1992-1995 Bosnian Conflict." Südosteuropa 65, no. 4 (January 26, 2018): 632–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2017-0042.
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Abstract This article, based on the results of focus-group discussions, dyads, and interviews in Croatia, examines how Croatians construct their narrative of the 1992-1995 conflict in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Croatia’s role in it. Despite judgements at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) concluding that the Croatian state intervened in the Bosnian conflict, respondents in this study claimed to be ignorant of any such intervention. What was discussed worked in concert with the dominant Croatian war narrative of Croatian defence, victimhood, and sacrifice in the face of a larger, Serbian aggressor. By portraying the Bosnian conflict as chaotic and savage, respondents differentiated it from the Croatian one and relativised any illicit actions within a framework of nesting orientalism. Croatian involvement in Bosnia-Herzegovina was generally seen as positive: it was viewed in terms of Croatia welcoming Bosniak refugees and providing military assistance, which enabled moral licensing with regard to the rarely mentioned and marginalised negative aspects of Croatia’s involvement in the conflict.
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Nicolosi, Riccardo. "Imagining Bosnia: Constructions of Bosnian and Bosniak Identity after the War." Ab Imperio 2023, no. 1 (2023): 107–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/imp.2023.0009.
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Talam, Jasmina, and Lana Paćuka. "Echoes of Forgotten Time: Professional Folk Musical Ensembles in Cafes of Bosnia and Herzegovina (1878–1918)." Musicological Annual 54, no. 1 (June 29, 2018): 75–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/mz.54.1.75-87.
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Traditional folk music of Bosnia and Herzegovina can be best understood in light of the multicultural heritage of Bosniaks, Serbs and Croats, as well as many ethnic minority groups. But in the period 1878–1918, traditional music became open to Western European influences. Openness, as well as exposure, to the “new” becomes one of the characteristic signs of the Austro-Hungarian empire, whose new system of governance brought the unknown Western European cultural spirit to the population of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the mentioned period, new musical instruments appeared, which were previously unknown (e.g. clarinet, accordion), as well as professional musical ensembles which were not common in Bosnian tradition. These and similar appearances made the period of Austro-Hungarian empire a unique turning point in the development of urban traditional music which was developed within the Bosnian and Herzegovinian cafes.
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Grabovica, Almir. "Žepa “sigurna zona” Ujedinjenih nacija." Historijski pogledi 7, no. 11 (October 6, 2024): 374–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2024.7.11.374.
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Cyclically for several centuries in Bosnia and Herzegovina, there have been carried out crimes against humanity, serious violations of the Geneve Conventions and violations of the laws and customs of war and other crimes aginst the protected persons and social groups. Crimes are usually committed during armed conflicts. The mass crimes committed in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the previous two centuries were primarily determined by the ideologies of territorial nationalism and the projects for their realisations by the neighbouring Croatia and Serbia. Additionally, in the armed conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period 1992-1995 numerous crimes against humanity, serious violations of the Geneva Conventios, violations of the laws and costums of war and other crimes against protected objects, in its individual and mass nature, were also committed including the most serious crime that humanity has experienced since its inception- the crime of genocide. The Serbian-Montenegrin aggressor committed numerous forms of crimes against humanity and international law in all occupied towns and cities of the internationally regonised state and and a member of the United Nations (UN). The attacks on the area of the municipality of Rogatica whach are the subject of this research are considered to be the pattern which the aggressor (Federal Republic of Yugoslavia) and its collaborators (Bosnian Serbs) used in order to completely exterminate Bosniaks from the territory of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina which they intended to occupy militarily. The intention and method of committing Serbian crimes in the area of Podrinje, which also included the municipality of Rogatica, during the Greater Serbian aggression in 1992-1995 are the same as the chetnik crimes against the Bosniak population during the World War II. Zepa, the largest of the ten local communities in the municipality of Rogatica, became a small Bosnian enclave during the aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina that resisted the attacks and blows of a far superior enemy until the middle of 1995. Resolution No.824 declaring Zepa a „safe zone” of the United Nations was adopted on May 6, 1993 by the UN Security Council. The aggressor continued the coordinated and systematic „cleansing” of the Bosniak population from that area consciously ignoring the fact that Zepa was declared a „safe zone” by the UN. The attacks on the Bosniaks of Zepa were not of different character compared to the attacks on other areas of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, especially Podrinje. Attacks on Bosniaks as an ethnic, national, national and religious group as a whole, and therefore those from the area of Zepa, were an integral part of the Greater Serbian ideology, policy and practice of creating the so-called Great Serbia. This research aims to shed light on the importance and status of the UN „safe zone”, the attitude of the international community towards the aggressor and the victims, the aggressor's activities up to the complete occupation of this „safe zone” and the crimes committed against Bosniaks.
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Selimović, Sead. "Preventing return: Implementation of annex VII of the Dayton peace agreement in Bosnia and Herzegovina (1995-2020)." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 6 (November 15, 2021): 206–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.6.206.
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The armed aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina ended with the signing of the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Dayton Agreement), initialed in Dayton on November 21, 1995, and signed on December 14, 1995 in Paris „in Bosnian, Croatian, English and the Serbian language“. The Dayton Agreement confirmed the fact that the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia had real control (power) over the so-called Republika Srpska. Annex 4 of the Dayton Agreement determined the internal structure of Bosnia and Herzegovina. There are two entities in the internal structure of Bosnia and Herzegovina: the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which consists of 10 cantons, and the Republika Srpska. Apart from the two entities, there is also the Brčko District of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which was created by the Decision of the International Arbitration Court. It was established on March 8, 2000. According to the Dayton Agreement, the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, whose official name became „Bosnia and Herzegovina“, continues its legal existence under international law as a state with its internationally recognized borders. It remains a member of the United Nations, and as Bosnia and Herzegovina may retain membership or request membership in organizations within the United Nations system and in other international organizations. The Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina (Annex 4 of the Dayton Agreement) guarantees human rights and „fundamental freedoms“. Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Entities, according to the Constitution, will ensure „the highest degree of internationally recognized human rights and fundamental freedoms.“ For this purpose, the formation of the Commission for Human Rights is also envisaged, as provided for in Annex 6 of the General Framework Agreement. The issue of the return of refugees and displaced persons is addressed in Annex 7 of the Dayton Agreement, entitled „Agreement on Refugees and Displaced Persons“. According to Annex 7, all refugees and displaced persons have the right to return freely to their homes and have the right to restitution of property confiscated from them during hostilities since 1991 and to receive compensation for all property that cannot be returned to them. The „Agreement“ states that the return of refugees and displaced persons is an important goal of resolving the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the period 1995-2020. The authorities of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian entity of Republika Srpska did not give up on the project of „separation of peoples“. The implementation of Annex 7 of the Dayton Agreement has been obstructed in various ways: by killings, beatings, intimidation, attacks on religious buildings and in other ways. Obstructions in the implementation of Annex 7 were also carried out in the entity of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. However, this was not as pronounced as in Republika Srpska. The first return of displaced persons (refugees and displaced persons) was to the settlement of Mahala, which until the Dayton Agreement was located in the municipality of Kalesija and after Dayton in the municipality of Osmaci in the entity of Republika Srpska. It was August 24, 1996. This was followed by the return of Bosniaks to the settlements of Jusići and Dugi dio in the municipality of Zvornik and Svjetliča in the municipality of Doboj. These events also marked the official start of the implementation of Annex 7 of the Dayton Peace Agreement in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Although the Dayton Agreement guaranteed the return of the exiles, everything went much harder on the ground, and there were also human casualties. Between 1992 and 1995, approximately 2.2 million people in Bosnia and Herzegovina were forced to flee their homes as a result of the war against Bosnia and Herzegovina. About 1.2 million people have applied for refugee protection in more than 100 countries around the world, while countries in the region have accepted about 40% of the total number of refugees from Bosnia and Herzegovina. Almost one million people were internally displaced in Bosnia and Herzegovina. At the beginning of 2003, the Strategy of Bosnia and Herzegovina for the Implementation of Annex 7 of the Dayton Agreement was adopted. It was the first, at the level of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina, harmonized, framework document which sets goals and plans the necessary actions and reforms towards the final implementation of Annex 7 of the Dayton Agreement. According to the 2015 UNHCR Annual Statistical Report, the number of refugees from Bosnia and Herzegovina outside the country was 18,748. Of these, 9,080 had refugee status in Serbia, 4,055 in France, 2,274 in Switzerland, 1,412 in Germany, and the remaining number in other countries. It is estimated that at the end of 1995 there were about one million displaced persons, accounting for almost a quarter of Bosnia and Herzegovina's pre-war population. The first comprehensive, official census of displaced persons in Bosnia and Herzegovina was conducted at the end of 2000, when 557,275 displaced persons were registered. The 2005 audit of the status of displaced persons identified 186,138 displaced persons in Bosnia and Herzegovina. According to the data of the Ministry of Human Rights and Refugees from 2016, there were 98,574 displaced persons in Bosnia and Herzegovina, of which 38,345 or 40.6% were displaced in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, 59,834 or 58.8% in the Republika Srpska and 395 or 0.5% in the Brčko District of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the ethnic structure of displaced persons, according to the head of household - families, 32.7% (10,667 families and 30,920 persons) are Bosniaks, 60.0% (19,565 families and 60,737 persons) Serbs, 6.7% (2,195 families and 6,374 persons) Croats and 0.6% (184 families and 542 persons) Others. According to the 2016 data of the Ministry of Human Rights and Refugees, by the end of 2016, around 341,000 housing units had been built or renovated in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the Bosnian entity of Republika Srpska, the Bosnian language is denied. Teaching in the Bosnian language is prohibited, and the language is called the non-existent Bosniak language. This discriminates against students who want their language to be called Bosnian. In addition, high-ranking officials from the Republika Srpska in public appearances deny the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Bosniaks as a people, deny genocide against Bosniaks, which affects the perspective of the people of this area. Streets in cities bear the names of war criminals from the Second World War and the period of aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, busts of war criminals are being built, schools and other state institutions are being „sanctified“, etc. In the period 1995-2020. Annex 7 of the Dayton Agreement was not fully implemented in 2006, as an important factor in the reintegration of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the recognition of the results of armed aggression and genocide against Bosniaks.
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Kujawa, Karol. "Polityka historyczna Partii Akcji Demokratycznej w Bośni i Hercegowinie na przełomie XX i XXI wieku – zarys problemu." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 18, no. 2 (December 2020): 85–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2020.2.4.
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The aim of this paper is to make an overarching evaluation by looking at historical policy of the Party of Democratic Action (Stranka demokratske akcije, SDA) in Bosnia and Herzegowina at the turn of the 20th and 21st century and trying to (analytically) examine the main directions of this policy. Therefore paper will try to focus on the major historical figures and trying to analytically to indicate the reasons of the revival the Ottoman traditions in the public life of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Considering this issue I wonder what events and historical figures were promoted and which were censored by Bosnian politicians. What role in Bosnian historical politics was played by Srebrenica and the leader of Bosnian Muslims, Alija Izetbegović. The results of these studies indicate that it was primarily the conflict in Yugoslavia that contributed to the revival of Ottoman traditions among Bosnian Muslims. Only after the war did the historical policy gain institutional support and help the ruling party mobilize the electorate. Since then, the pillar of historical policy has become the martyrdom of the nation, the Ottoman past as well as the cult of the leader of Bosnian Muslims, Alija Izetbegović. Also, the authorities aimed to convince the inhabitants of Bosnia that in their lives the period of communist Yugoslavia brought many negative consequences. This pejorative image was supported in the mass media and education.
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Hill, Peter M. "Bosna: The Australian-Bosnian Weekly (The Bosnian Language in Australia)." Zeitschrift für Slawistik 57, no. 4 (December 2012): 408–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/slaw.2012.0032.
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Orlov, David. "Origins of Bosnian humor and its role during the siege of Sarajevo." European Journal of Humour Research 9, no. 4 (December 30, 2021): 173–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/ejhr2021.9.4.522.
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This article presents an ethnographic study of Bosnian humour during the siege of Sarajevo. The siege of Sarajevo, which followed the collapse of Yugoslavia, lasted four years. Despite the atrocities and war crimes committed against the residents of Sarajevo during this period, they are known for the spirit they demonstrated, and humour was a crucial element of this spirit. On the basis of two-month fieldwork in Sarajevo, I demonstrate how Bosnians employed humour to comment on this traumatic event, made sense of it, and coped with the experience. Although humour under extreme conditions is mainly viewed as a coping mechanism, by exploring the origins of Bosnian humour and stereotypes about Bosnians, I demonstrate that a notable humorous response to the traumatic events of the 1990s was more than a coping mechanism or just a response to this particular war. As I argue, a humorous attitude toward life in Bosnia belongs to people’s identity; it has developed historically as a response to the sufferings of a peripheral group in the region and, as a result, has become a cultural artifact belonging to Bosnians’ ethnic consciousness. In their attempt to preserve a sense of normalcy and restore dignity during the siege, Sarajevans continued to engage in their traditional humour, as doing otherwise would mean they had lost control over who they were.
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Armakolas, Ioannis, and Apostolis Karabairis. "A Changing Party Landscape?" Southeastern Europe 38, no. 2-3 (November 21, 2014): 171–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-03802001.
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This article examines the 2010 general elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in view of the upcoming 2014 elections. The authors argue that analyses of Bosnian elections need to take into account the realignment of the Bosnian party system during the second half of the 2000s. Through an analysis of the 2010 election results, the constants and the shifts in Bosnian electoral behavior are detected and employed along with the governmental record of the recent years to propose what the stakes of the upcoming elections might be.
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Friedman, Francine. "The Muslim Slavs of Bosnia and Herzegovina (with Reference to the Sandžak of Novi Pazar): Islam as National Identity." Nationalities Papers 28, no. 1 (March 2000): 165–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990050002498.
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The Bosnian Muslims have only fairly recently become internationally identified as a national group. As a matter of fact, Bosnia and Herzegovina itself has had until lately a low recognition value to most people not living in southeastern Europe. Indeed, to many it has become a shock to discover that a fairly large group of Muslims resides in the middle of Europe, not to mention that they have become the object of ethnonationalistic violence at the end of the twentieth century. A further seeming incongruity in the international arena is the claim by many Bosnian Muslims that they should not be confused with Muslims of the Arab-speaking world, since Bosnian Muslims are indigenous Serbo-Croatian-speaking (now Bosnian-speaking) Slavic people, just like the Serbs or Croats who have committed the recent acts of violence against them in the name of ethnic purity. The Bosnian Muslim claim that the designation “Muslim” is more a national than a religious identification is confusing to the world at large. This article will trace the formation of the Bosnian Muslim national identification and set forth the issues faced by the Bosnian Muslims in their attempts to claim and defend it.
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Yakushkina, Ekaterina I. "The vocabulary of the Eastern Hercegovina and Shumadia-Voyvodina dialects of the Serbian language in a comparative aspect." Slavic Almanac, no. 3-4 (2020): 194–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2020.3-4.2.03.
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The paper deals with the results of a survey of speakers of Eastern Her-cegovian (Western Bosnian, Manjača and Livanjsko Polje districts) and Shumadia-Voyvodina dialects (Rađevina and Podgorina districts) on the base of 370 questions covering the main thematic groups of vocabulary. In comparison with Rađevina, the answers of informants from Western Bosnia contain more words diff erent from the literary language. But most of Bosnian dialect words coexist in with words that are identical to the literary language. The range of lexical diff erences between the Western Bosnian dialect and the Western Serbian dialect is 27%, but half of this number also falls on doublet pairs. A series of diff erential lex-emes demonstrates a clear areal dichotomy between dialects of Western Bosnia and Western Serbia (dimljak — odžak, guliti — ljuštiti, uvor — kresta, gra — pasulj, mrkva — šangarepa, cesta — put, tara — razboj,kruv — hleb). The Western Bosnian corpus is heterogeneous, and the southern dialects, which tend to the Adriatic area, contain more archa-isms and vocabulary characteristic for the Western part of the Serbo-Croatian area.
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Karčić, Harun. "Constructing the Internal Enemy." Context: Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 6, no. 2 (March 15, 2022): 55–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.55425/23036966.2019.6.2.55.
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This paper analyses five major Bosnian daily newspapers over a period spanning from August 1st, 2018 until August 2019 ,31 and attempts to discern the main patterns in the discourse over Muslims and Islam in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The results of this research show three major discursive patterns when covering Muslims and Islam in the country: Bosnian Muslims as political obstructionists; Bosnia and Herzegovina as a haven for Muslim extremists and finally Muslim migrants as a threat to the country and to Europe.
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Đozić, Adib. "Identity and shame – How it seems from Bosniaks perspective. A contribution to the understanding of some characteristics of the national consciousness among Bosniaks." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 5 (May 31, 2021): 258–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.5.258.
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The relationship between identity and national consciousness is one of the important issues, not only, of the sociology of identity but of the overall opinion of the social sciences. This scientific question has been insufficiently researched in the sociological thought of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and with this paper we are trying to actualize it. Aware of theoretical-methodological and conceptual-logical difficulties related to the research problem, we considered that in the first part of the paper we make some theoretical-methodological notes on the problems in studying this phenomenon, in order to, above all, eliminate conceptual-logical dilemmas. The use of terms and their meaning in sociology and other social sciences is a very important theoretical and methodological issue. The question justifiably arises whether we can adequately name and explain some of the “character traits” of the contemporary national identity of the Bosniak nation that we want to talk about in this paper with classical, generally accepted terms, identity, consciousness, self-awareness, shame or shame, self-shame. Another important theoretical issue of the relationship between identity and consciousness in our case, the relationship between the national consciousness of Bosniaks and their overall socio-historical identity is the dialectical relationship between individual and collective consciousness, ie. the extent to which the national consciousness of an individual or a particular national group, political, cultural, educational, age, etc., is contrary to generally accepted national values and norms. One of the important factors of national consciousness is the culture of remembrance. What does it look like for Bosniaks? More specifically, in this paper we problematize the influence of “prejudicial historiography” on the development of the culture of memory in the direction of oblivion or memory. What to remember, and why to remember. Memory is part of our identity. The phrase, not to deal with the past but to turn to the future, is impossible. How to project the future and not analyze the past. On the basis of what, what social facts? Why the world remembers the crimes of the Nazis, why the memory of the Holocaust and the suffering of the Jews is being renewed. Which is why Bosniaks would not remember and renew the memory of the genocides committed against them. Due to the Bosniak memory of genocide, it is possible that the perpetrators of genocide are celebrated as national heroes and their atrocities as a national liberation struggle. Why is the history of literature and art, political history and all other histories studied in all nations and nations. Why don't European kingdoms give up their own, queens and kings, princesses and princes. These and other theoretical-methodological questions have served us to use comparative analysis to show specific forms of self-esteem among Bosniaks today. The concrete socio-historical examples we cite fully confirm our hypothesis. Here are a few of these examples. Our eastern neighbors invented their epic hero Marko Kraljevic (Ottoman vassal and soldier, killed as a “Turkish” soldier in the fight against Christian soldiers in Bulgaria) who killed the fictional Musa Kesedzija, invented victory on the field of Kosovo, and Bosniaks forgot the real Bosniak epic heroes , brothers Mujo and Halil Hrnjic, Tala od Orašac, Mustaj-beg Lički and others, who defended Bosniaks from persecution and ethnic cleansing in the Bosnian Krajina. Dozens of schools in Bosnia and Herzegovina have been named after the Serbian language reformer, the Serb Vuk Stefanović Karađić (1787-1864), who was born in the village of Tršić near Loznica, Republic of Serbia. Uskufije (1601 / 1602.-?), Born in Dobrinja near Tuzla. Two important guslars and narrators of epic folk songs, Filip Višnjić (1767-1834) and Avdo Medjedović (1875-1953), are unequally present in the memory and symbolic content of the national groups to which they belong, even if the difference in quality is on the side of the almost forgotten. Avdo Medjedovic, the “Balkan Homer”, is known at Harvard University, but very little is known in Bosnia and Herzegovina. And while we learned everything about the murderer Gavril Princip, enlightened by the “logic of an idea” (Hannah Arendt) symbolizing him as a “national hero”, we knew nothing, nor should we have known, about Muhamed Hadžijamaković, a Bosnian patriot and legal soldier, he did not kill a single pregnant woman , a fighter in the Bosnian Army who fought against the Austro-Hungarian occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1878. When it comes to World War II and the fight against fascism are full of hero stories. For one example, we will take Srebrenica, the place of genocidal suffering of Bosniaks. Before the war against Bosnian society and the state 1992-1995. in Srebrenica, the elementary school was called Mihajlo Bjelakovic, a partisan, born in Vidrići near Sokolac. Died in Srebrenica in 1944. The high school in Srebrenica was named Midhat Hacam, a partisan born in the vicinity of Vares. It is not a problem that these two educational institutions were named after two anti-fascists, whose individual work is not known except that they died. None of them were from Srebrenica. That's not a problem either. Then what is it. In the collective memory of Bosniaks. Until recently, the name of the two Srebrenica benefactors and heroes who saved 3,500 Srebrenica Serbs from the Ustasha massacre in 1942, who were imprisoned by the Ustashas in the camp, has not been recorded. These are Ali (Jusuf) efendi Klančević (1888-1952) and his son Nazif Klančević (1910-1975). Nothing was said about them as anti-fascists, most likely that Alija eff. Klančević was an imam-hodža, his work is valued according to Andrić's “logic” as a work that cannot “be the subject of our work” In charity, humanitarian work, but also courage, sacrifice, direct participation in the fight for defense, the strongest Bosniaks do not lag behind Bosniaks, but just like Bosniaks, they are not symbolically represented in the public space of Bosnia and Herzegovina. We had the opportunity to learn about the partisan Marija Bursać and many others, but why the name Ifaket-hanuma Tuzlić-Salihagić (1908-1942), the daughter of Bakir-beg Tulić, was forgotten. In order to feed the muhadjers from eastern Bosnia, Ifaket-hanum, despite the warning not to go for food to Bosanska Dubica, she left. She bravely stood in front of the Ustashas who arrested her and took her to Jasenovac. She was tortured in the camp and eventually died in the greatest agony, watered and fried with hot oil. Nothing was known about that victim of Ustasha crimes. Is it because she is the daughter of Bakir-beg Tuzlić. Bey's children were not desirable in public as benefactors because they were “remnants of rotten feudalism”, belonging to the “sphere of another culture”. In this paper, we have mentioned other, concrete, examples of Bosniak monasticism, from the symbolic content of the entire public space to naming children.
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Kodrić, Sanjin. "Traumatični susret s Evropom: „Austrougarska tema" i počeci novije bošnjačke književnosti." Slavia Meridionalis 12 (August 31, 2015): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2012.005.
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Traumatic encounter with Europe: ‘Austro-Hungarian theme’ and beginnings of modern Bosniak literature Initiated by the crucial historical event of the end of the centuries long Ottoman rule in Bosnia (1878) and extremely complex subsequent processes of ‘emancipation’, ‘modernisation’ and ‘europeisation’ of post-Ottoman Bosnia, the ‘Austro-Hungarian theme’ is a common, or even obsessive, literary topic of Bosniak and the entire Bosnian-Herzegovinian literature from the 19th century onwards, mostly realized as ‘an account of Austro‑Hungarian occupation, in a range of images of disintegration of Muslim ethnic and social environment’ ‘to which the end of the Turkish Empire [...] is the end of what they were’. As such, the ‘Austro-Hungarian theme’ is a particular mnemonic phenomenon – a theme of a specific historical trauma, as well as a theme of a radical and comprehensive cultural transition or a theme of a complex and dramatic cultural transcoding, crucially important in the construction of identity and alterity policies of modern Bosniak and Bosnian‑Herzegovinian literature and culture as a whole. It is not surprising, then, that in the scope of the ‘Austro-Hungarian theme’ – along with other literary pieces – there appears the first Bosniak novel, Zeleno busenje [‘The Green Sods’] (1898) by Edhem Mulabdić (1862–1954), after whom the theme will later be addressed, especially in Bosniak literature, by a whole range of different authors, representing in various ways the late-19th century traumatic Bosnia’s encounter with Europe. Traumatyczne spotkanie z Europą: „Temat austro-węgierski” i początki nowszej literatury boszniackiej W artykule omówiono zagadnienia związane z problematyką podejmowaną w literaturze boszniackiej i bośniacko-hercegowińskiej od końca XIX wieku po czasy współczesne. Autor dowodzi, iż podstawowym tematem w tych literaturach jest „temat austro-węgierski”, który po raz pierwszy pojawił się w 1878 roku, kiedy na skutek decyzji kongresu berlińskiego zakończyło się panowanie osmańskie w Bośni i nastąpiły złożone procesy „emancypacji”, „modernizacji” i „europeizacji”. W czasach postosmańskich wykorzystywano go szeroko, a nawet „obsesyjnie”, uważając „okupację austro-węgierską” za przyczynę rozwarstwiania narodowego i społecznego środowisk muzułmańskich.„Temat austro-węgierski” reprezentuje szczególny fenomen pamięci. Ujmowany w kategoriach traumy historycznej, stał się głównym motywem ukazującym przejście kulturowe jako złożony i dramatyczny proces przekodowania kulturowego. Odegrał też wyjątkową rolę w konstruowaniu polityki tożsamościowej w nowszej literaturze i kulturze boszniackiej oraz bośniacko-hercegowińskiej. Nic zatem dziwnego, że znalazł się w pierwszej powieści boszniackiej Zeleno busenje (1898) Edhema Mulabdicia, a także w twórczości innych pisarzy, zwłaszcza przedstawicieli literatury boszniackiej, ukazujących w różnorodny sposób traumatyczne spotkanie Bośni z Europą pod koniec XIX wieku.
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Komarica, Tahani. "The Symbolic Language of Film of Post-Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Cultural Memory of War Trauma – Analysis of the Films Quo Vadis Aida? and In the Land of Blood and Honey." Društvene i humanističke studije (Online) 8, no. 3(24) (December 31, 2023): 651–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.51558/2490-3647.2023.8.3.651.
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The purpose of this study is to show the impact on the creation of cultural memory in which film, as an element of prosthetic memory, is one of the significant mass media forms of the artistic framework, easily accessible and viral convergent digital environment through the analyzes two films In the Land of Blood and Honey and Quo Vadis, Aida? produces in post-Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina, which treat the most severe war traumas of raped Bosnian women and genocide against Bosniaks that occurred during aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period 1992-1995. The analysis of these two films was done according to the concept of Astrid Erll which includes three categories of communication: intra–medial (experiential, mythical, antagonistic, and reflexive), inter-medial (premediation and remediation), and pluri-medial communication creating context for film reception as social-integrative collective phenomenon. The results of the analyses of films show that pluri-medial communication is not fully realized for the constructing and stabilizing the historical narrative as a social integrative phenomenon, and the film as a fictional prosthetic memory is not realized as a cultural memory of war traumas of Bosnian society. The film as a platform of prosthetic memory in the digital age has the potential to bypass rigid, censored, and propaganda of pluri-medial communication emphasized in the mass media of Bosnian entity Republikof Srpska as well as Serbia which disables and limits the context of reception of social-integrative collective phenomenon of war traumas based on historical facts.